Rahanweyn
Raxanweyn Reewin | |
---|---|
Regions with significant populations | |
Somalia, Ethiopia, Kenya | |
Kenya | 11,636[1] |
Languages | |
Somali (including Maay dialect) | |
Religion | |
Islam (Sunni) | |
Related ethnic groups | |
Hawiye, Dir (clan), Isaaq, Darod and other Somali people |
The Rahanweyn (
Etymology
Anthropologists and northern Somalis have helped coin the term Rahanweyn. The name is said to be a combination of Rahan (grindstone) and Weyn (large) which means (large grindstone) suggesting the name's semantic relation to the Reewin economy. Another more interesting term is said to combine the names of Rahan (crowd) and Weyn (large) which means (literally 'crowd-big' or the large crowds)[3] indicating that the Reewin clans are a confederation of diverse Somali clans that migrated elsewhere.
However, all these definitions are based on the Northern Somali dialect rather than the southern Somali dialect therefore these definitions should be deemed inaccurate.[citation needed] The name is correctly pronounced Reewin which can be divided into Ree (family) and Wiin (old) which means (old family). This name is a reference to the Reewin ancient origins which might indicate that they might have been the first Somali group to migrate to modern-day Somalia whilst the rest of the Somali clans slowly began to diverge and develop their own unique distinct dialects.[4] Another theory states that the name Rahanweyn derives from the name of the ancestor of all Rahanweyn clans, one Ma'd or Mohammed Reewin.[3]
Overview
Each of the two subclans of the Rahanweyn comprises a great number of clans and sub-clans.
According to constitutional law, Somalis are linguistically grouped into Mai Terreh and Maxaa Tiri. The vast majority of the Somalis who speak Mai Terreh (also known as Mai-Mai or
Rahanweyn clans contain a high number of adopted members,[8] with British anthropologist I. M. Lewis describing the Rahanweyn as a "synthesis of old cultivating stock, and more recent and once nomadic immigrants from the other Somali clans", with almost every Somali lineage having some off-shoot living among them.[9] This practice allows newcomers to integrate into resident clans in a pleasant manner.[10] Furthermore, in riverine places such as Lower Shabelle or the Juba region, it adds to the complexity of lineage identity.[10]
Distribution
The clan resides in rich fertile lands in southern
History
Antiquity
Reewin groups were the first
The Rahanweyn clan were mentioned as the people of Reewin who lived in the fertile lands and coastal provinces and were very wealthy and powerful people during the antiquity period in southern Somalia. They were said to be a sub-group of Barbara or Barbaroi people ancestors of the Somali people.
Tunni Sultanate
The
Ajuran Sultanate
Along with
Geledi Sultanate
At the end of the 17th century, the
The
Administration and military
The Sultanate of Geledi exerted a strong centralized authority during its existence and possessed all of the organs and trappings of an integrated modern state: a functioning bureaucracy, a hereditary nobility, titled aristocrats, a taxing system, a state flag, as well as a professional army.[20][21] The great sultanate also maintained written records of their activities, which still exist.[22]
The Geledi Sultanate's main capital was at
The Geledi army numbered 20,000 men in times of peace, and could be raised to 50,000 troops in times of war.
Trade
The kingdom maintained a vast trading network, trading with
In the case of the Geledi, wealth accrued to the nobles and to the Sultanate not only from the market cultivation which it had utilized from the
Modern
Italian Protectorate
The
Hizbi Dhigil & Mirifle
The Hizbi Dhigil & Mirifle (1947–1969) was a Somali political party formed by members of the Rahanweyn clan however Jeilani Sheikh Bin Sheikh was the first to be elected as the leader of (HDMS) and was among the first to call for Federalism in Somalia. It had its roots in the 1920s as the Hizbiya Dastur Mustaqil Al Sumal which was formed as an anti colonial organization that educated the inter riverine peoples and provided health and other charitable motions. Later the Hizbi Dhigil & Mirifle formed in 1947 and would be the main opposition party winning the 2nd most seats in parliament after the Somali Youth League. Its main goals were to advocate for the Digil and Mirifle peoples of Somalia and a true census of the Somali Republic. The party also pushed for improving agricultural and animal husbandry practices.[28]
Political Marginalization and Land Seizures
During the fight for independence, political parties were based on clan interest though these organizations claimed to act in the national interest and were against clan division. Thus, the anti-clan stance was an act in order to promote their clan interest. For example, the non-Rahanweyn, mainly Darod and Hawiye who dominated the Somali administration previously but who had already lived in tranquillity and harmony with Rahanweyn, declared the former pre-colonial loyalty of geeko mariidi (old days). Anti-clan laws were approved at independence that violated traditional land rights allowed the non-Rahanweyn to acquire gains at the expense of Rahanweyn. Under the disguise of nationalism, they promoted Darood and Hawiye interests. When Rahanweyn had political and numerical dominance in the interiverine region there was a petition to divide the region into nine provinces, only two remained in Rahanweyn's political control while the rest was Darood-led. This was supposedly a national development that turned out to be a hegemonic act and was aggravated by the Cooperative Development in 1974 under president Siad Barre when Rahanweyn land's was seized and annexed under an eminent domain law. The state farms thus used the Rahanweyn as labourers, but were managed by Darood and only promoted Darood interest, not the nation's interest.[29]
Historically
Report of the Nordic fact-finding mission to the Gedo region in Somalia states:[32]
According to Abdirshakar Othawai, extensive settlement by the Marehan clans in the Gedo region had been going on for some considerable time. Back in 1977-1980, the Ogaden War between Somalia and Ethiopia triggered large movements of people, with many Marehan members being transferred from Ethiopia to Luuq and Burdhubo in particular.
The Somali government at the time, headed by Siad Barre, assisted Marehan settlers in Gedo with farm implements, among other facilities, while a Japanese NGO tried to persuade the Rahanweyn clans to accept the new Marehan settlers, arguing in particular that this time was a temporary arrangement. The Marehan settlers were at present living in those areas with the Rahanweyne clans being squeezed out there as a result.
The civil war in Somalia in the 1900s promoted most of the Gabaweyn sub-clan of Rahanweyn to leave the Gedo region and go to live in Kenya and Ethiopia. This enabled the Marehan clans finally to secure political power in the Gedo region. Abdullahi Sheikh Mohamed, of the UNOPS SRP, regarded that seizer of power as the culmination of a long-term strategy by the president at the time, Siad Barre with the Gedo region being established back in 1974 in order to create a regional base for the Marehan clans.
A similar fashion was happening in the Lower and Middle Juba regions where during the
Civil War and South West State
During the civil war, the less aggressive and peaceful Rahanweyn suffered the most out of any clan in
According to the researcher and analyst, Muuse Yuusuf states:[37]
During the rebellion against General Siad Barre's regime, there were some Rahanweyn rebel groups, such as the SDM. However, they were not strong militarily and their political elite did not have access to the state military arsenal like the high-ranking military leaders of other Hawiye, Darood, and Isaaq factions who looted state arsenal. Rahanweyn elites did not also have an economic power base and a diaspora community to support their movement, factors that helped other factions. They were also divided among themselves, supporting different rebel groups. For example, SDM had to ally itself with the USC's different factions to eject remnants of president Siad Barre's forces from their lands. Indeed, clans elders from these regions asked general Aideed to help them liberate their land from forces loyal to president Siad Barre, which were committing atrocities in the region. As it turned out, General Aideed's USC faction betrayed them politically when its militiamen occupied Rahanweyn regions under the pretext that they had liberated them from the 'fallen' regime. Therefore, at the collapse of the military dictatorship, Rahanweyn clans and small non-Somali ethnic groups found themselves defenseless and trapped between marauding Hawiye and Darood factions in what became known as the 'triangle of death' in which Baidoa, the capital city of the Bay region, became the city of death. They suffered most when up to 500,000 people starved to death because of the destruction of the farmlands and properties and confiscation of farms by the warring factions. And also because of what was described as 'genocidal policy' under which Hawiye and Darood factions were determined to exterminate Rahanweyns. If you compare Rahanweyn's experience with any other clan's experience, it becomes obvious that they were not only marginalized throughout Somali history but also suffered more than any other clan during the civil war as hundreds of thousands of people died because of the conflict and other war-related causes.
At the beginning of the year 1993, the constant war and communal suffering the Rahanweyn endured, the Rahanweyn community came to the realization that they shared the same history and experience of political marginalization and victimization throughout modern Somali history, had emerged. By March 1993, Somali Democratic movement organized a peacemaking conference to unite the riverine clans which were held in Bonkain town in the Bay province. By 1994. Rahanweyn were successful in establishing their own administrations and
The Rahanweyn Resistance Army founded the autonomous state known as South West State of Somalia which was able to establish its own government, economy, army and flag. The Southwest state was credited as an important pillar of stability in southern Somalia.[39][40]
Clan tree
The following listing is taken from the World Bank's Conflict in Somalia: Drivers and Dynamics from 2005 and the United Kingdom's Home Office publication, Somalia Assessment 2001.[41][42]
- Rahanweyn
In the south central part of Somalia the World Bank shows the following clan tree:[43]
- Rahanweyn
- Digil
- Geledi
- Jiddo
- Begedi
- Digil
Christian Bader lists the principal Digil and Rahanweyn subclans as follows:[44]
- Sab
- Amarre
- Daysame
- Digil
- Maad
- Rahanweyn
- Jambaluul
- Midhifle
- Begedi
- Aleemo
- Maatay
- Irroole
- Dabarre
- 'Ali Jiidu
- Dubdheere
- Waraasiile
- Tikeme
- Duubo
- Digiine
- Iise Tunni
- Rahanweyn
- Maad
- Digil
- Daysame
- Amarre
Notable Rahanweyn people
- Sheikh Aden Mohamed Noor Aden Madobe, current Speaker of the Federal Parliament of Somalia.
- Geledi Sultanate.
- Uways al-Barawi, famous Islamic saint and a religious leader who rebelled the Italians on the Benadir coast.
- Abdiqadir Sakhawuddin Sheikh Uweys, Founder of the Somali Youth League and grandson of Sheikh Uweys al-Barawi.
- Jeilani Sheikh Bin Sheikh, leading representative, first president of Hisbia Digil Mirifle, Somalia's second largest political party.
- Aden Mohamed Noor (Aden Saran-Sor), Former Minister for finance and current MP.
- Abdulcadir Muhammed Aden, Former Speaker of Parliament, Minister of Finance and leader of Hisbia Digil Mirifle.
- Osman Ahmed, fifth and final Geledi sultan and defeated both the Dervish and Ethiopian Empire in battle during his reign.
- Abdallah Isaaq Deerow, former Minister of Constitutional Affairs of the Transitional National Government.
- Abdiaziz Hassan Mohamed Laftagareen, current president of Southwest state of Somalia.
- Ibrahim Hussein Abdirahman Fuutjeele, Somali social activist and the social positivism union and Somali pressure group founder.
- Muhammad Ibrahim Habsade, former rebel and Minister Agriculture in the Transitional Federal Government.
- Abdihakim Mohamoud Haji-Faqi, former Minister of Defence of Somalia.
- Mohamed Sheikh Hassan Hamud, Minister of Defence of Somalia.
- Sharif Hassan, former speaker of Somali Parliament, former deputy Prime Minister and Finance Minister, first president of Southwest State of Somalia.
- Sheikh Mukhtar Mohamed Hussein, former Speaker of Parliament and interim President of Somalia.
- Mahamud Ibrahim, second sultan of Geledi who militarized the state and successfully repelled an Oromo invasion and Arab pirates.
- Mohamed Ibrahim, former Minister of the Transitional National Government
- Osman Ibrahim, former deputy minister of labor and social affairs and current deputy minister of water and energy
- Yusuf Mahamud Ibrahim, third sultan of the Geledi, presided over the Geledi golden age.
- Mohamed Jawari, former Speaker of the Federal Parliament of Somalia.
- Abdi Kusow, professor of Sociology at Iowa State University.
- Saredo Mohamed (Maadker) Abdallah, an influential Member of the Federal Parliament of Somalia.
- Sheikh Mukhtar Robow Ali (Abu Mansur), Minister of Religion affairs and former member and spokesman for Al Shabaab (2007-2013).
- Mustafa Mohamed Moalim (Mustafa Maxamed Macalin), first fighter pilot in Somalia, Chief of Somali Air Force School and Chief of Somali Air.
- Mohamed Haji Mukhtar, professor of African and Middle Eastern History at Savannah State University.
- Abdullahi Haji Hassan Mohamed Nuur, former Foreign Minister of Somalia, and former Minister of Agriculture and Livestock.
- Southwestern Somalia.
- Abbas Abdullahi Sheikh Siraji, former Minister of Public Works and Reconstruction.
- Mohamud Siraji, Member of Parliament and Chair of the Committee on Budget, Finance, Planning and Oversight of Government Financial institutions.
- Ahmed Yusuf, fourth Geledi sultan and powerful successor of Yusuf.
- Abdulkadir Mohamed Nur, current Minister of Defense.
- Abdikadir Sheikh Hassan, former Speaker of Mandera County Assembly and prominent lawyer.
- Abdullahi Adan Ahmed (Black), current MP, former Minister of Transportation, Southwest and RRA veteran.
See also
- Somali aristocratic and court titles
- Geledi Sultanate
- South West State of Somalia
Notes
- ^ 2019 Kenya Population and Housing Census: Volume IV - Amazon S3 https://s3-eu-west-1.amazonaws.com/s3.sourceafrica.net/documents/119795/VOLUME-IV-KPHC-2019.pdf
- ^ Islam in the World Today: A Handbook of Politics, Religion, Culture, and Society Page 443
- ^ JSTOR 586661.
- ^ The Invention of Somalia Page 94
- ISBN 978-0-85255-075-5.
- ^ The Genesis of the Civil War in Somalia Page 120
- ^ “My Clan Against the World”: U.S. and Coalition Forces in Somalia 1992-1994 Page 10
- JSTOR 586661.
- S2CID 154596968.
- ^ a b Ridout, Timothy A. (18 April 2011). "Building Peace and the State in Somalia: The case of Somaliland" (PDF). The Fletcher School: 7.
According to Christian Webersik, "This practice allows the peaceful integration of newcomers into resident clans. Further, it adds to the complexity of lineage identity in the riverine areas, such as Lower Shabelle or the Juba region."
- ^ The Genesis of the Civil War in Somalia: The Impact of Foreign Military Intervention on the Conflict Page 122
- ^ Inside Al-Shabaab The Secret History of Al-Qaeda's Most Powerful Ally Page 142
- ^ Negotiating Statehood: Dynamics of Power and Domination in Africa
- ^ The Invention of Somalia Page 93
- ^ The Bantu-Jareer Somalis Unearthing Apartheid in the Horn of Africa Page 248
- ISBN 9780810866041.
- ISBN 9780810866041.
- ^ Lee V. Cassanelli, The shaping of Somali society: reconstructing the history of a pastoral people, 1600-1900, (University of Pennsylvania Press: 1982), p.102.
- ^ Luling (2002), p. 272.
- ^ Horn of Africa, Volume 15, Issues 1-4, (Horn of Africa Journal: 1997), p.130.
- ^ Michigan State University. African Studies Center, Northeast African studies, Volumes 11–12, (Michigan State University Press: 1989), p. 32.
- ^ Sub-Saharan Africa Report, Issues 57-67. Foreign Broadcast Information Service. 1986. p. 34.
- ^ S. B. Miles, On the Neighbourhood of Bunder Marayah, Vol. 42, (Blackwell Publishing on behalf of The Royal Geographical Society (with the institute of British Geographers): 1872), pp. 61–63.
- ^ Transactions of the Bombay Geographical Society ..by Bombay Geographical Society p. 392
- ^ Somali Sultanate: The Geledi City-state Over 150 Years - Virginia Luling (2002) p. 155
- ISBN 9780844407753.
- ISBN 9780810866041. Retrieved 2014-02-15.
- ISBN 9780810866041.
- ISBN 9780810866041. Retrieved 2014-02-15.
- ^ The Rise &The Fall of Somali President: His Excellency Mohamed Abdillahi Mohamed (Farmajo) Page 130
- ISBN 9780810866041. Retrieved 2014-02-15.
- ^ Danish Immigration Service: Report of the Nordic fact-finding mission to the Gedo region in Somalia Page 9
- ^ Restoring and Maintaining Order in Complex Peace Operations:The Search for a Legal Framework Page 12
- ^ Restoring and Maintaining Order in Complex Peace Operations:The Search for a Legal Framework Page 52
- ^ Historical Dictionary of Somalia - Page 6
- ^ Weapons and Clan Politics in Somalia - Page 34
- ^ The Genesis of the Civil War in Somalia: The Impact of Foreign Military Intervention on the Conflict Page 121
- ^ The Genesis of the Civil War in Somalia: The Impact of Foreign Military Intervention on the Conflict Page 123
- ^ "SOMALIA: RRA sets up autonomous region". IRIN. 1 April 2002. Archived from the original on 29 July 2013. Retrieved 2007-02-04.
- Afrol News. 2 March 2002. Retrieved 2007-02-04.
- ^ Worldbank, Conflict in Somalia: Drivers and Dynamics, January 2005, Appendix 2, Lineage Charts, p. 55 Figure A-1
- ^ Country Information and Policy Unit, Home Office, Great Britain, Somalia Assessment 2001, Annex B: Somali Clan Structure Archived 2011-07-16 at the Wayback Machine, p. 43
- ^ Worldbank, Conflict in Somalia: Drivers and Dynamics, January 2005, Appendix 2, Lineage Charts, p. 56 Figure A-2
- ISBN 2706813733. Retrieved 2010-03-09.
References
- Rebuilding Somalia: issues and possibilities for Puntland. HAAN Associates. 2001. ISBN 1-874209-04-9.