Edward III of England

Edward III (13 November 1312 – 21 June 1377), also known as Edward of Windsor before his accession, was

Edward was crowned at age fourteen after his father was deposed by his mother,

Since the Norman Conquest had united the Duchy of Normandy and its French estates with those of the Crown and the land of England, English kings had held several territories, including Poitou, Aquitaine, Normandy, Anjou and Maine, and these holdings – at one point covering more of France than that held by the French king – had frequently led to conflict.^[26] In 1325, Edward II was faced with a demand from his brother-in-law Charles IV of France to perform homage for the English Duchy of Aquitaine.^[27] The King was reluctant to leave the country, as discontent was once again brewing domestically, particularly over his relationship with the favourite Hugh Despenser the Younger.^[d] Instead, he had his son Edward created Duke of Aquitaine in his place and sent him to France to perform the homage.^[28] The young Edward was accompanied by his mother Isabella, who was King Charles's sister and was meant to negotiate a peace treaty with the French.^[29] While in France, Isabella conspired with the exiled Roger Mortimer to have Edward II deposed.^[30] To build up diplomatic and military support for the venture, Isabella had her son engaged to the twelve-year-old Philippa of Hainault.^[31] An invasion of England was launched and Edward II's forces deserted him completely. Isabella and Mortimer summoned a parliament, and the King was forced to relinquish the throne to his son, who was proclaimed king in London on 25 January 1327. The new king was crowned as Edward III at Westminster Abbey on 1 February at the age of 14.^[32][e]

One of Edward's first acts – de facto Mortimer's – was to lead another campaign to Scotland in July 1327.

One reason for the change of strategy towards Scotland was a growing concern for the relationship between England and France. As long as Scotland and France were in an alliance, the English were faced with the prospect of fighting a war on two fronts.^[51] The French carried out raids on English coastal towns, leading to rumours in England of a full-scale French invasion.^[52]

When Edward took power, he found his family in "complete disarray",^[53] says Ormrod. His nobility was divided into factions after the troublesome reign of his father and was weakened by line failure among many families.^[54] While the lesser baronage was less affected by political misadventure as their seniors, they were also weaker due to their rights being more insubstantive. Edward had to pacify two noble parties: one which had been against his father from the beginning, and another which had opposed Mortimer's and Isabella's minority regime.^[55] James Bothwell argues that, while he managed to reconcile the sides bloodlessly and with minimum acrimony, it was insufficient to leave him secure on his own: he lanced the opposition but had not turned them into a loyalist cadre.^[56] Only the Earls of Arundel, Oxford and Warwick could be counted on as loyalists.^[57]

To counter the limited loyalty among the aristocrats, following the March 1337 Parliament

James Bothwell has noted that, while these men may have been less well off before they were promoted, they were not less experienced,[63] either politically or militarily.^[64] These promotions were especially important to Edward because it had been from among the earls that his father had created so many bitter enemies, and therefore that was the demography that Edward wanted to reorganise in his favour.^[65] These promotions reinforced his own and the Crown's position and, with war approaching, he created six new recruitment conduits from the regions directly to the royal army.^[64] For the earls themselves, the prospect was not so positive: due to the parlous state of the royal finances, most of them did not receive a minimum of 1000 marks^[g] a year that was promised to them to uphold their new estate. All except Gloucester^[h] had to be satisfied with irregular grants of land to boost their incomes, but these would often not be available until the incumbent died and they escheated to the King.^[68]

In 1337, Philip VI of France confiscated the English king's Duchy of Aquitaine and the county of Ponthieu. Instead of seeking a peaceful resolution to the conflict by paying homage to the French king, as his father had done, Edward responded by laying claim to the French crown as the grandson of Philip IV of France.^[i] The French rejected this based on the precedents for agnatic succession set in 1316 and 1322 and upheld the rights of Philip IV's nephew Philip VI, leading to tensions that caused the Hundred Years' War.^[70] In the early stages of the war, Edward's strategy was to build alliances with other Continental rulers. In 1338, Louis IV, Holy Roman Emperor, named Edward Vicar general of the Holy Roman Empire and promised his support.^[71] As late as 1373, the Anglo-Portuguese Treaty of 1373 established an Anglo-Portuguese Alliance. These measures produced few results.^[72]

The only major military victory during this phase of the war was the English naval victory at Sluys on 24 June 1340, which secured control of the English Channel.^[72] This victory decimated a superior French fleet and lowered the threat of a French invasion of England, which increased English desires to attack France. This situation lasted less than a year. Edward was unlikely to have been happy with this victory due to his continuing financial problems.^[69] The English also captured 166 French merchantmen; they had been raiding the south coast of England for several years and were unpopular amongst English sailors. Up to 16,000 French sailors were killed and French captain, Nicolas Béhuchet – who could otherwise have expected to be ransomed – was hanged from his own yardarm.^[73] Edward saw God's hand in his victory and a triumphal coin was struck in commemoration – showing Edward in a ship, probably meant to be Béhuchet's own – and the King gained a reputation as a naval warrior.^[74][j]

Meanwhile, the fiscal pressure on the kingdom caused by Edward's expensive alliances led to discontent at home. The regency council at home was frustrated by the mounting national debt, while the King and his commanders on the Continent were angered by the failure of the government in England to provide sufficient funds.

After the fall of Calais, factors outside of Edward's control forced him to wind down the war effort. In 1348, the

It was not until the mid-1350s that military operations on the Continent were resumed on a large scale.[107] In 1356, Edward's eldest son, Edward, Prince of Wales, won an important victory in the Battle of Poitiers. The greatly outnumbered English forces not only routed the French, but captured the French king John II and his youngest son, Philip.^[108] After a succession of victories, the English held great possessions in France, the French king was in English custody, and the French central government had almost totally collapsed.^[109] There has been a historical debate as to whether Edward's claim to the French crown originally was genuine, or if it was simply a political ploy meant to put pressure on the French government.^[n] Regardless of the original intent, the stated claim now seemed to be within reach. Yet a campaign in 1359, meant to complete the undertaking, was inconclusive.^[110] In 1360, therefore, Edward accepted the Treaty of Brétigny, whereby he renounced his claims to the French throne, but secured his extended French possessions in full sovereignty.^[111] Edward kept his subjects fully informed of political and military developments abroad by a large number of regular reports from himself and his captains to various outlets, including convocation, the City of London and the archbishops, that, while the scholar A. E. Prince acknowledged that taken singularly, these reports may not represent a cohesive public relations within government, they do perhaps indicate, as a whole, the existence of a "simple propaganda organization" with which the King boosted domestic morale.^[112] These then ended up as part of popular chronicles, either verbatim or in part, whether newsletters or public letters.^[113]

The middle years of Edward's reign were a period of significant legislative activity. Perhaps the best-known piece of legislation passed was the

The reign of Edward III coincided with the so-called Babylonian Captivity of the papacy at Avignon. During the wars with France, opposition emerged in England against perceived injustices by a papacy largely controlled by the French crown.^[117] Papal taxation of the English Church was suspected to be financing the nation's enemies, while the practice of provisions (the Pope's providing benefices for clerics) caused resentment in the English population. The statutes of Provisors and Praemunire, of 1350 and 1353 respectively, aimed to amend this by banning papal benefices, as well as limiting the power of the papal court over English subjects.^[118] The statutes did not sever the ties between the king and the Pope, who were equally dependent upon each other.^[119]

Other legislation of importance includes the

Through the steady taxation of Edward III's reign, Parliament – and in particular the Commons – gained political influence. A consensus emerged that in order for a tax to be just, the King had to prove its necessity, it had to be granted by the community of the realm, and it had to be to the benefit of that community.[133] In addition to imposing taxes, Parliament would also present petitions for redress of grievances to the King, most often concerning misgovernment by royal officials.^[134] This way the system was beneficial for both parties. Through this process, the Commons, and the community they represented, became increasingly politically aware, and the foundation was laid for the particular English brand of constitutional monarchy.^[135] It became the norm for the king's ministers to argue his case before Parliament, the Commons to grant the king the tax he requested, and then the king's concessions to Parliament would be announced at its end.^[136]

The King occasionally attempted to avoid resorting to Parliament to raise taxes, such as in 1338 when he attempted a forced loan on wool. This soon collapsed – in the words of

Central to Edward III's policy was reliance on the higher nobility for purposes of war and administration. While Edward II had regularly been in conflict with a great portion of his peerage, his son successfully created a spirit of camaraderie between himself and his greatest subjects.^[140] Both Edward I and Edward II had been limited in their policy towards the nobility, allowing the creation of few new peerages during the sixty years preceding Edward III's reign.^[141] Edward III reversed this trend when, in 1337, as a preparation for the imminent war, he created six new earls on the same day.^[142]

At the same time, Edward expanded the ranks of the peerage upwards, by introducing the new title of duke for close relatives of the king;^[143] creating the first three dukedoms of England (Cornwall, Lancaster, and Clarence). His eldest son, Edward the Black Prince, was created Duke of Cornwall, the first English duke, in 1337. In 1351 the Earl of Lancaster was elevated to the Duke of Lancaster.^[139] In 1362, the second son of King Edward III, Lionel of Antwerp, was made the first Duke of Clarence.^[144]

Furthermore, Edward bolstered the sense of community within this group by the creation of a new order of chivalry.^[145] In January 1344 a great feast was held in Windsor Castle to which large numbers were invited; not just the lords but the City of London also sent a contingent. The first night saw a feast at which all the attending ladies, with only two knights among them, dined, while the other men ate in their tents. This was followed by jousting over the next three days, where Edward – "not because of his kingly rank but because of his great exertions",^[146] iterates Adam Murimuth in his chronicle – was deemed champion. This was followed by the King's announcement of the founding of the Round Table of King Arthur, to which "certain lords" took an oath. The first meeting of the new chapter was arranged for the following Whitsun.^[147][o] Nothing, however, was to come of the project; as Murimuth comments, "this work was later stopped for various reasons".^[149]

Instead, around four years later, Edward founded the Order of the Garter, probably in 1348.^[145] The new order carried connotations from the legend by the circular shape of the garter.^[150] Edward's wartime experiences during the Crécy campaign (1346–7) seem to have been a determining factor in his abandonment of the Round Table project. It has been argued that the total warfare tactics employed by the English at Crécy in 1346 were contrary to Arthurian ideals and made Arthur a problematic paradigm for Edward, especially at the time of the institution of the Garter.^[151] There are no formal references to King Arthur and the Round Table in the surviving early fifteenth century copies of the Statutes of the Garter, but the Garter Feast of 1358 did involve a round table game. Thus, there was some overlap between the projected Round Table fellowship and the actualized Order of the Garter.^[152] Polydore Vergil tells of how the young Joan of Kent – allegedly the King's favourite at the time – accidentally dropped her garter at a ball at Calais. Edward responded to the ensuing ridicule of the crowd by tying the garter around his own knee with the words honi soit qui mal y pense (shame on him who thinks ill of it).^[153]

This reinforcement of the

Increasingly, Edward began to rely on his sons for the leadership of military operations. The king's second son,

Yet the real adversary of the Commons, supported by powerful men such as Wykeham and Edmund Mortimer, 3rd Earl of March, was John of Gaunt. Both the King and Edward of Woodstock were by this time incapacitated by illness, leaving Gaunt in virtual control of government.^[183] Gaunt was forced to give in to the demands of Parliament, but at its next convocation in 1377, most of the achievements of the Good Parliament were reversed.^[184]

Edward III did not have much to do with any of this; after around 1375 he played a limited role in the government of the realm. Around 29 September 1376, he fell ill with a large abscess. After a brief period of recovery in February 1377, the King died of a stroke at Sheen on 21 June.^[185]

Edward III was succeeded by his ten-year-old grandson,

Edward III and his wife Philippa had eight sons and five daughters[190] born over a 25-year period.^[191] This was considered a success by contemporaries and a sign of God's favour.^[192] Edward understood the importance of a "strong and united royal family", argues Ormrod.^[193] It allowed him, through their marriages, to make alliances within his own aristocracy and also with continental dynasties. However, the latter policy gradually fell apart with the gradual loss of England's European possessions towards the end of the century.^[53] For example, he organised the marriage of his sister Eleanor of Woodstock to the Count of Guelders as part of a pro-Netherlandish, anti-French policy in 1332. Yet when the coalition collapsed in 1340, the fact that he had only lost her in that particular marriage market was a positive.^[194] From around this time, says Ormrod, "the Hundred Years' War became a family enterprise":^[195] Edward the Black Prince commanded a force at Crécy, and ten years later his younger brothers Lionel, John and Edmund had joined the war.^[195] However, while his sons were fighting in France, they could not be procreating the royal line; by 1358, only Lionel had married and provided Edward with a grandchild.^[196] By the mid-1360s his family had furthered his continental policy, both diplomatically and militarily, sufficiently that he allowed his son Edward and his daughter Isabella to do that rarest of things in the Middle Ages: marry for love. Neither the former's match with Joan of Kent and the latter's to Enguerrand VII de Coucy, were particularly advantageous to the King; the first was a clandestine marriage, while de Courcy was a French hostage.^[197] Ormrod concludes that, by 1376:

Edward III's greatest misfortune was that he lived long enough to witness the complete collapse of [his] elaborate dynastic plan. By 1377, the king's family had been depleted, his territories reduced, his diplomacy wrecked, and his own control of affairs nullified.^[198]

A fourth son, Thomas of Windsor, is also sometimes posited as being born in 1347 and dying the following year. However, the historian

The geneticist Adam Rutherford has calculated Edward had over 300 great-great-grandchildren and, therefore, over 20,000 descendants by 1600. Thus, by the 21st century, it is "virtually impossible" that a person with a predominantly British ancestry is not descended from Edward III, as they would have around 32,000 ancestors from 1600.^[199][200] Conversely, Rutherford has calculated that statistically, the odds on a 20th-century British person not being descended from Edward III is 0.995^32,768 = 4.64 × 10⁻⁷².^[201][r]

• Richard II;^[202]
• Isabella of England (1332 – c. 1382), born at Woodstock Palace, Oxfordshire, in 1365 married Enguerrand VII de Coucy, 1st Earl of Bedford,^[203] by whom she had issue;
• Joan of England (1333/4 – 1348), born in the Tower of London; she was betrothed to Peter of Castile but died of the Black Death en route to Castile before the marriage could take place. Peter's two daughters from his union with María de Padilla married Joan's younger brothers John of Gaunt and Edmund of Langley;
• William of Hatfield (1337–1337), second son, born at Hatfield Manor House, Hatfield, South Yorkshire, died shortly after birth and was buried in York Minster;^[190]
• Lionel of Antwerp, 1st Duke of Clarence (1338–1368), third son (second surviving son), born at Antwerp in the Duchy of Brabant, where his father was based.^[204] In 1352 he married firstly Elizabeth de Burgh, 4th Countess of Ulster, without male issue, but his female issue was the senior royal ancestor of the Yorkist king Edward IV: Philippa, 5th Countess of Ulster. Descent from Lionel was the basis of the Yorkist claim to the throne, not direct paternal descent from the 1st Duke of York, a more junior line. Secondly, in 1368, Lionel married Violante Visconti, without issue;^[205]
• Infanta Constance of Castile,^[211] by whom he had issue. In 1396, he married thirdly, his mistress Katherine Swynford,^[212] by whom he had illegitimate issue, later legitimised as the House of Beaufort;^[213]
• Edward IV in 1461, having deposed his half-second cousin the Lancastrian King Henry VI;^[215]
• Blanche (1342–1342), born in the Tower of London, died shortly after birth and was buried in Westminster Abbey;
• Mary of Waltham (1344–1361), born at Bishop's Waltham, Hampshire; in 1361 she married John IV, Duke of Brittany, without issue;
• Margaret (Countess of Pembroke) (1346–1361), born at Windsor Castle; in 1359 she married John Hastings, 2nd Earl of Pembroke, without issue;
• William of Windsor (1348–1348), sixth son, born before 24 June 1348 at Windsor Castle, died in infancy probably on 9 July 1348, buried on 5 September 1348 in Westminster Abbey;^[216]
• Thomas of Woodstock, Duke of Gloucester (1355–1397), seventh son (fifth surviving son), born at Woodstock Palace in Oxfordshire; in 1376 he married Eleanor de Bohun, by whom he had issue.^[217]

Mark Ormrod has noted that in this period, politics was often dictated by the personality and character of the king. However, it was also understood that not only should a king rule well and wisely, but that he should be seen to do so. Ormrod argues that, while he did not begin his reign with these skills, unlike many of his fellow Plantagenet kings, he acquired them. His collection of chronicles indicates an interest in history, even to the extent that, on occasion, he consulted their authors.

Edward III, argues the scholar Michael A.R. Graves, left a "dual legacy". These were the large brood of children and grandchildren he left, and his claim to the French throne. In the first instance, his endowment of his sons as Dukes of Clarence, Lancaster and York allowed them to create their own dynasties which were both part of the royal family and the aristocracy, which, following

Edward III was not a statesman, though he possessed some qualifications which might have made him a successful one. He was a warrior; ambitious, unscrupulous, selfish, extravagant and ostentatious. His obligations as a king sat very lightly on him. He felt himself bound by no special duty, either to maintain the theory of royal supremacy or to follow a policy which would benefit his people. Like

Richard I, he valued England primarily as a source of supplies.^[246]

This view has been challenged through most of the 20th century, and Ormrod has observed that "no modern reader could seriously accept all these compliments at face value",[247] although also that in their efforts to counter the prevailing hagiography, early 20th-century historians were more critical:

Edward III is now often seen as a rather second-rate ruler, stubborn and selfish in his foreign ambitions, weak and yielding in his domestic policies. He lacked the forcefulness of Henry II, the statesmanship of Edward I, the charisma of Henry V, or the application of Henry VII. He was prepared to accept short-term compromises and to ignore the wider implications Of his actions.^[247]

Later scholarship, suggests Ormrod, "tended to be rather kinder".

Edward's grandson, the young Richard II, faced political and economic problems, many resulting from the Black Death, including the Peasants' Revolt that broke out across the south of England in 1381.^[252][253] Over the coming decades, Richard and groups of nobles vied for power and control of policy towards France until Henry of Bolingbroke seized the throne with the support of Parliament in 1399.^[254][255] Ruling as Henry IV, he exercised power through a royal council and Parliament, while attempting to enforce political and religious conformity.^[256][257] His son, Henry V, reinvigorated the war with France and came close to achieving strategic success shortly before his death in 1422.^[258][259] Henry VI became king at the age of only nine months and both the English political system and the military situation in France began to unravel.^[260][261]

A sequence of bloody civil wars – later termed the Wars of the Roses – erupted in 1455, spurred on by an economic crisis and a widespread perception of poor government.^[262] The idea that Edward III was to blame for the later-15th century Wars of the Roses was prevalent as late as the 19th century, but came to be challenged in the 20th.^[263][264]

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184. ^ Wedgwood 1930, pp. 623–625.
185. ^ ^{a b} Ormrod 2000, p. 45.
186. ^ McKisack 1959, pp. 392, 397.
187. ^ Bennett 1998, pp. 585, 587.
188. ^ Bennett 1998, pp. 601–603.
189. ^ Goodman 2015, p. 568.
190. ^ ^{a b c d} Warner 2022, pp. 267–272.
191. ^ ^{a b} Orme 2003, p. 52.
192. ^ ^{a b} Ormrod 1987, p. 398.
193. ^ Ormrod 1987, p. 401.
194. ^ Ormrod 1987, pp. 402–404.
195. ^ ^{a b} Ormrod 1987, p. 408.
196. ^ Ormrod 1987, pp. 408–409.
197. ^ Barber 2013, pp. 309, 314.
198. ^ Ormrod 1987, p. 416.
199. ^ Rudgard 2017.
200. ^ Rutherford 2020, pp. 84–85 +n.
201. ^ ^{a b} Rutherford 2020, p. 85 n.
202. ^ Barber 2004b.
203. ^ Ormrod 2000, pp. 110, 248.
204. ^ Ormrod 2004b.
205. ^ Wyatt 2023, p. 179.
206. ^ Given-Wilson 1996, p. 43.
207. ^ Goodman 1992, pp. 2, 28–29.
208. ^ Goodman 1992, pp. 33–34.
209. ^ Bevan 1994, p. 66.
210. ^ Goodman 1992, pp. 13–14.
211. ^ Goodman 1992, p. 48.
212. ^ Goodman 1992, pp. 50, 156.
213. ^ Goodman 1992, pp. 157, 159.
214. ^ Tuck 2004.
215. ^ Ross 1974, pp. 3–7.
216. ^ Ormrod 2012, p. 306.
217. ^ Tuck 2004b.
218. ^ ^{a b} Haines 2003, p. 3.
219. ^ ^{a b} Warner 2016, p. 8.
220. ^ ^{a b} Morris 2009, p. 2.
221. ^ ^{a b} Hamilton 1995, p. 92.
222. ^ ^{a b} Woodacre 2013, p. xviii.
223. ^ ^{a b} George 1875, p. table XXV.
224. ^ Ormrod 2000, pp. 47–48.
225. ^ ^{a b c d e f g} Ormrod 2000, p. 48.
226. ^ Lander 1973, p. 151.
227. ^ ^{a b} Given-Wilson 1986, p. 69.
228. ^ Sturdy 1992, pp. 171–172.
229. ^ Finley-Crosswhite 2003, pp. 139–144.
230. ^ Brogan 2015, p. 37.
231. ^ Given-Wilson 1986, p. 132.
232. ^ ^{a b} Cantor 2002, p. 33.
233. ^ Prestwich 2005, p. 289.
234. ^ McKisack 1959, p. 255.
235. ^ Ormrod 2000, pp. 9–10.
236. ^ Prestwich 2005, pp. 290–291.
237. ^ Rogers 2002, pp. 34–45.
238. ^ Mortimer 2006, pp. 400–401.
239. ^ Prestwich 1980, p. 241.
240. ^ Prestwich 2005, p. 290.
241. ^ ^{a b} Graves 2013, p. 7.
242. ^ Carpenter 1997, p. 197.
243. ^ Morgan 1997, p. 869.
244. ^ Ormrod 2000, pp. 46, 88–89.
245. ^ Morgan 1997, p. 858.
246. ^ Stubbs 1887, pp. 393–394.
247. ^ ^{a b c} Ormrod 2000, p. 10.
248. ^ Ormrod 2004a.
249. ^ McKisack 1960, pp. 4–5.
250. ^ McFarlane 1981, p. 238.
251. ^ Given-Wilson & Prestwich 2001, p. 1.
252. ^ Rubin 2006, pp. 120–121.
253. ^ Dunn 2002, p. 73.
254. ^ Rubin 2006, pp. 168–172.
255. ^ Myers 1978, pp. 30–35.
256. ^ Rubin 2006, pp. 182–183, 186.
257. ^ Myers 1978, p. 133.
258. ^ Rubin 2006, pp. 213–214, 220–223.
259. ^ Myers 1978, pp. 120–121.
260. ^ Rubin 2006, pp. 224–227.
261. ^ Myers 1978, pp. 122–125.
262. ^ Hicks 2012, pp. 3–8.
263. ^ Carpenter 1997, pp. 20, 32–33.
264. ^ Pollard 1988, p. 12.

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• Sturdy, David J. (1992). "The Royal Touch in England". In Duchhardt, Heinz; Jackson, Richard A.; Sturdy, David J. (eds.). European Monarchy: Its Evolution and Practice from Roman Antiquity to Modern Times. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag. pp. 171–184.
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• Warner, K. (2014). Edward II: The Unconventional King. Stroud: Amberley Publishing Limited.
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• Wilkinson, Bertie (1995). The Later Middle Ages in England 1216–1485. London: Routledge.
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• Woodacre, Elena (2013). The Queens Regnant of Navarre. Palgrave Macmillan.
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• Wyatt, L. (2023). Edward I's Granddaughters: Murder, Power and Plantagenets. Barnsley: Pen and Sword.
  ISBN 978-1-3990-0671-2
  .

Further reading

• Hewitt, H. J. (2005). The Organisation of War under Edward III. Manchester University Press.
  ISBN 978-1-59740-054-1
  .
• Ormrod, W. M. (1987b). "Edward III and the Recovery of Royal Authority in England, 1340–1360". History. 72 (234): 4–19.
  JSTOR 24415599
  .
• Ormrod, W. M. (1994). "England, Normandy and the Beginnings of the Hundred Years War: 1259–1360". In Bates, D.; Curry, A. (eds.). England and Normandy in the Middle Ages. London: Hambledon. pp. 197–213.
  ISBN 978-1-85285-083-8
  .
• Rogers, C. J., ed. (1999). The Wars of Edward III: Sources and Interpretations. Woodbridge: Boydell.
  ISBN 0-85115-646-0
  .
• Vale, J. (1982). Edward III and Chivalry: Chivalric Society and its Context, 1270–1350. Woodbridge: Boydell.
  ISBN 0-85115-170-1
  .
• Verduyn, A. (1 October 1993). "The Politics of Law and Order during the Early Years of Edward III". English Historical Review. 108 (429): 842–867.
  JSTOR 575533
  .

External links

Wikiquote has quotations related to Edward III of England.

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Wikisource has original text related to this article:

Edward III

• The Medieval Sourcebook
  has some sources relating to the reign of Edward III:
  • The Ordinance of Labourers, 1349
  • The Statute of Labourers, 1351
  • Thomas Walsingham's account of the Good Parliament of 1376
• "Archival material relating to Edward III of England". UK National Archives.
• Portraits of King Edward III at the National Portrait Gallery, London

Edward III of England House of Plantagenet Born: 13 November 1312 Died: 21 June 1377
Regnal titles
Preceded by Edward II	Duke of Aquitaine 1325–1360	Treaty of Brétigny
	Count of Ponthieu 1325–1369	Succeeded by James
	Lord of Ireland 1327–1377	Succeeded by Richard II
Preceded by Edward the Black Prince	Duke of Aquitaine 1372–1377
Treaty of Brétigny	Lord of Aquitaine 1360–1362	Edward the Black Prince
Titles in pretence
Preceded by Charles IV of France as undisputed king	— TITULAR — King of France 1340–1360 1369–1377 Reason for succession failure: Capetian dynastic turmoil	Succeeded by Richard II of England