Militarization of police
The militarization of police (paramilitarization of police in some media) is the use of
Observers have noted the militarizing of the policing of protests.[10][11] Since the 1970s, riot police have fired at protesters using guns with rubber bullets or plastic bullets.[12] Tear gas, which was developed by the United States Army for riot control in 1919, is still widely used against protesters. The use of tear gas in warfare is prohibited by various international treaties[13] that most states have signed; however, its law enforcement or military use for domestic or non-combat situations is permitted.
Concerns about the militarization of police have been raised by both ends of the political spectrum in the United States, with both the libertarian
Many countries also have at least one gendarmerie, which is a military force with law enforcement duties among the civilian population.
France classifies some weapons as "intermediary force weapons" such as its LBD 40 refitted version of the Swiss
While not having the full power of military guns, some weapons are heavier than regular police weaponry and are still lethal. These are often referred to with the "limited lethality" appellation.
Brazil
In 2013 "... Brazil saw countrywide demonstrations protesting a lack of basic services while the country was spending billions on the World Cup and the Olympics. The unprepared and overreacting police forces responded in a way that shocked the largely middle-class protesters. The police, using "non-lethal" weapons like pepper spray and rubber bullets while dressed from head to toe in ninja-like full battle gear, indiscriminately arrested both violent 'black bloc' demonstrators, known for their confrontational tactics and anarchist views, along with non-violent protestors marching peacefully." As a result, "... calls for de-militarization of the police—from social movements, non-governmental organizations, and even segments of the police itself—became widespread and remain one of the legacies of the World Cup". The Brazilian "... Military Police today, while not officially a wing of the Armed Forces, remains an institution with a strict military hierarchy, training that retains a military ideology, and practices that frequently resemble occupying forces conquering enemy territories".[19]
The units that responded to the protests were Shock Police, units specialized in riot control. The Military Police is an ancillary and reserve force of the Army, under the General Inspectorate of Military Police, being that a part of Land Operations Command. But, in time of peace, the state governor act as commander-in-chief of the Police and Firefighting Corps, according to the Constitution of Brazil, article 144, 6th paragraph, where it is said that the "Military Police and Firefighter Corps, ancillary and reserve forces of the Army, subordinate themselves, with the Civil Police, to the state and Federal District governors."[20]
The Brazilian
Canada
Canadian legal expert Michael Spratt wrote, "... there's no question that Canadian police sometimes look more like post-apocalyptic military mercenaries than protectors of the peace. Our police services have been acquiring more and more military toys—a dangerous trend that's gotten little in the way of critical analysis in the mainstream media."
The
On June 3, 2015, it was reported that "RCMP officers have started openly carrying
The use of surplus armored vehicles for use by the RCMP and other police forces throughout the country are challenged by lawyers and academics since they can easily send the wrong message to the public.[31] According to Michael Spratt, an Ottawa-based criminal lawyer, the funds used to acquire the vehicles is better used for crime prevention activities.[32]
Colombia
"Since 1999, an eight-billion-dollar programme in Colombia has seen the mass deployment of military troops and militarized police forces to both interdict illegal drugs and counter left-wing guerrilla groups". This assistance "promote[s] militarization to address organized crime".[33] Due to these U.S. policies, "civilian forces ... have increasingly received military training, leading to concerns over human rights violations and excessive use of force, as well as a lack of knowledge over how to deal with local protests—concerns startlingly similar to those now coming out of Ferguson, Missouri".[33]
France
French police since the
Companies Republicaines de Sécurité which are an anti-riot unit are issued grenades which are classified as war weaponry in France. While gas weapons are forbidden for military use by the Geneva convention, which is signed by France too, no restriction applies to civilian use.[35]
In 2021, basing himself on the model of the
Germany
In 2016, the German police introduced a new special unit, BFE+, which is designed to "counter terror attacks".[39] Criminologist Rafael Behr says the new BFE+ "mainly serves as a psychological reassurance for the public", serving as a "symbolic" effort and a functional effort.[39]
The functional aspect is that with the BFE+, the government can use armed forces with military weapons inside Germany, an act that is "currently banned by the German constitution".
Indonesia
The Mobile Brigade Corps (Brimob) is an Indonesian militarized police force (Paramilitary) which are often deployed for Riot control, SWAT operations, anti-terror, domestic guerrilla warfare, domestic civil hostage rescue, search and rescue, and armed conflict management especially in areas with domestic conflict, such as in Papua and Poso.[40] It usually conducts joint operations with the TNI.
Italy
Italy has a well-established tradition of police forces framed in military structures.
Even today, at least two of the national police forces, the Carabinieri and the Guardia di Finanza, are an integral part of the Italian Armed Forces. The Corpo delle Capitanerie di porto is a branch of the Marina Militare, and the Corpo forestale dello Stato, after its dissolution (2016), was mostly incorporated into the Carabinieri "forestali".
The
During the Years of lead, to deal with high-risk operational situations and also, specifically, as a result of the unsuccessful German response to the Munich massacre, NOCS (State Police) and GIS (Arma dei Carabinieri) were established, comparable to SWAT units from other countries.
Since 2008, thousands of members of the armed forces (mainly Italian Army) have been engaged in Operazione Strade sicure, basically to replace/assist law enforcement agencies in policing tasks (prevention/deterrence).[42]
The November 2015 Paris attacks had shown that normal police patrols could be ineffective against sudden terrorist attacks with military-grade weapons (nor, moreover, was it realistic to assume that the elite units described above could always be present in places that required an exceptional state response). Precisely to engage such attackers – enabling GIS or NOCS to intervene decisively, while limiting the risks to public safety — "intermediate tactical formations" Unità operative di primo intervento of the State Police, and Aliquote di primo intervento – Squadre operative di supporto of the Carabinieri were created.
Mexico
Mexico's new national police force, the Gendarmería, is partially staffed with active duty soldiers, part of a longstanding trend towards militarization of the country's Federal Police.[43]
According to a 2020 study, the use of torture by police has persisted in Mexico even though Mexico transitioned to democracy. Torture is still used due to "weak procedural protections and the militarization of policing, which introduces strategies, equipment, and mentality that treats criminal suspects as though they were enemies in wartime".[44]
United Kingdom
The Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC) was the police force in Ireland from 1822 until 1922, when the country was part of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland. This was a time of agrarian unrest and Irish nationalist/republican agitation. The RIC was a quasi-military police force: constables were armed with rifles, billeted in barracks, and the force had a militaristic structure and uniform.[45] During the Irish War of Independence, it was tasked with tackling the Irish Republican Army (IRA) and worked alongside the British Army. An Auxiliary Division and Ulster Special Constabulary were formed to carry out counter-guerrilla operations.
The RIC became the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) in Northern Ireland, which remained part of the UK. It remained a militarized police force due to the threat of IRA attacks. During the Northern Ireland conflict (1960s–1990s), the RUC routinely carried submachine guns and assault rifles, traveled in armored Land Rovers, were based in heavily fortified police stations[46] and worked alongside the British Army, sometimes mounting joint patrols and sharing the same bases. The RUC was the first police force to use rubber and plastic bullets for riot control. The "political and militarised"[47] RUC was succeeded by the Police Service of Northern Ireland, which continues to keep some counter-terrorism powers. Since the 2000s, its public order policing methods have been adopted by other police forces in the UK.[48]
Counter Terrorist Specialist Firearms Officer
Following the
On 3 August 2016, the MPS held a press conference for the announcement of Operation Hercules, displaying the CTSFO teams to the public wearing wolf-grey-coloured tactical uniforms, equipped with
United States
Professional police departments have changed over time in the United States. The first professionalized police departments in the United States were modelled on the London Metropolitan Police.[52] They were under civilian control and were non-militaristic in the sense that they eschewed military uniforms, weaponry and training. According to Julian Go of Boston University, police departments in the United States became increasingly militarized in the early 20th century as they "borrowed tactics, techniques, and organizational templates from America's imperial-military regime that had been developed to conquer and rule foreign populations".[53] Historian Stuart Schrader has linked the experiences of World War II to later militarization of police in the United States.[54]
20th century
During the early 20th century, police departments in the United States adopted several military innovations such as centralized chains of command, professionalization (training and discipline), military operations and tactics (in particular, colonial counterinsurgency tactics), "open-order" units, and counterinsurgency information-gathering techniques.[53] Many of these reforms were influenced by practices from the Philippine–American War and subsequent U.S. occupation of the Philippines.[53] An influential advocate for these police reforms was August Vollmer, who has been described as the "father of modern policing".[53] Vollmer devised syllabi which were used in police training courses.[53]
The Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), as well as police departments in cities such as Kansas City, Missouri[55] and Kenosha, Wisconsin,[56] began deploying automatic weapons, including the Thompson submachine gun, and armored cars in the 1920s and 1930s.
George Fletcher Chandler, a veteran of the Pancho Villa Expedition and the first Superintendent of the New York State Police, was an early advocate of law enforcement officers wearing their weapons exposed on the outside of their uniforms.[57]
Police militarization was escalated in the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s as an era in which
According to Harvard University professor Elizabeth Hinton, the 1965 Law Enforcement Assistance Act ushered in a new era where the federal government facilitated the militarization of police at the state and local level across the United States.[60]
Over the last hundred years, with the rise of acts of terrorism and the availability of high-powered weapons, special weapons and tactics teams have been implemented and are being used across the United States.
Researchers David N. Falcone, Edward L. Wells, and Ralph A. Weisheit describe a historical separation of police models between small towns and larger cities, which tended to function differently with separate hierarchical systems supporting each.
The 1981
The 1997
Seven months after the incident, the Department of Defense gave 600 surplus M16s to the LAPD, which were issued to each patrol sergeant;[70][71] LAPD patrol vehicles now carry AR-15s as standard issue, with bullet-resistant Kevlar plating in their doors as well.[72][full citation needed] As a result of this incident, the LAPD authorized its officers to carry .45 ACP caliber semiautomatic pistols as duty sidearms, specifically the Smith & Wesson Models 4506 and 4566. Prior to 1997, only LAPD SWAT officers were authorized to carry .45 ACP caliber pistols, specifically the Model 1911A1 .45 ACP semiautomatic pistol.[73]
The militarization of police escalated with the
21st century
Under the Fourth Amendment, law enforcement officers must receive written permission from a court of law, or otherwise qualified magistrate, to lawfully search and seize evidence while investigating criminal activity. The requirements changed after the September 11 attacks, with the 2001 Patriot Act which gave law enforcement officers permission to search a home or business without the owner's or the occupant's consent or knowledge, amongst other provisions, if terrorist activities were suspected. The Act was criticized for its violation of civil liberties and has generated a great deal of controversy since its enactment. In United States v. Antoine Jones, the court found that increased monitoring of suspects caused by the Patriot Act directly put the suspects' constitutional rights in jeopardy. For a time, the Patriot Act allowed for agents to undertake "sneak and peek"[citation needed] searches, a term used to describe breaking into a business or residence and entering without judicial oversight. Critics such as the ACLU strongly criticized the law for violating the Fourth Amendment.[78][79]
On May 18, 2015, President
In response to Obama's announcement, the United States' largest police union, the
In July 2016, the Obama administration announced that it would revisit the 2015 ban on some types of military equipment for police forces, and begin a process of case-by-case review.[82]
On August 28, 2017, U.S. Attorney General Jeff Sessions announced the lifting of restrictions on the transfer of military equipment to law enforcement agencies.[83] Sessions said during his announcement that the Trump administration would not "put superficial concerns above public safety".[84]
ACLU spokesperson Kaya Bennett responded to Sessions and said, "We have an epidemic in the United States of police using excessive force, particularly against people of color, with injuries and deaths mounting", and "It defies logic to arm the police with weapons of war—grenade launchers, high-caliber assault weapons and more — but that's precisely what President Trump and Attorney General Sessions have decided to do."[85] Since the 1033 Program was initiated in 1990, more than 5.4 billion U.S. dollars of military equipment has been transferred by the Pentagon to local and state police.[85]
Louisiana State University conducted a study that suggests the militarization of local law enforcement has not lead to reduced crime levels. Particularly, the study cites evidence that the purchase of surplus military equipment does not increase the effect of policing locally.[86]
Allegations of a "war on police"
In 2015, journalist Radley Balko wrote an opinion column in which he described statements by politicians Donald Trump, Ted Cruz, Scott Walker, and Dan Patrick that a "war on police" was taking place as "fact-free fear mongering" and a "dangerous game".[87] The statements had been made following prominent news reports of deaths by police officers; Balko wrote "2015 is on pace to see 35 felonious killings of police officers. If that pace holds, this year would end with the second lowest number of murdered cops in decades [and] ... not only are fewer people killing police officers, fewer people are trying to harm them."[87]
Notable incidents
MOVE bombing
On Monday, May 13, 1985, Philadelphia police attempted to clear a building occupied by MOVE black liberation activists and execute arrest warrants.[88] This led to an armed standoff with police,[89] who lobbed tear gas canisters at the building. The police said that MOVE members fired at them; a gunfight with semi-automatic and automatic firearms ensued. Commissioner Sambor ordered that the compound be bombed.[90] From a Pennsylvania State Police helicopter, Philadelphia Police Lt. Frank Powell proceeded to drop two one-pound bombs (which the police referred to as "entry devices") made of FBI-supplied water gel explosive, a dynamite substitute, targeting a fortified, bunker-like cubicle on the roof of the house.[91]
The resulting explosions ignited a fire which spread and eventually destroyed approximately 65 nearby houses.[92] Eleven people (John Africa, five other adults, and five children aged 7 to 13) died in the resulting fire, and more than 250 people in the neighborhood were left homeless.[93] Ramona Africa, one of the two survivors, said police fired at those trying to escape.[94]
Ruby Ridge
In 1992, there was a deadly confrontation and a 12-day
Waco
In 1993, FBI and BATFE agents used armored vehicles, tanks and attack helicopters during the
Other events
2005–2009
In 2005, the Maryland State Police (MSP) began entering the names and personal information of death penalty opponents and anti-war protesters into a database used to track terrorists.[98]
In the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina in New Orleans in 2005, employees of the private security firm Blackwater patrolled the city with automatic weapons. "When asked what authority they were operating under", journalist Jeremy Scahill reported, "one guy said, 'We're on contract with the Department of Homeland Security.'"[99][relevant?]
On August 25, 2008, the Denver Police Department (DPD) were accused of making mass, indiscriminate arrests of almost 100 protesters at the Democratic National Convention. In 2011, the city of Denver, Colorado agreed to pay a $200,000 settlement and to improve its crowd control training and policies.[100]
2010–2014
In February 2010, the
In May 2011, the
Referring to the 2011 Occupy Wall Street protests in New York City, Glen Greenwald wrote, "The police response was so excessive, and so clearly modeled after battlefield tactics, that there was no doubt that deterring domestic dissent is one of the primary aims of police militarization."[106]
The Oakland Police Department (OPD) used excessive force while breaking up Occupy Oakland demonstrations in 2011. Several protesters successfully sued the city of Oakland, California for their injuries; Scott Olsen was severely injured after being hit in the head with a police projectile and was awarded $4.5 million. The city paid $1.17 million to a group of protesters, and $645,000 to Kayvan Sabeghi, who was clubbed by police.[107]
On May 28, 2014, a SWAT team looking for drugs in a
In late 2014, concerns about the militarization of police arose after the
Concerns and responses
Community policing
The drift toward militarization concerns police officers and police policy analysts themselves. U.S.
In a 2013 piece in the newsletter of the DOJ's
Use of force
A report by The Marshall Project looking at data from the early 2010s investigated the mindset of "guardian" versus "warrior" by calculating the rate of complaints for excessive use of force against police officers who had served in the military versus police officers in general. It found higher rates for veterans in Boston (28% vs. 17%) and Miami (14% vs. 11%), but found no difference for Massachusetts State Police.[119]
A national survey in August 2016 by the Pew Research Center found police officers who had served in the military were more likely to have fired their weapon while doing police work (32% vs. 26%).[120]
Viewpoints
The ACLU has stated that local police use these "wartime weapons in everyday policing, especially to fight the wasteful and failed drug war, which has unfairly targeted people of color".
On March 23, 2015, a Department of Justice investigation into use of deadly force by the Philadelphia Police Department in the period from 2007 to 2013 found that the way officers are trained may be a contributing factor to excessive use of deadly force. The report found that a) many officers have the mistaken assumption that being "in fear of their life" is justification for the use of deadly force, but fear should not be a factor – it's a reasonable belief that deadly force is necessary to avoid death or serious injury; b) instruction about policies on the use of force is confusing; c) most training scenarios end in some type of use of force and officers are rarely, if ever, trained how to resolve confrontations peacefully; d) 80% of suspects shot by police were black – black suspects were also more than twice as likely to be shot due to a "threat perception failure"; and e) no consistent procedure was in place for shooting investigations, no audio or video recordings of officer interviews were being made, and officers are often interviewed months after the incidents.[127][128]
In a report[129] released in June 2015, Amnesty International alleged that the United States does not comply with the UN Basic Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms by Law Enforcement Officials.[130]
Two independent, peer-reviewed studies published in 2020 have found that militarized police officers are neither safer nor more effective at reducing crime.[131]
Intelligence-gathering and surveillance
In a January 2017 report Cato Institute criminal justice policy analyst Adam Bates argues that in the United States, "an increasingly militarized domestic police force" is characterized by "mission creep [that] has not been limited to weapons and tactics. What the War on Drugs has done for police militarization, the War on Terror is now doing for police intelligence gathering, and the privacy of millions of Americans is at risk."[132]
The ACLU has raised concerns about military involvement in surveillance of peaceful protesters. The ACLU pointed, for example, to
Civil liberties
The federal
The accelerating militarization of regular law enforcement during the
A 2014 ACLU report, War Comes Home: The Excessive Militarization of American Policing, concluded that "American policing has become unnecessarily and dangerously militarized ..." The report cites an increase in unnecessarily aggressive raids, "tactics designed for the battlefield", and equipment such as armored personnel carriers and
SWAT teams and military-style raid tactics
Peter Kraska, a criminal justice professor at
A 2014 ACLU report, War Comes Home: The Excessive Militarization of American Policing, concluded that "American policing has become unnecessarily and dangerously militarized ..."[139] The report examined 818 uses of SWAT teams by more than 20 law enforcement agencies in 11 U.S. states from the period of July 2010 to October 2013.[142] Military-style tactics used by such teams include nighttime raids, use of battering rams, use of flashbangs, overwhelming displays of force, and the wearing of helmets and masks.[142][143]
The use of SWAT teams became especially common for
The Chicago Police Department (CPD) have been accused of operating a secret "black site" in their Homan Square facility where suspects were held without being booked and registered and where they could not be found by their attorneys or families. Suspects were allegedly shackled and beaten.[146]
Federal efforts to curb militarization
From 1997 to 2016, the United States Department of Justice (DOJ) has gone to court to challenge policing practices in more than 24 cities to protect the civil rights of the public.[147]
The
Types of teams and weapons
SWAT teams
Special Weapons and Tactics (
The increased use of SWAT teams is a hallmark of increased police militarization. The Cato Institute's
The ACLU has stated that "... heavily armed SWAT teams are raiding people's homes in the middle of the night, often just to search for drugs", causing people to "needlessly di[e] during these raids", in which neighborhoods are turned into "warzones".[121]
Snipers
Law enforcement snipers, commonly called police snipers, and military snipers differ in many ways, including their areas of operation and tactics. A police sharpshooter is part of a police operation and usually takes part in relatively short missions. Police forces typically deploy such sharpshooters in hostage scenarios. This differs from a military sniper, who operates as part of a larger army, engaged in warfare. Sometimes as part of a SWAT team, police snipers are deployed alongside negotiators and an assault team trained for close quarters combat. As policemen, they are trained to shoot only as a last resort, when there is a direct threat to life; the police sharpshooter has a well-known rule: "Be prepared to take a life to save a life."[156] Police snipers typically operate at much shorter ranges than military snipers, generally under 100 meters (109 yd) and sometimes even less than 50 meters (55 yd). Both types of snipers do make difficult shots under pressure, and often perform one-shot kills.
Police units that are unequipped for tactical operations may rely on a specialized SWAT team, which may have a dedicated sniper. Police snipers placed in vantage points, such as high buildings, can provide security for events.
The need for specialized training for police sharpshooters was made apparent in 1972 during the Munich massacre when the German police could not deploy specialized personnel or equipment during the standoff at the airport in the closing phase of the crisis, and consequently all the Israeli hostages were killed. While the German army did have snipers in 1972, the use of snipers of the German army in the scenario was impossible due to the German constitution's explicit prohibition of the use of the military in domestic matters. This lack of police trained snipers was later addressed with the founding of the specialized police counter-terrorist unit GSG 9, which subsequently became a widely copied model for a police special forces unit.
In September 2015, a San Bernardino Sheriff's Department sniper shot a suspect in a fast-moving car from a helicopter. The suspect leapt from his car and died on the side of the road, but his vehicle continued forward, striking another vehicle and critically injuring three civilians.[159]
Protest policing
Observers have noted the militarizing of the policing of protests.
Riot police often use special equipment termed
The police tactics used during the 2001
Military weapons
Between 2006 and 2014, almost 5,000
Effects
A 2017 study found a statistically significant positive relationship between militarization of the police and fatalities from officer-involved shootings.[164][165]
Two studies in the American Economic Journal: Economic Policy concluded that federal grants of military equipment to local police under the 1033 Program led to a reduction in crime. However, these studies were criticized for using inappropriate data. Studies that used better data failed to replicate the findings of those studies.[166][167][168][169]
A 2018 study published in the journal PNAS found that "militarized police units are more often deployed in communities with large shares of African American residents, even after controlling for local crime rates". The study also found that "militarized policing fails to enhance officer safety or reduce local crime".[18]
In popular culture
The 2015 video game Battlefield Hardline depicts a militarized police, and it depicts both police and criminals wielding military-grade equipment, including rifles, machine guns and grenade launchers. The developer's insistence on "fantasy" while meticulously recreating LA areas and loosely basing crimes in the game on real-life crimes has subsequently been criticized.[170][171][172]
The documentary
The documentary Do Not Resist by Craig Atkinson is also critical of the phenomenon of police militarization, as exemplified by law enforcement training courses taught by retired military officer
See also
- COINTELPRO
- High policing
- Homeland security
- Human rights
- Human rights in the United States
- Indefinite detention without trial
- Law Enforcement Support Office
- Martial law
- Military police
- NSA warrantless surveillance (2001–07)
- Patriot Act
- Police brutality
- Police state
- PRISM (surveillance program)
- Separation of military and police roles
Further reading
- Balko, Radley. Rise of the Warrior Cop: The Militarization of America's Police Forces. Public Affairs, 2021.
- Balto, Simon. 2019. Occupied Territory: Policing Chicago from Red Summer to Black Power. University of North Carolina Press.
- Hall, Abigail R. and Christopher Coyne. 2018. Tyranny Comes Home: The Domestic Fate of U.S. Militarism. Stanford University Press.
- Hinton, Elizabeth. 2017. From the War on Poverty to the War on Crime: The Making of Mass Incarceration in America. Harvard University Press.
- Linstrum, Erik. "Domesticating Chemical Weapons: Tear Gas and the Militarization of Policing in the British Imperial World, 1919–1981", The Journal of Modern History 91, no. 3 (September 2019): 557–585.
- Madsen, Chris (2020). "Green is the New Black: The Royal Canadian Mounted Police and Militarisation of Policing in Canada", Scandinavian Journal of Military Studies, 3(1), 114–131. DOI: Green is the New Black: The Royal Canadian Mounted Police and Militarisation of Policing in Canada
- Marat, Erica. 2018. The Politics of Police: Reform Society against the State in Post-Soviet Countries. Oxford University Press.
- Schrader, S. (2017). "More than Cosmetic Changes: The Challenges of Experiments with Police Demilitarization in the 1960s and 1970s." Journal of Urban History.
- Schrader, Stuart. 2019. Badges Without Borders: How Global Counterinsurgency Transformed American Policing. University of California Press.
- Steidley, Trent; Ramey, David M. 2019. "Police militarization in the United States". Sociology Compass. 13 (4)
- Turner II, Frederick W. and Bryanna Fox. 2018. Police Militarization: Policy Changes and Stakeholders' Opinions in the United States. Springer
- Wood, Lesley J. Crisis and Control: The Militarization of Protest Policing. Pluto Press, 2014. ISBN 9780745333885
References
- ^ "Militarization of Police In the United States". Charles Koch Institute. July 17, 2018. Archived from the original on April 22, 2020. Retrieved May 17, 2020.
- ^ Texas Rangers, Department of Public Safety, Branch Davidian Evidence Archived January 7, 2009, at the Wayback Machine, Investigative Report No. 1, September 1999; Investigative Report No. 2, January 2000 (PDFs available at Texas Rangers website). The Rangers found that the FBI used grenade launchers to fire two 40 mm M651 grenades. The Army considers the M651 a pyrotechnic device and that it is known to cause fires. The Army Tech Manual for the M651 warns that it can penetrate 3/4" plywood at 200 meters and "projectile may explode upon target impact". During inventory of the Waco evidence the Texas Rangers also found flashbang grenades.
- ^ James Joyner (June 15, 2011). "Militarization of Police". Outside the Beltway. Archived from the original on December 21, 2015. Retrieved November 12, 2015.
- ^ Paul D. Shinkman (August 14, 2014). "Ferguson and the Militarization of Police". U.S. News & World Report. Archived from the original on September 6, 2017. Retrieved September 5, 2017.
- ^ Michael German (December 18, 2014). "Why Police Spying On Americans Is Everyone's Problem". Defense One. Archived from the original on January 23, 2015. Retrieved January 20, 2015.
- ^ Josh Peterson (March 25, 2014). "State lawmakers push to rein in police spying". Fox News Channel. Archived from the original on March 17, 2015. Retrieved January 20, 2015.
- ^ Ryan Van Velzer (June 24, 2014). "ACLU: Free military weapons making Arizona police more aggressive". The Arizona Republic.
- ^ Jodie Gummow (August 29, 2013). "11 over-the-top U.S. police raids that victimized innocents". Salon. Archived from the original on January 20, 2015. Retrieved January 20, 2015.
- ^ GLENN GREENWALD (August 14, 2014). "THE MILITARIZATION OF U.S. POLICE: FINALLY DRAGGED INTO THE LIGHT BY THE HORRORS OF FERGUSON". The Intercept. Archived from the original on January 11, 2015. Retrieved January 17, 2015.
- ^ a b "Crisis and Control". uchicago.edu. Archived from the original on May 10, 2016. Retrieved December 29, 2015.
- ^ a b "Congress scrutinizes police militarization before planned Ferguson protest". aljazeera.com. Archived from the original on January 14, 2016. Retrieved December 29, 2015.
- ^ http://dictionary.reference.com/browse/plastic+bullet Archived June 6, 2015, at the Wayback Machine "A solid PVC cylinder, 10 cm long and 38 mm in diameter, fired by police or military forces to regain control in riots."
- ^ e.g. the Geneva Protocol of 1925: 'Prohibited the use of "asphyxiating gas, or any other kind of gas, liquids, substances or similar materials"'
- ^ "20. Stopping Police Militarization". Cato Institute. February 16, 2017. Archived from the original on September 2, 2017. Retrieved May 17, 2020.
- ^ "Police Militarization". American Civil Liberties Union. Archived from the original on March 24, 2020. Retrieved May 17, 2020.
- ^ "Militarized or Modernized?". FOPConnect. Retrieved May 17, 2020.
- ^ Ryan Welch and Jack Mewhirter (June 30, 2017). "Does military equipment lead police officers to be more violent? We did the research". The Washington Post. Archived from the original on June 30, 2017. Retrieved June 30, 2017.
- ^ PMID 30126997.
- ^ "Police Militarization: Similarities Between Ferguson and Brazil". wola.org. Archived from the original on July 16, 2015. Retrieved June 14, 2015.
- ^ "Legislação". www.coter.eb.mil.br (in Brazilian Portuguese). Archived from the original on March 17, 2016. Retrieved March 19, 2017.
- ^ a b c "Em meio a resistências, governo avança na 'despolitização' da PRF" (in Portuguese). Exame. January 31, 2023. Retrieved April 20, 2023.
- ^ "Flávio Dino entrevistou três cotados para o comando da PRF no governo Lula" (in Portuguese). O Globo. December 15, 2022. Retrieved April 21, 2023.
- ^ "'Queremos despolitizar', diz Flavio Dino sobre PRF e PF" (in Portuguese). O Tempo. April 7, 2023. Retrieved April 20, 2023.
- ^ Michael Spratt (August 15, 2014). "The creeping militarization of the police". iPolitics. Archived from the original on December 2, 2014. Retrieved January 17, 2015.
- ^ Douglas Quan (August 21, 2014). "'We call it a rescue vehicle': Growing number of Canadian police forces bulking up with armoured vehicles". National Post. Archived from the original on December 27, 2014. Retrieved January 17, 2015.
- ^ "Canadian Police Militarization". Michael Spratt. Archived from the original on March 5, 2016. Retrieved January 28, 2015.
- ^ "Canadian police agencies: Innovators in militarization?". rabble.ca. September 9, 2014. Archived from the original on December 28, 2014. Retrieved January 28, 2015.
- ^ Ashley Csanady (August 15, 2014). "Police militarization is already in Canada as surveillance on the rise". Canada.com. Archived from the original on March 25, 2015. Retrieved April 26, 2015.
- ^ Lee Berthiaume, Ottawa Citizen More Lee Berthiaume, Ottawa Citizen (June 4, 2015). "Mounties now toting submachine guns for Hill security". Ottawa Citizen. Archived from the original on September 30, 2017. Retrieved January 27, 2019.
{{cite web}}
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External links
- Media related to Militarization of police at Wikimedia Commons