Kechewaishke
Kechewaishke (Great Buffalo) | |
---|---|
Born | c.1759 |
Died | September 7, 1855 La Pointe |
Nationality | Ojibwe |
Other names | Bizhiki (Buffalo) |
Chief Buffalo (
, USA.Recognized as the principal
Background
Political structure of the Lake Superior Ojibwa
Kechewaishke was born around 1759 at
Traditional Ojibwa government and society centers around kinship
The Loon Clan was said to have been rising in prominence in the mid-18th-century due to the efforts of
Although the Loons were afforded respect as principal peace chiefs, this status was not permanent. The Cranes, led in Kechewaishke's time by his sub-chief Tagwagane, maintained that they were the hereditary chiefs. They said the Loons' status as spokesmen hinged upon recognition by the Cranes. A chief's power in Ojibwa society was based on persuasion and consensus, holding only as long as the community of elders, including the women, chose to respect and follow the chief's lead.[8]
Personal life
Sources conflict as to the identity of Kechewaishke's father, who may also have been named Andaigweos. He appears to have been a descendant or relative of the famous war chief Waubojeeg.[9] When he was about 10, Kechewaishke and his parents moved from La Pointe to the vicinity of what is now Buffalo, New York, and lived there until about he was about 12. The family relocated to the Mackinac Island area for a while before returning to La Pointe. In his youth, Kechewaishke was admired as a skilled hunter and athlete.[10]
Like many
Kechewaishke had five wives and numerous children, many of whom became prominent Ojibwa leaders in the reservation era. He practiced the
Views on international relations
Few details of Kechewaishke's early life are known. He appears to have been favored by British traders and decorated by British authorities,[13] but few Ojibwa from Lake Superior fought in the American Revolution or the War of 1812, and there is no record of his participation.
When
After that incident, Kechewaishke is recorded as using only peaceful tactics in his relations with the United States, though he often opposed
Although Armstrong records Kechewaishke winning a large victory over the Dakota in the 1842 Battle of the Brule, 20th-century historians have cast doubt on his account. That year Kechewaishke was recorded as saying he "never took a scalp in his life, though he had taken prisoners whom he fed and well-treated."[16] Overall, he seems to have supported efforts at peace between the Ojibwa and Dakota.
Kechewaishke not only inherited the status afforded his family, but also had skills praised in his grandfather Andaigweos. Noted for his abilities in hunting and battle, he was recognized as chief by his people because of his speaking and oratorical skills, which were highly valued in his culture. By the time the Ojibwa of Wisconsin and Minnesota started treaty negotiations with the US Government, Kechewaishke was recognized as one of the primary spokesmen for all the bands, not just for the Ojibwa from La Pointe.
Treaties of 1825 and 1826
In 1825, Kechewaishke was one of 41 Ojibwa leaders to sign the
A year later, the US and Ojibwa signed the Treaty of Fond du Lac at a meeting at Lake Superior's western edge. The signatories were listed by band, and Kechewaishke, recorded as Peezhickee, signed as the first chief from La Pointe. The treaty, mainly dealing with mineral rights for Ojibwa lands in what is now Michigan, had little immediate effect but foreshadowed future treaties. Kechewaishke did not speak on the copper issue. He praised the US officials for their ability to keep their young people under their control, and asked for whiskey to accomplish the same ends among the younger members of his band. When the agent presented him with a silver medal as a symbol of his chieftainship, Kechewaishke said that his power was based in his clan and reputation, and not from anything received from the U.S. government.[19]
Shortly after the treaties were signed,
Treaties of 1837 and 1842
In the next decades, there was pressure from Americans who wanted to exploit the mineral and timber resources of Ojibwa country, and the US government sought to acquire control of the territory through treaties. The Treaties of 1837 and 1842 covered La Pointe and territories held by other bands over which Kechewaishke held considerable influence. In both treaties, Americans recognized his position as the principal chief of all the Lake Superior Ojibwa.
"Pine Tree" treaty
In the Treaty of St. Peters (1837), the government sought the pine timber resources on Ojibwa lands. It intended to float the harvested timber southwest into the Mississippi River. The negotiations took place at Fort Snelling, near present-day Minneapolis. The delegations from Minnesota and the St. Croix area arrived first and began discussions on July 20. The assembled chiefs awaited Kechewaishke's judgment before deciding to approve the treaty. Despite the impatience of the territorial governor, Henry Dodge, the negotiations were delayed for five days as the assembled bands waited for Kechewaishke to arrive. While other chiefs spoke about the terms of mineral rights and annuity amounts, Kechewaishke discussed treatment of mixed-blood traders, saying:
I am an Indian and do not know the value of money, but the half-breeds do, for which reason we wish you pay them their share in money. You have good judgment in what you do, and if you do not act yourself, you will appoint someone else to divide it between the half breeds. ...I have good reasons for saying to you what I have just said; for at a certain Treaty held heretofore, there were some who got rich while others received nothing.[21]
Once the terms were agreed to, Kechewaishke marked and was recorded as Pe-zhe-ke, head of the La Pointe delegation. Although he and the other Lake Superior chiefs signed, they were said to be quieter than the
Kechewaishke expressed his misgivings over the treaty negotiations in a letter to Governor Dodge, writing:
"The Indians acted like children; they tried to cheat each other and got cheated themselves. When it comes my turn to sell my land, I do not think I shall give it up as they did." Regarding possible future land cessions, he said: "Father I speak for my people, not for myself. I am an old man. My fire is almost out—there is but little smoke. When I sit in my wigwam & smoke my pipe, I think of what has past and what is to come, and it makes my heart shake. When business comes before us, we will try and act like Chiefs. If any thing is to be done, it had better be done straight."[23]
"Copper" treaty
Five years later, Kechewaishke was presented with the Treaty of La Pointe covering his lands. Acting Superintendent of Indian Affairs Henry Stuart, who was promoting development of the Lake Superior copper industry, led the negotiations for the US government. No record of the negotiations was made. But materials written by missionaries, traders, and the Ojibwa through their agent indicated that Stuart used bullying and outright deception to force the Ojibwa to accept the terms.[24]
Kechewaishke signed and was recorded as Gichi waishkey, 1st chief of La Pointe. Writing in 1855, Morse describes Kechewaishke's "voice so potent at the treaty of '42."
The interpretation of the 1837 and 1842 treaties remains ambiguous, as the US government claimed the Ojibwa ceded title to the lands, and the Ojibwa claimed they ceded only resource rights. The government had said that the Ojibwa lands were unsuitable for farming and white settlement. The Ojibwa did obtain annuity payments to be paid each year at La Pointe, and reserved the right to hunt, fish, gather, and move across any lands outlined in the treaties. They obtained the promise that the nation would not be removed across the Mississippi River unless they somehow "misbehaved."[27]
Threats of removal
In 1830, President
In 1848, Wisconsin achieved statehood; Indian nations were under increased pressure for removal and marginalization. Corrupt US Indian agents controlled annuity payments, sometimes underpaying tribes, and took authority not granted them by the bands. They allowed white settlers to move onto Ojibwa lands and refused the Ojibwa the rights reserved by treaties. The Ojibwa complained to Jackson about the mistreatment and broken promises, but politicians were more apt to listen to western land speculators, who saw possibilities for profit in removing the Ojibwa to Minnesota.[28]
Even with the treaties of 1837 and 1842, leaders worried about Ojibwa removal. Kechewaishke kept in constant contact with the other bands to ensure the Ojibwa upheld their obligations. He sent runners to all the bands to report back on any conduct that could construed as grounds for removal. Nothing was reported. But President Zachary Taylor signed the removal order on February 6, 1850, under corrupt circumstances, claiming to be protecting the Ojibwa from "injurious" whites.[28] The Wisconsin legislature resisted the order and put aside plans for removal. Alexander Ramsey, the territorial governor of Minnesota, and Indian sub-agent John Watrous conspired on a plan to force the Ojibwa to Minnesota anyway, as the two men stood to gain personal economic and political benefits from removal.[29]
Sandy Lake Tragedy
To force the Ojibwa to comply, Watrous announced he would pay future annuities only at Sandy Lake, Minnesota, instead of La Pointe, where they had been paid previously. This change resulted in the Sandy Lake Tragedy, when hundreds of Ojibwa starved or died of exposure in Minnesota and on the journey home because the promised annuity supplies were late, contaminated or inadequate.
In a later letter, Kechewaishke described the conditions:
And when a message was sent to me by our Indian agent to come and get our pay, I lost no time in arising & complying with my Agents voice and when I reached my point of destination, verily my Agent fed me with very bad flour it resembled green clay. Soon I became sick and many of my fellow chippewas also were taken sick, and soon the results were manifested by the death of over two hundred persons of my tribe, for this calamity, I laid blame to the provisions issued to us...[30]
Back in La Pointe, Kechewaishke took several actions to forestall and prevent removal. He and other leaders petitioned the US government for the next two years to no avail. They did win considerable sympathy from whites who learned of the debacle in Sandy Lake. Newspapers throughout the Lake Superior region ran editorials condemning the removal effort. Kechewaishke sent two of his sons to
Ramsey and Watrous continued to work to remove the Ojibwa to Sandy Lake. Watrous said they considered Sandy Lake a "graveyard," but he still tried to move all the bands to Fond du Lac.[31] Young Ojibwa men in Wisconsin were outraged at these developments and the threat of violent revolt grew. Kechewaishke called on the services of his well-spoken sub-chief Oshoga, and son-in-law Benjamin G. Armstrong, a literate white interpreter married to his daughter. He drew up a petition that the 92-year-old Kechewaishke personally delivered to the president in Washington.[32]
Trip to Washington
After spring thaw in 1852, Kechewaishke, Oshaga, Armstrong, and four others set out from La Pointe for Washington, D.C. by birchbark canoe. Along the way, they stopped in towns and mining camps along the Michigan shore of Lake Superior, securing hundreds of signatures in support of their cause. At Sault Ste. Marie, they were held by the US Indian agent, who told them that no unauthorized Ojibwa delegations could go to Washington and they had to turn back. The men pleaded the urgency of their case and traveled to Detroit by steamship. There another Indian agent tried to stop them. Once allowed to proceed, they sailed through Lake Erie to Buffalo, New York and then on to Albany and New York City.[33]
In New York City, the Ojibwa attracted attention, gaining publicity and money for their cause. But in Washington, they were turned away by the
The delegation traveled back to Wisconsin by rail, spreading the good news to the various Ojibwa bands as they went. Kechewaishke also announced that all tribal representatives should gather at La Pointe for payments the next summer (1853), and he would reveal the specifics of the agreement.[34]
1854 Treaty and Buffalo estate
As Fillmore promised, treaty commissioners arrived in La Pointe in 1854 to conclude a final treaty. Recalling the experiences of 1837 and 1842, Ojibwa leaders sought to control the negotiations in 1854. Ambiguity in those treaties had been partially to blame for ensuing problems, so Kechewaishke insisted he would accept no interpreter other than Armstrong, his adopted son. The Ojibwa insisted on a guarantee of the right to hunt, fish, and gather on all the ceded territory, and on the establishment on several reservations across western Upper Michigan, northern Wisconsin, and northeastern Minnesota. In his mid-nineties and in failing health, Kechewaishke directed the negotiations but left most of the speaking to other chiefs. He entrusted Armstrong with the details of the written version.
The reservations in Wisconsin were named the
A small tract of land was also set aside for Kechewaishke and his family at Buffalo Bay on the mainland across from Madeline Island at a place called Miskwaabikong (red rocks or cliffs). Many of the Catholic and mixed-blooded members of the La Pointe Band elected to settle there around Kechewaishke rather than at Bad River. In 1855, this settlement at the "Buffalo Estate" was acknowledged; it was extended by executive order into what is now the
Death and legacy
Kechewaishke was too ill to participate in the speeches at the time of the annuity payments in summer 1855. Tensions continued, as the Ojibwa accused US officials of corruption, members of the American Fur Company threatened violence, and infighting erupted among the Ojibwa bands. Morse records that these conflicts worsened Kechewaishke's condition. He died of heart disease on September 7, 1855, at La Pointe.[25] Members of his band blamed his death on the government officials' conduct.
Kechewaishke was described as "head and the chief of the Chippewa Nation" and a man respected "for his rare integrity, wisdom in council, power as an orator, and magnanimity as a warrior." In his final hours he requested that his tobacco pouch and pipe be carried to Washington, D.C., and given to the government. His funeral was conducted in military fashion, with volleys fired at intervals in his honor.[37]
Kechewaishke is regarded a hero of the
Beginning in 1983, during treaty conflicts known as the
See also
Notes
- ^ Although the original term Ojibwe, also spelled as "Ojibwa," is now preferred to its English corruption "Chippewa," Chippewa has historically been the dominant English usage in the United States, was used in treaties with the United States, and remains part of the official name of many tribal groups: Lake Superior Chippewa, Red Cliff Chippewa, etc.
- ^ Loew, 20-21.
- ^ Loew, 56-58.
- ^ Loew, 8.
- Henry Rowe Schoolcraft, the US Indian Agent for the area, collected and published the petition in 1851. He claimed that it was sent in 1849 by Ojibwa leaders around the headwaters of the Wisconsin River, and did not include Buffalo or chiefs from La Pointe.
- ^ Morse, 367
- ^ Schoolcraft (American Indians), 261.
- ^ Warren, 87-89
- ^ Schoolcraft (1851), 195. Buffalo's obituary, based on the memoirs of his adopted white son, Benjamin G. Armstrong, said that Andaigweos was his father. But, contemporary historians and ethnographers William Whipple Warren and Henry Rowe Schoolcraft both described Ou-daig-weos as the grandfather of Buffalo. Some accounts claim that Buffalo was the son of chief Waubojeeg, and a brother of Ozhaguscodaywayquay. She later married the British fur-trader John Johnston and was known as Susan Johnston. Their daughter Jane Johnston married Henry Schoolcraft and informed him about much in Ojibwe society. Schoolcraft describes Ou-daig-weos and Waubojeeg as being of the "same lineage," but does not say that Buffalo was the son of Waubojeeg. Modern sources may also be confused by the fact that Waubojeeg had a son named Weshki (New), whose name is similar to Gichi-weshkiinh (Great renewer).
- ^ Morse, 368.
- ^ See ref.3. According to the U.S. Senate website and Holzhueter (1973, 1986), Chief Buffalo returned to Washington, D.C. in February 1855 as part of a delegation of 16 Ojibwa Indians from Wisconsin and Minnesota. But, it is likely that the Leech Lake Chief known as Beshekee was the man involved. These sources also say that Chief Buffalo had his likeness modeled in clay and was carved from life in a marble bust, from which a bronze copy was later made. These pieces are part of the Capitol art collection. If Great Chief Buffalo made this trip to Washington in 1855, he would have been 95 or 96 years of age. But the sculptures portray a powerfully built and still vigorous man, one looking much younger than this advanced chronological age.
- ^ Morse, 365-69.
- ^ Schoolcraft (Personal Memories), 103.
- ^ Warren, 324.
- ^ Armstrong, 196-98.
- ^ Morse, 367.
- ^ Loew, 58-59
- ^ Warren 47
- ^ Schoolcraft (1834), 21.
- ^ Schoolcraft (1834), 271.
- ^ qtd. in Satz, 131-157.
- ^ Satz, 24.
- ^ qtd. in Satz, 31.
- ^ Satz, 38-40.
- ^ a b Morse, 366.
- ^ Satz, 40.
- ^ Loew, 60-61.
- ^ a b c Loew, 61.
- ^ Satz, 55-59.
- ^ qtd. in Satz, Gulig, & St. Germaine, 154
- ^ Satz, 54-61
- ^ Armstrong, 16.
- ^ a b Armstrong, 16-32.
- ^ Loew, 62.
- ^ Loew, 63.
- ^ "Red Cliff Band of Lake Superior Chippewa". Red Cliff Band of Lake Superior Chippewa: Tribal Government, Origins and History. Retrieved 2008-02-23.
- ^ Morse, 365-369.
References
- Armstrong, Benjamin. (1891) Early Life Among the Indians: Reminiscences from the life of Benjamin G. Armstrong. T.P. Wentworth Ashland, WI: Wentworth.
- Diedrich, Mark. (1999) Ojibway Chiefs: Portraits of Anishinaabe Leadership. ISBN 0-9616901-8-6
- Ely, Edmund F. (2012). The Ojibwe Journals of Edmund F. Ely, 1833–1849. University of Nebraska Press
- Holzhueter, John O. 1973. Chief Buffalo and Other Wisconsin-Related Art in the National Capitol, Wisconsin Magazine of History 56: 4, p. 284-88.
- Holzhueter, John O. 1986. Madeline Island & the Chequamegon Region. Madison: The State Historical Society of Wisconsin. pp. 49–50.
- Loew, Patty. (2001). Indian Nations of Wisconsin: Histories of Endurance and Renewal. Madison: Wisconsin Historical Society Press.
- Morse, Richard E. (1855). "The Chippewas of Lake Superior" in Wisconsin Historical Society Collections, v. III, Madison, 1904. pp. 365–369.
- Satz, Ronald N. (1997). Chippewa Treaty Rights: The Reserved Rights of Wisconsin's Chippewa Indians in Historical Perspective. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press.
- Satz, Ronald N., Anthony G. Gulig, and Richard St. Germaine. (1991). Classroom Activities on Chippewa Treaty Rights. Madison: Wisconsin Department of Public Instruction.
- Schoolcraft, Henry Rowe. (1834). Narrative of an Expedition Through the Upper Mississippi to Itasca Lake. New York: Harper.
- Schoolcraft, Henry Rowe. (1851). The American Indians: Their History, Condition and Prospects, from Original Notes and Manuscripts. Buffalo: Derby.
- Schoolcraft, Henry Rowe. (1851). Personal Memories of a Residence of Thirty Years with the Indian Tribes. Philadelphia: Lippincott, Grambo, and Co.
- Warren, William W. (1851). History of the Ojibways Based Upon Traditions and Oral Statements. Minneapolis: Minnesota Historical Society.
- "Death of Buffalo Chief," Superior Chronicle [Superior, Wis.], October 23, 1855.
External links
- Red Cliff Band of Lake Superior Chippewa
- U.S. Senate Website: Art & History, Sculpture, Be sheekee, or Buffalo.
- Wisconsin Historical Society.
- Chief Buffalo's Petition to the President
- Chief Buffalo's biography at the United States Government Printing Office
- Image of Grave of Bez Hike - Chief of the Chippewas at Minnesota Historical Society
- The Chief Buffalo Mural Project
- Chief Buffalo's Diplomacy and The Debate Over Ojibwe Removal
- Chief Buffalo and Benjamin Armstrong