Israel lobby in the United States
The Israel lobby are individuals and groups seeking to influence the
History
19th century
A
In 1844,
20th century
Beginning in 1914, the involvement of Louis Brandeis and his brand of American Zionism made Jewish Zionism a force on the American scene for the first time; under his leadership it had increased ten-fold to about 200,000.[8] As chair of the American Provisional Executive Committee for General Zionist Affairs, Brandeis raised millions of dollars to relieve Jewish suffering in war-torn Europe, and from that time "became the financial center for the world Zionist movement."[9]
The British Balfour Declaration additionally advanced the Zionist movement and gave it official legitimacy. The U.S. Congress passed the first joint resolution stating its support for a homeland in Palestine for the Jewish people on September 21, 1922.[10] The same day, the Mandate of Palestine was approved by the Council of the League of Nations.
Zionist lobbying in the United States aided the creation of the State of Israel in 1947-48. The preparation of and voting for the
In the 1950s, the
The relationship between Israel and the U.S. government began with strong popular support for Israel and governmental reservations about the wisdom of creating a Jewish state; formal inter-government relations remained chilly until 1967.[15]
Prior to 1967, the government of the United States provided some aid but was generally neutral towards Israel.[16] In each year between 1976 and 2004, however, Israel received the most direct foreign assistance from the U.S. of any nation, approximately 0.1% of the $3 trillion U.S. annual budget.[17]
21st century
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Structure
The pro-Israel lobby is composed of formal and informal components.
Informal lobby
Support for Israel is strong among American Christians of many denominations.[18] Informal Christian support for Israel includes a broad range varieties support for Israel ranging from the programming and news coverage on the Christian Broadcasting Network and the Christian Television Network to the more informal support of the annual Day of Prayer for the Peace of Jerusalem.[19]
Informal lobbying also includes the activities of Jewish groups. Some scholars view Jewish lobbying on behalf of Israel as one of many examples of a US ethnic group lobbying on behalf of an ethnic homeland,[20] which has met with a degree of success largely because Israel is strongly supported by a far larger and more influential Christian movement that shares its goals.[21] In a 2006 article in the London Review of Books, Professors John Mearsheimer and Stephen Walt wrote:
In its basic operations, the Israel Lobby is no different from the
Protocols of the Elders of Zion. For the most part, the individuals and groups that comprise it are only doing what other special interest groups do, but doing it very much better. By contrast, pro-Arab interest groups, in so far as they exist at all, are weak, which makes the Israel Lobby's task even easier.[22]
Author Mitchell Bard defined the Jewish "informal lobby" in 2009 as the indirect means through which "Jewish voting behavior and American public opinion" influence "U.S. Middle East policy".[23] Bard described the motivation underlying the informal lobby as follows:
American Jews recognize the importance of support for Israel because of the dire consequences that could follow from the alternative. Despite the fact that Israel is often referred to now as the fourth most powerful country in the world, the perceived threat to Israel is not military defeat, it is annihilation. At the same time, American Jews are frightened of what might happen in the United States if they do not have political power.[23]
Formal lobby
The formal component of the Israel lobby consists of organized
According to Mitchell Bard, there are, three key formal lobbying groups:
- Christians United for Israel, the US "largest" pro-Israel lobby.[25][26]
- The American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) which directly lobbies the United States Congress
- The executive branch" of the US government.[23]
Christians United for Israel give "every pro-Israel Christian and Christian church the opportunity to stand up and speak up for Israel." According to the group's founder and head, Pastor John Hagee, the members "ask the leadership of our government to stop putting pressure on Israel to divide Jerusalem and the land of Israel."[25]
In his 2006 book The Restoration of Israel: Christian Zionism in Religion, Literature, and Politics, sociologist Gerhard Falk describes the
According to the author of Kingdom Coming: The Rise of Christian Nationalism, Michelle Goldberg, "Evangelical Christians have substantial influence on US Middle East Policy, more so than some better-known names such as AIPAC."[27]
According to Mitchell Bard, the two Jewish groups aim to present policy makers with unified and representative messages via the aggregation and filtering of the diversity of opinions held by smaller pro-Israel lobby groups and the wider American Jewish community.
US foreign policy scholars John Mearsheimer and Stephen Walt (of
Stephen Zunes, in a response to Mearsheimer and Walt, lists "Americans for Peace Now, the Tikkun Community, Brit Tzedek v'Shalom, and the Israel Policy Forum" as "pro-Israel" organizations that, unlike the right-leaning organizations focused on by Mearsheimer and Walt, are opposed to "the occupation, the settlements, the separation wall, and Washington's unconditional support for Israeli policies."[35] These organizations, however, are not PACs and therefore, like AIPAC, are prohibited by campaign finance regulations from financially supporting political campaigns of candidates for federal office.
John Mearsheimer and Stephen Walt state in their controversial bestseller,
In
In April 2008,
Means of influence
The means through which Israel lobby groups exert influence are similar to the means through which other similar lobbies, such as the
Voting power
According to Bard,
"Most important fact about the Jewish vote in America", according to Jeffrey S. Helmreich of the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs, "lies in the fact that it is a uniquely swayable bloc. ... The issue of support for Israel [by a candidate] has proven capable of spurring a sizable portion of Jews to switch parties—in large enough numbers to tip the scales in national or statewide elections. Moreover, the "Israel swing vote" is especially open to political courtship because, unlike the interests of other minority groups, support for Israel has long been compatible with traditional Republican and Democratic agendas. ... On the other hand, being distinctively unsupportive of Israel can significantly hurt a candidate's chances."[45][46]
Campaign donations
"Political campaign contributions", writes Mitchell Bard, "are also considered an important means of influence; typically, Jews have been major benefactors."
According to Bard, objective quantification that the impact of campaign contributions have on "legislative outcomes, particularly with regard to Israel-related issues" is difficult. This is because raw analysis of contributions statistics do not take into account "non-monetary factors" and whether or not "a candidate is pro-Israel because of receiving a contribution, or receives a donation as a result of taking a position in support of Israel."[23]
- Targeting
AIPAC did not give donations directly to candidates until the early 2020s. Those who donated to AIPAC are often important political contributors in their own right. In addition, AIPAC helps connect donors with candidates, especially to the network of pro-Israel political action committees. AIPAC president Howard Friedman says "AIPAC meets with every candidate running for Congress. These candidates receive in-depth briefings to help them completely understand the complexities of Israel's predicament and that of the Middle East as a whole. We even ask each candidate to author a 'position paper' on their views of the US-Israel relationship – so it's clear where they stand on the subject."[47]
This process has become more targeted over time according to Bard, "In the past, Jewish contributions were less structured and targeted than other
- Financial figures
A summary of pro-Israel campaign donations for the period of 1990–2008 collected by
Education of politicians
According to Mitchell Bard, Israel lobbyists also educate politicians by:
taking them to Israel on study missions. Once officials have direct exposure to the country, its leaders, geography, and security dilemmas, they typically return more sympathetic to Israel. Politicians also sometimes travel to Israel specifically to demonstrate to the lobby their interest in Israel. Thus, for example, George W. Bush made his one and only trip to Israel before deciding to run for President in what was widely viewed as an effort to win pro-Israel voters' support.[23]
Think tanks
Mearsheimer and Walt state that "pro-Israel figures have established a commanding presence at the
In 2002, the
Media and public discourse from 2002 to 2006
The April 2002 Forward article related how one individual felt:
'There's a great frustration that American Jews want to do something,' said Ira Youdovin, executive vice president of the
hasbarah war,' Youdovin said, using a Hebrew term for public relations. 'We're winning, but we're very much concerned about the bad stuff.'[60]
Indicative of the diversity of opinion in the early 2000s was a 2003
In addition to traditional media, Israeli
College campuses
Since the early 2000s, there have been a number of organizations that focus on what could be called "pro-Israel activism" on college campuses. With the outbreak of the
There are some who feel that pro-Israel activism on college campuses can cross the line from advocacy to outright
Coordination with Israeli officials
Rabbi Alexander Schindler, former chair of the Conference of Presidents of Major Jewish Organizations (a US advocacy group), told an Israeli magazine in 1976, "The Presidents' Conference and its members have been instruments of official governmental Israeli policy. It was seen as our task to receive directions from government circles and to do our best no matter what to affect the Jewish community."
Bard noted in 2009 that "by framing the issues in terms of the national interest, AIPAC can attract broader support than would ever be possible if it was perceived to represent only the interests of Israel. This does not mean AIPAC does not have a close relationship with Israeli officials, it does, albeit unofficially. Even so, the lobby some times comes into conflict with the Israeli government."[23]
Responses to attacks on Israel and the Jews
Zunes writes that "assaults on critics of Israeli policies have been more successful in limiting open debate, but this gagging censorship effect stems more from ignorance and liberal guilt than from any all-powerful Israel lobby."
In an opinion piece for
I do not subscribe to the myths propagated by enemies of Israel and I am not blaming Jews for anti-Semitism. Anti-Semitism predates the birth of Israel. Neither Israel's policies nor the critics of those policies should be held responsible for anti-Semitism. At the same time, I do believe that attitudes toward Israel are influenced by Israel's policies, and attitudes toward the Jewish community are influenced by the pro-Israel lobby's success in suppressing divergent views.[73]
In his book,
Alan Dershowitz wrote that he welcomes "reasoned, contextual and comparative criticism of Israeli policies and actions."[76] If one of the goals of the pro-Israel lobby was to censor criticism of Israel, Dershowitz writes, "it would prove that 'the Lobby' is a lot less powerful than the authors would have us believe."[76]
Debates
Criticism of the term
According to
According to Walt and Mearsheimer, "Using the term 'Israel lobby' is itself somewhat misleading ... One might more accurately dub this the 'pro-Israel community' ..." since this is not the lobby of a foreign country, rather, it is composed of Americans.[78][79] However, justifying their usage of the term, they write "because many of the key [pro-Israel] groups do lobby, and because the term 'Israel lobby' is used in common parlance (along with labels such as the 'farm lobby', 'insurance lobby', 'gun lobby' and other ethnic lobbies), we have chosen to employ it here."[80]
Degree of influence
The impact of pro-Israel organizations and sentiment in the United States has been the subject of considerable academic and journalistic interest.
CIA original operative Miles Copeland wrote: "Our diplomats and intelligence officers' fears of Zionist influence are great..."[81]
Mearsheimer and Walt have collected and quoted some of the lobbyists' comments on their organizations' political capital. For example, Mearsheimer and Walt quote
Mitchell Bard has conducted a study which attempts to roughly quantify the influence of the Israel lobby on 782 policy decisions, over the period of 1945 to 1984, in order to move the debate on its influence away from simple anecdotes. He
found the Israeli lobby won; that is, achieved its policy objective, 60 percent of the time. The most important variable was the president's position. When the president supported the lobby, it won 95 percent of the time. At first glance it appears the lobby was only successful because its objectives coincided with those of the president, but the lobby's influence was demonstrated by the fact that it still won 27 percent of the cases when the president opposed its position.[23]
However, some U.S. government officials and journalists have stated that the Israel lobby is not so powerful that they control U.S. foreign policy.[citation needed]
Progressive journalist John R. MacArthur wrote:
Somehow... I can't shake the idea that the Israel lobby, no matter how powerful, isn't all it is cracked up to be, particularly where it concerns the Bush administrations past and present. Indeed, when I think of pernicious foreign lobbies with disproportionate sway over American politics, I can't see past
Saudi Arabia and its royal house, led by King Abdullah.[85]
Former
never in the time that I led the American negotiations on the Middle East peace process did we take a step because 'the lobby' wanted us to. Nor did we shy away from one because 'the lobby' opposed it. That is not to say that AIPAC and others have no influence. They do. But they don't distort U.S. policy or undermine American interests.[88]
Individual journalists each have their own opinions on how powerful the Israel lobby is. Glenn Frankel wrote: "On Capitol Hill the Israel lobby commands large majorities in both the House and Senate."[89] Michael Lind produced a cover piece on the Israel lobby for the UK publication Prospect in 2002 which concluded, "The truth about America's Israel lobby is this: it is not all-powerful, but it is still far too powerful for the good of the U.S. and its alliances in the Middle East and elsewhere.".[90] Tony Judt, writing in The New York Times, asked rhetorically, "Does the Israel Lobby affect our foreign policy choices? Of course – that is one of its goals. ... But does pressure to support Israel distort American decisions? That's a matter of judgment."[91]
According to a public opinion poll by
In March 2009,
Comparison to other lobbies
The closest comparison is probably to other ethnic-group based lobbies that attempt to influence American foreign policy decisions such as the
Zunes describes that some groups who lobby against current U.S. policy on Israel "have accepted funding from autocratic Arab regimes, thereby damaging their credibility" while others have "taken hard-line positions that not only oppose the Israeli occupation but challenge Israel's very
However, while comparing the Israel Lobby with the Arab Lobby, Mitchell Bard notes that "From the beginning, the Arab lobby has faced not only a disadvantage in electoral politics but also in organization. There are several politically oriented groups, but many of these are one man operations with little financial or popular support."[101] The Arab American Institute is involved in supporting Arab-American political candidates, but, according to journalist and comedian Ray Hanania in a 2006 piece, "it's nothing compared to the funds that AIPAC raises not just for Jewish American congressmen, but for congressmen who support Israel."[102] Furthermore, according to Bard, Arab-American lobbies face a problem of motivation; while Jewish Americans feel the need to support their homeland, Israel (as well as other states in the Middle East who have signed peace treaties with Israel) in active, organized ways, Arab-Americans do not appear to have a similar motivation when it comes to their own homelands.[103]
Israel and U.S. interests
Friendly relations between Israel and the U.S. has been and continues to be a tenet of both American and Israeli foreign policy. Israel receives bipartisan support in the U.S. Congress. The Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs states that U.S. and Israel share common "economic, political, strategic, and diplomatic concerns" and that the countries exchange "intelligence and military information" and cooperate in an effort to halt international terrorism and illegal drug trade.[104] Furthermore, a majority of American citizens view Israel favorably.[105]
In 2011, the Washington Institute for Near East Policy (a think tank founded by "a small group of visionary Americans committed to advancing U.S. interests in the Middle East") argued that the U.S.-Israel relationship is "A Strategic Asset for the United States."[106][107] In discussing their report, Walter B. Slocombe said that while in the popular imagination, the U.S.-Israel relationship is only good for Israel, Israel provides enormous assistance to the United States, including military expertise which has saved American lives in Iraq and Afghanistan. Robert D. Blackwill countered the claim that the U.S.-Israel relationship significantly damages the relationship between the United States and the Arab world. He asked rhetorically:
Would Saudi Arabia's policies toward the United States be markedly different in practice if Washington entered into a sustained crisis with Israel over the Palestine issue during which the bilateral relationship between the United States and Israel went into steep, systemic decline? In that instance, would Riyadh lower the price of oil? Would it stop hedging its regional bets concerning U.S. attempts to coerce Iran into freezing its nuclear weapons program? Would it regard U.S. policy toward Afghanistan any less critically? Would it view American democracy promotion in the Middle East more favorably? Would it be more inclined to reform its internal governmental processes to be more in line with U.S. preferences? Walt [Slocombe] and I judge the answer to all these questions [to be] 'No.'[107]
When asked how this report could so flatly contradict the Walt and Mearsheimer thesis, Slocombe responded, "There is so much error in the world," and added, "I think it would be interesting to ask them whether they make the same contrary argument about the other countries to whom we also provide something like this kind of support. There are obviously differences, but the principle is the same."[107]
The
In a 2008 editorial,
In his 2007 review of Mearsheimer and Walt's book, Jeffrey Goldberg wrote:
Forty years of polling has consistently shown that Americans support Israel in its conflict with the Arabs. ... Both Israel and America were founded by refugees from European religious intolerance; both are rooted in a common religious tradition; Israel is a lively democracy in a part of the world that lacks democracy; Israelis seem self-reliant in the manner of American pioneers; and Israel's enemies, in many cases, seem to be America's enemies as well.[110]
Israeli academic and political activist Jeff Halper said that "Israel is able to pursue its occupation only because of its willingness to serve Western (mainly U.S.) imperial interests" and that rather than influencing the United States via the lobby, Israel is actually "a handmaiden of American Empire."[35] According to political scientists John Mearsheimer and Stephen Walt, though, "the combination of unwavering U.S. support for Israel and the related effort to spread democracy throughout the region has inflamed Arab and Islamic opinion and jeopardized U.S. security." They alleged that while "one might assume that the bond between the two countries is based on shared strategic interests or compelling moral imperatives. ... neither of those explanations can account for the remarkable level of material and diplomatic support that the United States provides to Israel."[111] Robert Satloff cited the events of May–June 2010 (in which Israel stopped a flotilla meant to break its blockade of the Gaza Strip and yet, a few days later, every country expected to vote U.N. sanctions against Iran ended up voting as the U.S. wanted them to) as a counter-example that disproved that point of view.[112] Goldberg similarly cited the Arab Spring to counter Walt and Mearsheimer's point:
It seems as if the Arab masses have been much less upset about Israel's treatment of the Palestinians than they have been about their own treatment at the hands of their unelected leaders. If Israel ceased to exist tomorrow, Arabs would still be upset at the quality of their leadership (and they would still blame the United States for supporting the autocrats who make them miserable); Iran would still continue its drive to expunge American influence from the Middle East; and al Qaeda would still seek to murder Americans and other Westerners.[113]
In 2006 former
In 2020, Pakistan's prime minister Imran Khan said the United States was pressuring Pakistan to recognize Israel and said it was because of: "Israel's deep impact in the United States"[116] Khan also said: "Israel's lobby is the most powerful, and that's why America's whole Middle East policy is controlled by Israel,"[117]
Media coverage of lobby
American journalist Michael Massing argues that there is a lack of media coverage on the Israel lobby and posits this explanation: "Why the blackout? For one thing, reporting on these groups is not easy. AIPAC's power makes potential sources reluctant to discuss the organization on the record, and employees who leave it usually sign pledges of silence. AIPAC officials themselves rarely give interviews, and the organization even resists divulging its board of directors."[59] Massing writes that in addition to AIPAC's efforts to maintain a low profile, "journalists, meanwhile, are often loath to write about the influence of organized Jewry. ... In the end, though, the main obstacle to covering these groups is fear."[59] Steven Rosen, a former director of foreign-policy issues for AIPAC, explained to Jeffrey Goldberg of The New Yorker that "a lobby is like a night flower: it thrives in the dark and dies in the sun."[118]
According to Gal Beckerman there are many individual pro-Israel
Walt and Mearsheimer undermine our intelligence by assuming that we are simply being manipulated. ... If the lobby is so influential over the media, how were Walt and Mearsheimer given such space in every major news outlet in the country to express their 'dangerous' views? You want to tell me that a force that can impel us to got [sic] to war in Iraq can't find a way to censor two academics? Not much of a lobby, now is it?[119]
Writing for the Columbia Journalism Review, Beckerman cites examples of op-eds critical of Israel from several major U.S. newspapers and concludes that an equally compelling argument could be made that the Israel lobby doesn't control the media. Itamar Rabinovich, writing for the Brookings Institution, wrote, "The truth of the matter is that, insofar as the lobby ever tries to intimidate and silence, the effort usually causes more damage than it redresses. In any event, the power of the lobby to do that is very modest."[120]
On
See also
- Public diplomacy of Israel
- Lobbying in the United States
- The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy
- Diaspora politics in the United States
- The Lobby (TV series)
- Ethnic interest groups in the United States
- Anti-Israel lobby in the United States
- Arab lobby in the United States
- Egypt lobby
- Jewish lobby
- Libya lobby
- Pakistan Lobby in the United States
- Saudi Arabia lobby
- Turkish lobby in the United States
References
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Prime Minister Yitzak Rabin's handshake with Yasir Arafat during the 13 September [1993] White House ceremony elicited dramatically opposed reactions among American Jews. To the liberal universalists the accord was highly welcome news. ... However, to the hard-core Zionists --- the Orthodox community and right wing Jews --- the peace treaty amounted to what some dubbed the 'handshake earthquake.' From the perspective of the Orthodox, Oslo was not just an affront to the sanctity of Eretz Yisrael, but also a personal threat to the Orthodox settlers ... in the West Bank and Gaza. For Jewish nationalists ... the peace treaty amounted to an appeasement of Palestinian terrorism.
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Abandoning any pretense of unity, both segments began to develop separate advocacy and lobbying organizations. The liberal supporters of the Oslo Accord worked ... to assure Congress that American Jewry was behind the Accord and defended the efforts of the [Clinton] administration to help the fledgling Palestinian authority (PA) including promises of financial aid. ... Working on the other side of the fence, a host of Orthodox groups, ... launched a major public opinion campaign against Oslo. ... Hard-core Zionists also criticized, often in harsh language, [the Labor government] architect[s] of the peace accord.
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- ^ Rosenblum, Jonathan. "Paper on 'Israel Lobby' Poses Threat." Jewish Journal. April 27, 2006. July 20, 2009.
- ^ a b Dershowitz, Alan. "The Big New Lie." Archived December 24, 2007, at the Wayback Machine Alan M. Dershowitz. July 20, 2009.
- ^ OCLC 165082593. Retrieved July 20, 2009.
- ^ "The Australian". November 17, 2007. Archived from the original on November 21, 2007.
- ^ Etzioni, Amitai (March 28, 2008). "Small Lies, Big Lies, and the Israel Lobby (Part II)". HuffPost.
- ISBN 978-0-670-06725-1.
- ^ Copeland, Miles. Without Cloak or Dagger. 1974. Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 74-1136. Pages 51-52. "Simple lack of courage is also a reason why many diplomats and intelligence officers pump their information and opinions through newsmen. 'Our officers see Zionists...around every corner,' a retired American Ambassador once told a graduate seminar at Georgetown University, and a week later another retired American ambassador told an audience at a Middle East association banquet, 'Any diplomat who dares to suggest in his reporting that Israel is not one-hundred-percent right and the Arabs one-hundred-percent wrong is taking his career in his hands.' Whether justified or not, the fear is general. James Keely, Minister to Syria in 1948, was demoted to the post of Consul General in Sicily for commenting 'disrespectfully' on the Zionist movement; David Nes, Deputy Chief of Mission in Cairo at the time of the Six-Day War, was removed from his post and forced to resign because he chided the Department for its 'uncritical' support of Israel; a young officer who remarked that Golda Meir looked 'like President Johnson in drag' was reprimanded not for a slur on President Johnson but for a slur on Mrs. Meir; two senior diplomats in Arab capitals were forced to resign because of charges of moral turpitude brought to the State Department of Congressmen who had obtained them from 'unnamed sources' who, upon investigation, turned out to be Zionists. There have been at least five cases, two of them involving CIA station chiefs under State Department cover, in which cleverly fabricated cases of sexual misbehavior or financial malfeasance were made out against officers who were generally believed to entertain an anti-Zionist bias. Our diplomats and intelligence officers' fears of Zionist influence are great..."
- ^ Mearsheimer and Walt (2007), p160.
- ^ Mearsheimer and Walt (2007), p10.
- ^ Mearsheimer and Walt (2007), p10-11.
- ^ John MacArthur [2] "The Vast Power of the Saudi Lobby", April 2007, Harper's Magazine
- Abraham H. Foxman
- ^ "Breaking News Videos, Story Video and Show Clips". CNN. December 13, 2013.
- ^ Dennis Ross, The Mind-set Matters Foreign Policy, July/August 2006
- ^ a b Frankel, Glenn (July 16, 2006). "A Beautiful Friendship?". The Washington Post. Retrieved May 5, 2010.
- ^ The Israel Lobby, Michael Lind, Prospect no. 73, April 2002
- ^ A Lobby, Not a Conspiracy, Tony Judt, The New York Times Op-Ed, April 19, 2006
- ^ "Archived copy" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on November 23, 2006. Retrieved October 20, 2006.
{{cite web}}
: CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link) - ^ Mikkelsen, Randall (March 11, 2009). "U.S. intelligence candidate pulls out after objections". Reuters.
- ^ "Freeman Withdraws From Intel Position - 44". The Washington Post.
- ^ Freeman, Charles, "Charles Freeman's Statement in Wake of Withdrawal From Intelligence Post", The Wall Street Journal, March 11, 2009.
- ^ Isikoff, Michael and Mark Hosenball. "Facing Opposition, Obama Intel Pick Pulls Out." Newsweek. March 10, 2009. March 15, 2009.
- ^ Bolton, Alexander. "Lawmakers deny Freeman's Israel lobby charges." Archived April 22, 2009, at the Wayback Machine The Hill. March 12, 2009. March 12, 2009.
- ^ Brzezinski, Zbigniew. "A Dangerous Exemption." Foreign Policy July 1, 2006: 63.
- ^ Eric Alterman, AIPAC's Complaint The Nation, May 1, 2006 (posted April 13, 2006)
- ZNet. Archived from the originalon April 17, 2009. Retrieved January 13, 2009.
- ^ "The Pro-Israel & Pro-Arab Lobbies - Jewish Virtual Library". jewishvirtuallibrary.org.
- ^ Hanania, Ray (May 21, 2006). "Chutzpah needed". ynet.
- ^ Bard. The Arab Lobby: The Invisible Alliance That Undermines America's Interests in the Middle East. New York: Harper, 2010. p. 196
- ^ Facts About Israel. Jerusalem: Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 2010. p. 337-338.
- ^ Benhorin, Yitzhak. "American citizens rank Israel 6th on list of favorite countries." Ynetnews. January 1, 2014. December 31, 2013.
- ^ "Page not found - The Washington Institute for Near East Policy". washingtoninstitute.org. Archived from the original on October 2, 2015. Retrieved February 13, 2012.
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: Cite uses generic title (help) - ^ a b c "Publications." The Washington Institute for Near East Policy. November 2011. November 7, 2011.
- ^ "Global Language Dictionary, 2009" (PDF). Newsweek.
- ^ the alliance [between the United States and Israel]surmount these challenges? One reason, certainly, is values – the respect for civic rights and the rule of law that is shared by the world's most powerful republic and the Middle East's only stable democracy. There is also Israel's determination to fight terror, and its willingness to share its antiterror expertise. ... The admiration which the U.S. inspires among Israelis is overwhelmingly reciprocated by Americans, more than 70% of whom, according to recent polls, favor robust ties with the Jewish state.
- ^ Goldberg, Jeffrey. "The Usual Suspect." The New Republic. 8 October 2007. 24 January 2009.
- ^ "Home" (PDF).
- Washington InstitutePodcast." Impact of the Gaza Flotilla Incident: Implications for Middle East Politics and U.S. Policy Implications for Middle East Politics and U.S. Policy. June 17, 2010. iTunes Store. Web. June 22, 2010.
- ^ Goldberg. "Friends Forever?" Foreign Policy. 25 April 2011. 26 April 2011.
- ^ "Groups Fear Public Backlash Over Iran". The Jewish Daily Forward. February 2, 2007.
- ^ "Book: Israel, Lobby Pushing Iran War". The Jewish Daily Forward. December 29, 2006.
- ^ "U.S., another country 'pressuring Pakistan to recognize Israel,' says PM Imran Khan". Haaretz. Retrieved January 4, 2021.
- ^ "Pakistan's PM Imran Khan pressured to recognize Israel". The Jerusalem Post | JPost.com. Retrieved January 4, 2021.
- ^ Jeffrey Goldberg, Real Insiders, The New Yorker, July 4, 2005. Retrieved August 27, 2006.
- ^ Beckerman, Gal. "CJR: The Israel Lobby Doesn't Control the Media." Columbia Journalism Review. 2007 25 June 2010.
- ^ Rabinovich, Itamar. "Testing the 'Israel Lobby' Thesis." Archived June 8, 2010, at the Wayback Machine Brookings Institution. March/April 2008. June 25, 2010.
- ^ "The Diane Rehm Show - One of her guests is always you". The Diane Rehm Show. Archived from the original on December 21, 2006.
Further reading
- Nasser Aruri. Dishonest Broker: The Role of the United States in Palestine and Israel. South End Press, 2003. ISBN 978-0-89608-687-6.
- Kirk J. Beattie. Congress and the Shaping of the Middle East. Seven Stories Press. 2015. ISBN 978-1-60980-561-6.
- Zev Chafets. A Match Made in Heaven: American Jews, Christian Zionists, and One Man's Exploration of the Weird and Wonderful Judeo-Evangelical Alliance. HarperCollins, 2007. ISBN 978-0-06-089058-2.
- ISBN 978-1-55652-482-0.
- Paul Findley. Deliberate Deceptions: Facing the Facts About the U.S.-Israeli Relationship. Lawrence Hill, 1995. ISBN 978-1-55652-239-0.
- Abraham H. Foxman. The Deadliest Lies: The Israel Lobby and the Myth of Jewish Control. Palgrave MacMillan, 2007.
- Glenn Frankel. A Beautiful Friendship. The Washington Post. July 16, 2006.
- Murray Friedman. The Neoconservative Revolution: Jewish Intellectuals and the Shaping of Public Policy. Cambridge University Press, 2006. ISBN 978-0-521-54501-3.
- ISBN 978-0-226-29666-1.
- ISBN 978-0-201-32798-4.
- D. H. Goldberg. Foreign Policy and Ethnic Interest Groups: American and Canadian Jews Lobby for Israel. Greenwood Press, 1990. ISBN 978-0-313-26850-2.
- Stephen J. Green. Taking Sides: America's Secret Relations With Militant Israel. William Morrow & Co., 1984. ISBN 978-0-688-02643-1.
- Walter L. Hixson. Israel's Armor: The Israel Lobby and the First Generation of the Palestine Conflict (Cambridge UP, 2019) online review.
- Daniel G. Hummel. Covenant Brothers: Evangelicals, Jews, and U.S.-Israeli Relations (U of Pennsylvania Press, 2019); online review.
- Peter Keith. U.S. Foreign Policy Discourse and the Israel Lobby: The Clinton Administration and the Israeli-Palestinian Peace Process (Springer, 2017).
- Matthew Coen Leep. "The Affective Production of Others: United States Policy towards the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict," Cooperation and Conflict 45(3): 331-352 (2010).
- ISBN 978-0-8078-5539-3.
- John J. Mearsheimer and Stephen Walt's The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy
- ISBN 978-0-932863-51-5.
- Ariel Ilan Roth. "Reassurance: A Strategic Basis of U.S. Support for Israel," International Studies Perspectives 10:4 (2009): 378-394
- ISBN 978-0-252-06074-8.
- ISBN 978-0-385-51025-7.
- Jerome Slater. "The Two Books of Mearsheimer and Walt," Security Studies 18:1 (2009): 4-57.
- Janice Terry. U.S. Foreign Policy in the Middle East: The Role of Lobbies and Special Interest Groups. Pluto Press, 2005. ISBN 978-0-7453-2258-2.
- Edward Tivnan. The Lobby: Jewish Political Power and American Foreign Policy. Touchstone Books, 1988. ISBN 978-0-671-66828-0.
- David Verbeeten, How Important Is the Israel Lobby?, Middle East Quarterly, Fall 2006, pp. 37–44
- Timothy P. Weber. On the Road to Armageddon: How Evangelicals Became Israel's Best Friend. Baker Academic, 2005. ISBN 978-0-8010-3142-7.