War of 1812
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The War of 1812 was fought by the United States and its allies against the United Kingdom and its allies in North America. It began when the United States declared war on Britain on 18 June 1812. Although peace terms were agreed upon in the December 1814 Treaty of Ghent, the war did not officially end until the peace treaty was ratified by the United States Congress on 17 February 1815.[11][12]
Anglo-American tensions stemmed from long-standing differences over territorial expansion in North America and British support for
At sea, the Royal Navy imposed an effective blockade on U.S. maritime trade, while between 1812 and 1814 British regulars and colonial militia defeated a series of American invasions on Upper Canada.[15] The April 1814 abdication of Napoleon allowed the British to send additional forces to North America and reinforce the Royal Navy blockade, crippling the American economy.[16] In August 1814, negotiations began in Ghent, with both sides wanting peace; the British economy had been severely impacted by the trade embargo, while the Federalists convened the Hartford Convention in December to formalize their opposition to the war.
In August 1814, British troops captured Washington, before American victories at Baltimore and Plattsburgh in September ended fighting in the north. In the Southeastern United States, American forces and Indian allies defeated an anti-American faction of the Muscogee. In early 1815, American troops led by Andrew Jackson repulsed a major British attack on New Orleans, which occurred during the ratification process of the signing of Treaty of Ghent, which brought an end to the conflict.[17]
Origins
Origins of the War of 1812 |
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The
- Trade restrictions introduced by Britain to impede American trade with France with which Britain was at war (the US contested the restrictions as illegal under international law).[19]
- The impressment (forced recruitment) of seamen on US vessels into the Royal Navy (the British claimed they were British deserters).
- British military support for American Indians who were offering armed resistance to the expansion of the American frontier to the Northwest Territory.
- A possible desire by the US to annex some or all of Canada.[20]
- US motivation and desire to uphold national honor in the face of what they considered to be British insults, such as the Chesapeake affair.[21]
American expansion into the Northwest Territory (now Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, Illinois, Wisconsin, and northeast Minnesota) was impeded by Indian raids. Some historians maintain that an American goal in the war was to annex some or all of Canada, a view many Canadians still share. However, many argue that inducing the fear of such a seizure was merely an American tactic, which was designed to obtain a bargaining chip.[22]
Some members of the
Origins of the War of 1812 |
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Forces
American
During the years 1810–1812, American naval ships were divided into two major squadrons, with the "northern division", based at New York, commanded by Commodore John Rodgers, and the "southern division", based at Norfolk, commanded by Commodore Stephen Decatur.[28]
Although not much of a threat to Canada in 1812, the United States Navy was a well-trained and professional force comprising over 5,000 sailors and marines.
The United States Army was initially much larger than the British Army in North America. Many men carried their own long rifles while the British were issued muskets, except for one unit of 500 riflemen. Leadership was inconsistent in the American officer corps as some officers proved themselves to be outstanding, but many others were inept, owing their positions to political favours. Congress was hostile to a standing army and the government called out 450,000 men from the state militias during the war.[33] The state militias were poorly trained, armed, and led. The failed invasion of Lake Champlain led by General Dearborn illustrates this.[34] The British Army soundly defeated the Maryland and Virginia militias at the Battle of Bladensburg in 1814 and President Madison commented "I could never have believed so great a difference existed between regular troops and a militia force, if I had not witnessed the scenes of this day".[30]
British
The United States was only a secondary concern to Britain, so long as the Napoleonic Wars continued with France.[33] In 1813, France had 80 ships-of-the-line and was building another 35. Containing the French fleet was the main British naval concern,[33] leaving only the ships on the North American and Jamaica Stations immediately available. In Upper Canada, the British had the Provincial Marine. While largely unarmed,[35] they were essential for keeping the army supplied since the roads were abysmal in Upper Canada.[33] At the onset of war, the Provincial Marine had four small armed vessels on Lake Ontario, three on Lake Erie and one on Lake Champlain. The Provincial Marine greatly outnumbered anything the Americans could bring to bear on the Great Lakes.[36]
When the war broke out, the British Army in North America numbered 9,777 men[37] in regular units and fencibles.[e] While the British Army was engaged in the Peninsular War, few reinforcements were available. Although the British were outnumbered,[33] the long-serving regulars and fencibles were better trained and more professional than the hastily expanded United States Army.[38] The militias of Upper Canada and Lower Canada were initially far less effective,[33] but substantial numbers of full-time militia were raised during the war and played pivotal roles in several engagements, including the Battle of the Chateauguay which caused the Americans to abandon the Saint Lawrence River theatre.[39]
Indigenous peoples
The highly decentralized bands and tribes considered themselves allies of, and not subordinates to, the British or the Americans. Various tribes fighting with United States forces provided them with their "most effective light troops"[40] while the British needed Indigenous allies to compensate for their numerical inferiority. The Indigenous allies of the British, Tecumseh's confederacy in the west and Iroquois in the east, avoided pitched battles and relied on irregular warfare, including raids and ambushes that took advantage of their knowledge of terrain. In addition, they were highly mobile, able to march 30–50 miles (50–80 km) a day.[41]
Their leaders sought to fight only under favourable conditions and would avoid any battle that promised heavy losses, doing what they thought best for their tribes.[42] The Indigenous fighters saw no issue with withdrawing if needed to save casualties. They always sought to surround an enemy, where possible, to avoid being surrounded and make effective use of the terrain.[41] Their main weapons were a mixture of muskets, rifles, bows, tomahawks, knives and swords as well as clubs and other melee weapons, which sometimes had the advantage of being quieter than guns.[43]
Declaration of war
On 1 June 1812, Madison sent a message to Congress recounting American grievances against Great Britain, though not specifically calling for a declaration of war. The
Prime Minister
British commander Isaac Brock in Upper Canada received the news much faster. He issued a proclamation alerting citizens to the state of war and urging all military personnel "to be vigilant in the discharge of their duty", so as to prevent communication with the enemy and to arrest anyone suspected of helping the Americans.[51][52] He also ordered the British garrison of Fort St. Joseph on Lake Huron to capture the American fort at Mackinac. This fort commanded the passage between Lakes Huron and Michigan, which was important to the fur trade. The British garrison, aided by fur traders of the North West Company and Sioux, Menominee, Winnebago, Chippewa, and Ottawa, immediately besieged and captured Mackinac.[53]
Course of war
The war was conducted in several theatres:
- The Old Northwest and Upper Canada), the Niagara Frontier, and the St. Lawrence River (New England and Lower Canada).
- At sea, principally the Atlantic Ocean and the American east coast.
- The Gulf Coast and Southern United States (including the Creek War in the Alabama River basin).
- The Mississippi River basin.
Unpreparedness
The war had been preceded by years of diplomatic dispute, yet neither side was ready for war when it came. Britain was heavily engaged in the Napoleonic Wars, most of the British Army was deployed in the Peninsular War in Portugal and Spain, and the Royal Navy was blockading most of the coast of Europe.
The United States was also not prepared for war.[57] Madison had assumed that the state militias would easily seize Canada and that negotiations would follow. In 1812, the regular army consisted of fewer than 12,000 men. Congress authorized the expansion of the army to 35,000 men, but the service was voluntary and unpopular; it paid poorly and there were initially few trained and experienced officers.[58] The militia objected to serving outside their home states, they were undisciplined and performed poorly against British forces when called upon to fight in unfamiliar territory.[54] Multiple militias refused orders to cross the border and fight on Canadian soil.[59]
American prosecution of the war suffered from its unpopularity, especially in New England where anti-war speakers were vocal. Massachusetts Congressmen Ebenezer Seaver and William Widgery were "publicly insulted and hissed" in Boston while a mob seized Plymouth's Chief Justice Charles Turner on 3 August 1812 "and kicked [him] through the town".[60] The United States had great difficulty financing its war. It had disbanded its national bank, and private bankers in the Northeast were opposed to the war, but it obtained financing from London-based Barings Bank to cover overseas bond obligations.[61] New England failed to provide militia units or financial support, which was a serious blow,[62] and New England states made loud threats to secede as evidenced by the Hartford Convention. Britain exploited these divisions, opting to not blockade the ports of New England for much of the war and encouraging smuggling.[63]
War in the West
Invasions of Canada, 1812
An American army commanded by William Hull invaded Upper Canada on July 12, arriving at Sandwich (Windsor, Ontario) after crossing the Detroit River.[64] Hull issued a proclamation ordering all British subjects to surrender.[65] The proclamation said that Hull wanted to free them from the "tyranny" of Great Britain, giving them the liberty, security, and wealth that his own country enjoyed – unless they preferred "war, slavery and destruction".[66] He also threatened to kill any British soldier caught fighting alongside Indigenous fighters.[65] Hull's proclamation only helped to stiffen resistance to the American attacks as he lacked artillery and supplies.[67][68]
Hull withdrew to the American side of the river on 7 August 1812 after receiving news of a Shawnee ambush on Major Thomas Van Horne's 200 men, who had been sent to support the American supply convoy. Hull also faced a lack of support from his officers and fear among his troops of a possible massacre by unfriendly Indigenous forces. A group of 600 troops led by Lieutenant Colonel James Miller remained in Canada, attempting to supply the American position in the Sandwich area, with little success.[69]
Major General Isaac Brock believed that he should take bold measures to calm the settler population in Canada and to convince the tribes that Britain was strong.
Brock moved to the eastern end of Lake Erie, where American General Stephen Van Rensselaer was attempting a second invasion.[76] The Americans attempted an attack across the Niagara River on 13 October, but they were defeated at Queenston Heights. However, Brock was killed during the battle and British leadership suffered after his death. American General Henry Dearborn made a final attempt to advance north from Lake Champlain, but his militia refused to go beyond American territory.[77]
American Northwest, 1813
After Hull surrendered Detroit, General William Henry Harrison took command of the American
In May 1813, Procter and Tecumseh set siege to Fort Meigs in northwestern Ohio. Tecumseh's fighters ambushed American reinforcements who arrived during the siege, but the fort held out. The fighters eventually began to disperse, forcing Procter and Tecumseh to return to Canada.[81] Along the way they attempted to storm Fort Stephenson, a small American post on the Sandusky River near Lake Erie. They were repulsed with serious losses, marking the end of the Ohio campaign.[82]
Captain Oliver Hazard Perry fought the Battle of Lake Erie on 10 September 1813. His decisive victory at Put-in-Bay ensured American military control of the lake, improved American morale after a series of defeats and compelled the British to fall back from Detroit. This enabled General Harrison to launch another invasion of Upper Canada, which culminated in the American victory at the Battle of the Thames on 5 October 1813, where Tecumseh was killed.[83]
American West, 1813–1815
The Mississippi River valley was the western frontier of the United States in 1812. The territory acquired in the Louisiana Purchase of 1803 contained almost no American settlements west of the Mississippi except around
The American victory on Lake Erie and the recapture of Detroit isolated the British on Lake Huron. In the winter a Canadian party under Lieutenant Colonel
Meanwhile, the British were supplying the Indians in the Old Northwest from Montreal via Mackinac.[91] On 3 July, the Americans sent a force of five vessels from Detroit to recapture Mackinac. A mixed force of regulars and volunteers from the militia landed on the island on 4 August. They did not attempt to achieve surprise, and Indians ambushed them in the brief Battle of Mackinac Island and forced them to re-embark. The Americans discovered the new base at Nottawasaga Bay and on 13 August they destroyed its fortifications and the schooner Nancy that they found there. They then returned to Detroit, leaving two gunboats to blockade Mackinac. On 4 September, the British surprised, boarded, and captured both gunboats. These engagements on Lake Huron left Mackinac under British control.[92]
The British returned Mackinac and other captured territory to the United States after the war. Some British officers and Canadians objected to handing back Prairie du Chien and especially Mackinac under the terms of the Treaty of Ghent. However, the Americans retained the captured post at Fort Malden near Amherstburg until the British complied with the treaty.[93] Fighting between Americans, the Sauk and other indigenous tribes continued through 1817, well after the war ended in the east.[94]
War in the American Northeast
Niagara frontier, 1813
Both sides placed great importance on gaining control of the Great Lakes and the St. Lawrence River because of the difficulties of land-based communication. The British already had a small squadron of warships on Lake Ontario when the war began and had the initial advantage. The Americans established a Navy yard at
Having regained the advantage by their rapid building program, on 27 April 1813 Chauncey and Dearborn attacked York, the capital of Upper Canada. At the Battle of York, the outnumbered British regulars destroyed the fort and dockyard and retreated, leaving the militia to surrender the town. American soldiers set fire to the Legislature building, and looted and vandalized several government buildings and citizens' homes.[96]
On 25 May 1813, Fort Niagara and the American Lake Ontario squadron began bombarding
The Americans pulled back to Forty Mile Creek rather than continue their advance into Upper Canada.[98] At this point, the Six Nations of the Grand River began to come out to fight for the British as an American victory no longer seemed inevitable.[98] The Iroquois ambushed an American patrol at Forty Mile Creek while the Royal Navy squadron based in Kingston sailed in and bombarded the American camp. General Dearborn retreated to Fort George, mistakenly believing that he was outnumbered and outgunned.[100] British Brigadier General John Vincent was encouraged when about 800 Iroquois arrived to assist him.[100]
An American force surrendered on 24 June to a smaller British force due to advance warning by
Late in 1813, the Americans abandoned the Canadian territory that they occupied around Fort George. They set fire to the village of Newark (now Niagara-on-the-Lake) on 10 December 1813, incensing the Canadians. Many of the inhabitants were left without shelter, freezing to death in the snow. The British retaliated following their Capture of Fort Niagara on 18 December 1813. A British-Indian force led by Riall stormed the neighbouring town of Lewiston, New York on 19 December; four American civilians were killed by drunken Indians after the battle. A small force of Tuscarora warriors engaged Riall's men during the battle, which allowed many residents of Lewiston to evacuate the village.[103][104] The British and their Indian allies subsequently attacked and burned Buffalo on Lake Erie on 30 December 1813 in revenge for the American attack on Fort George and Newark in May.[105][106]
St. Lawrence and Lower Canada, 1813
The British were vulnerable along the stretch of the St. Lawrence that was between Upper Canada and the United States. In the winter of 1812–1813, the Americans launched a series of raids from Ogdensburg, New York that hampered British supply traffic up the river. On 21 February, George Prévost passed through Prescott, Ontario on the opposite bank of the river with reinforcements for Upper Canada. When he left the next day, the reinforcements and local militia attacked in the Battle of Ogdensburg and the Americans were forced to retreat.[107]
The Americans made two more thrusts against Montreal in 1813.
Niagara and Plattsburgh campaigns, 1814
The Americans again invaded the Niagara frontier. They had occupied southwestern Upper Canada after they defeated Colonel Henry Procter at Moraviantown in October and believed that taking the rest of the province would force the British to cede it to them.[111] The end of the war with Napoleon in Europe in April 1814 meant that the British could deploy their army to North America, so the Americans wanted to secure Upper Canada to negotiate from a position of strength. They planned to invade via the Niagara frontier while sending another force to recapture Mackinac.[112] They captured Fort Erie on 3 July 1814.[113] Unaware of Fort Erie's fall or of the size of the American force, the British general Phineas Riall engaged with Winfield Scott, who won against a British force at the Battle of Chippawa on 5 July. The American forces had been through a hard training under Winfield Scott and proved to the professionals under fire. They would deploy in a shallow U formation bringing flanking fire and well-aimed volleys against Riall's men. Riall's men were chased off the battlefield.[114]
An attempt to advance further ended with the hard-fought but inconclusive Battle of Lundy's Lane on July 25. The battle was fought several miles north of Chippewa River near Niagara Falls and is considered the bloodiest and costliest battle of the war.[115][116] Both sides stood their ground as American General Jacob Brown pulled back to Fort George after the battle and the British did not pursue.[117] Commanders Riall, Scott, Brown, and Drummond were all wounded; Scott's wounds ended his commission for the rest of the war.[118]
The Americans withdrew but withstood a prolonged siege of Fort Erie. The British tried to storm Fort Erie on 14 August 1814, but they suffered heavy losses, losing 950 killed, wounded and captured compared to only 84 dead and wounded on the American side. The British were further weakened by exposure and shortage of supplies. Eventually, they raised the siege, but American Major General George Izard took over command on the Niagara front and followed up only halfheartedly. An American raid along the Grand River destroyed many farms and weakened British logistics. In October 1814, the Americans advanced into Upper Canada and engaged in skirmishes at Cook's Mill, but they pulled back when they heard that the new British warship HMS St Lawrence, launched in Kingston that September, was on its way, armed with 104 guns. The Americans lacked provisions and retreated across the Niagara after destroying Fort Erie.[119]
Meanwhile, 15,000 British troops were sent to North America under four of Wellington's ablest brigade commanders after Napoleon abdicated. Fewer than half were veterans of the Peninsula and the rest came from garrisons. Prévost was ordered to neutralize American power on the lakes by burning Sackett's Harbor to gain naval control of Lake Erie, Lake Ontario, and the Upper Lakes as well as to defend Lower Canada from attack. He did defend Lower Canada but otherwise failed to achieve his objectives,[120] so he decided to invade New York State. His army outnumbered the American defenders of Plattsburgh, but he was worried about his flanks and decided that he needed naval control of Lake Champlain. Upon reaching Plattsburgh, Prévost delayed the assault until Downie arrived in the hastily completed 36-gun frigate HMS Confiance. Despite the Confiance not being fully completed, she had a raw crew that had never worked together. Prévost forced Downie into a premature attack when there was no reason for the rush.[121]
The British squadron on the lake under Captain George Downie was more evenly matched by the Americans under Master Commandant Thomas Macdonough. At the Battle of Plattsburgh on 11 September 1814, the British had the advantage of larger vessels and guns; the American gunboats were more suited to engagements on Lake Champlain, while MacDonough was able to manoeuvre his ships using pulley lines attached to anchors. Early in the battle each side lost a ship; Downie was killed by the recoil of a loose gun carriage while MacDonough was twice knocked down and dazed. After two and a half hours, HMS Confiance suffered heavy casualties and struck her colours and the rest of the British fleet retreated. Prevost, already alienated from his veteran officers by insisting on proper dress codes, now lost their confidence, while MacDonough emerged as a national hero.[122]
The Americans now had control of Lake Champlain; Theodore Roosevelt later termed it "the greatest naval battle of the war".[123] General Alexander Macomb led the successful land defence. Prévost then turned back, to the astonishment of his senior officers, saying that it was too hazardous to remain on enemy territory after the loss of naval supremacy. He was recalled to London, where a naval court-martial decided that defeat had been caused principally by Prévost urging the squadron into premature action and then failing to afford the promised support from the land forces. He died suddenly, just before his court-martial was to convene. His reputation sank to a new low as Canadians claimed that their militia under Brock did the job but Prévost failed. However, recent historians have been kinder. Peter Burroughs argues that his preparations were energetic, well-conceived, and comprehensive for defending the Canadas with limited means and that he achieved the primary objective of preventing an American conquest.[124]
Occupation of Maine
Maine, then part of Massachusetts, was a base for smuggling and illegal trade between the United States and the British. Until 1813, the region was generally quiet except for privateer actions near the coast. In September 1813, the United States Navy's brig Enterprise fought and captured the Royal Navy brig Boxer off Pemaquid Point.[125]
On 11 July 1814,
The British occupied the town of Castine and most of eastern Maine for the rest of the war, governing it under martial law[129] and re-establishing the colony of New Ireland. The Treaty of Ghent returned this territory to the United States. When the British left in April 1815, they took £10,750 in tariff duties from Castine. This money, called the "Castine Fund", was used to establish Dalhousie University in Halifax.[130] Decisions about the islands in Passamaquoddy Bay were decided by joint commission in 1817.[131] However, Machias Seal Island had been seized by the British as part of the occupation and was unaddressed by the commission. While kept by Britain/Canada, it remains in dispute to this day.[132][133]
Chesapeake campaign
The strategic location of the
On 4 July 1813, Commodore Joshua Barney, an American Revolutionary War naval officer, convinced the Navy Department to build the Chesapeake Bay Flotilla, a squadron of twenty barges powered by small sails or oars (sweeps) to defend the Chesapeake Bay. Launched in April 1814, the squadron was quickly cornered on the Patuxent River. While successful in harassing the Royal Navy, they could not stop subsequent British operations in the area.
Burning of Washington
In August 1814, a force of 2,500 soldiers under General Ross had just arrived in Bermuda aboard HMS Royal Oak, three frigates, three sloops and ten other vessels. Released from the Peninsular War by victory, the British intended to use them for diversionary raids along the coasts of Maryland and Virginia. In response to Prévost's request,[specify] they decided to employ this force, together with the naval and military units already on the station, to strike at the national capital. Anticipating the attack, valuable documents, including the original Constitution, were removed to Leesburg, Virginia.[136] The British task force advanced up the Chesapeake, routing Commodore Barney's flotilla of gunboats, carried out the Raid on Alexandria, landed ground forces that bested the US defenders at the Battle of Bladensburg, and carried out the Burning of Washington.
United States Secretary of War John Armstrong Jr. insisted that the British were going to attack Baltimore rather than Washington, even as British army and naval units were on their way to Washington. Brigadier General William H. Winder, who had burned several bridges in the area, assumed the British would attack Annapolis and was reluctant to engage because he mistakenly thought the British army was twice its size.[137] The inexperienced state militia was easily routed in the Battle of Bladensburg, opening the route to Washington. British troops led by Major General Robert Ross, accompanied by Cockburn, the 3rd Brigade attacked and captured Washington with a force of 4,500.[138] On 24 August, after the British had finished looting the interiors, Ross directed his troops to set fire to number of public buildings, including the White House and the United States Capitol.[h] Extensive damage to the interiors and the contents of both were subsequently reported.[139] US government and military officials fled to Virginia, while Secretary of the United States Navy William Jones ordered the Washington Navy Yard and a nearby fort to be razed in order to prevent its capture.[140][141] Public buildings in Washington were destroyed by the British though private residences ordered spared.[142]
Siege of Fort McHenry
After taking some munitions from the Washington Munitions depot, the British, boarded their ships[141] and moved on to their major target, the heavily fortified major city of Baltimore. Because some of their ships were held up in the Raid on Alexandria, they delayed their movement allowing Baltimore an opportunity to strengthen the fortifications and bring in new federal troops and state militia units. The "Battle for Baltimore" began with the British landing on 12 September 1814 at North Point, where they were met by American militia further up the Patapsco Neck peninsula. An exchange of fire began, with casualties on both sides. The British Army commander Major Gen. Robert Ross was killed by snipers. The British paused, then continued to march northwestward to face the stationed Maryland and Baltimore City militia units at Godly Wood. The Battle of North Point was fought for several afternoon hours in a musketry and artillery duel. The British also planned to simultaneously attack Baltimore by water on the following day, although the Royal Navy was unable to reduce Fort McHenry at the entrance to Baltimore Harbor in support of an attack from the northeast by the British Army.[citation needed]
The British eventually realized that they could not force the passage to attack Baltimore in coordination with the land force. A last ditch night feint and barge attack during a heavy rain storm was led by Captain
Southern theatre
Because of the region's polyglot population, both the British and the Americans perceived the war in the Gulf South as a fundamentally different conflict from the one occurring in the Lowcountry and Chesapeake.[144]
Creek War
Before 1813, the war between the Creeks, or Muscogee, had been largely an internal affair sparked by the ideas of Tecumseh farther north in the Mississippi Valley. A faction known as the Red Sticks, so named for the colour of their war sticks, had broken away from the rest of the Creek Confederacy, which wanted peace with the United States. The Red Sticks were allied with Tecumseh, who had visited the Creeks about a year before 1813 and encouraged greater resistance to the Americans.[145] The Creek Nation was a trading partner of the United States, actively involved with British and Spanish trade as well. The Red Sticks as well as many southern Muscogee people like the Seminole had a long history of alliance with the British and Spanish empires.[146] This alliance helped the North American and European powers protect each other's claims to territory in the south.[147]
On 27 July the Red Sticks were returning from
The Indian frontier of western
Jackson suffered enlistment problems in the winter. He decided to combine his force, composed of Tennessee militia and pro-American Creek, with the Georgia militia. In January, however, the Red Sticks attacked his army at the Battles of Emuckfaw and Enotachopo Creek. Jackson's troops repelled the attackers, but they were outnumbered and forced to withdraw to his base at Fort Strother.[153]
In January, Floyd's force of 1,300 state militia and 400 Creek moved to join the United States forces in Tennessee, but they were attacked in camp on the Calibee Creek by Tukabatchee Muscogees on 27 January.[citation needed]
Jackson's force increased in numbers with the arrival of United States Army soldiers and a second draft of Tennessee state militia, Cherokee, and pro-American Creek swelled his army to around 5,000. In March 1814, they moved south to attack the Red Sticks.
Jackson then moved his army to
Gulf Coast
British aid to the Red Sticks arrived after the end of the Napoleonic Wars in April 1814 and after Admiral Alexander Cochrane assumed command from Admiral Warren in March. Captain Hugh Pigot arrived in May 1814 with two ships to arm the Red Sticks. He thought that some 6,600 warriors could be armed and recruited. It was overly optimistic at best. The Red Sticks were in the process of being destroyed as a military force.[158] In April 1814, the British established an outpost on the Apalachicola River (Prospect Bluff Historic Sites). Cochrane sent a company of Royal Marines commanded by Edward Nicolls,[159] the vessels HMS Hermes and HMS Carron and further supplies to meet the Indians in the region.[160] In addition to training them, Nicolls was tasked to raise a force from escaped slaves as part of the Corps of Colonial Marines.[160]
On 12 July 1814, General Jackson complained to the governor of Western Florida, Mateo González Manrique, situated at Pensacola that combatants from the Creek War were being harboured in Spanish territory and made reference to reports of the British presence on Spanish soil. Although he gave an angry reply to Jackson, Manrique was alarmed at the weak position he found himself in and appealed to the British for help. The British were observed docking on August 25 and unloading the following day.[161]
The first engagement of the British and their Creek allies against the Americans on the Gulf Coast was the 14 September 1814 attack on Fort Bowyer. Captain William Percy tried to take the United States fort, hoping to then move on Mobile and block United States trade and encroachment on the Mississippi. After the Americans repulsed Percy's forces, the British established a military presence of up to 200 Marines at Pensacola. In November, Jackson's force of 4,000 men took the town.[162] This underlined the superiority of numbers of Jackson's force in the region.[163] The United States force moved to New Orleans in late 1814. Jackson's army of 1,000 regulars and 3,000 to 4,000 militia, pirates and other fighters as well as civilians and slaves built fortifications south of the city.[164]
American forces under General James Wilkinson, himself a paid Spanish secret agent,[165] took the Mobile area from the Spanish in March 1813. This region was the rump of Spanish West Florida, the western portion of which had been annexed to the United States in 1810. The Americans built Fort Bowyer, a log and earthen-work fort with 14 guns, on Mobile Point to defend it.[166] Major Latour opined that none of the three forts in the area were capable of resisting a siege.[167]
At the end of 1814, the British launched a double offensive in the South weeks before the Treaty of Ghent was signed. On the Atlantic coast, Admiral
The British army had the objective of gaining control of the entrance of the Mississippi.[169] To this end, an expeditionary force of 8,000 troops[170] under General Edward Pakenham attacked Jackson's prepared defences in New Orleans on 8 January 1815. The Battle of New Orleans was an American victory, as the British failed to take the fortifications on the East Bank. The British attack force suffered high casualties, including 291 dead, 1,262 wounded and 484 captured or missing[171][172] whereas American casualties were light with 13 dead, 39 wounded and 19 missing,[173] according to the respective official casualty returns. This battle was hailed as a great victory across the United States, making Jackson a national hero and eventually propelling him to the presidency.[174][175] In January 1815 Fort St. Philip endured ten days of bombardment from two bomb vessels of the Royal Navy. Robert V. Remini believes this was preventing the British moving their fleet up the Mississippi in support of the land attack.[176]
After deciding further attacks would be too costly and unlikely to succeed, the British troops withdrew on 18 January.
Meanwhile, in January 1815, Cockburn succeeded in blockading the southeastern coast of Georgia by occupying
The British government did not recognize either West Florida or New Orleans as American territory. The historian Frank Owsley suggests that they might have used a victory at New Orleans to demand further concessions from the U.S.[184] However, subsequent research in the correspondence of British ministers at the time suggests otherwise.[185] with specific reference to correspondence from the Prime Minister to the Foreign Secretary dated 23 December 1814.[186] West Florida was the only territory permanently gained by the United States during the war.[187]
The war at sea
Background
In 1812, Britain's Royal Navy was the world's largest and most powerful navy, with over 600 vessels in commission, following the defeat of the French Navy at the Battle of Trafalgar in 1805.[33] Most of these ships were employed blockading the French navy and protecting British trade against French privateers, but the Royal Navy still had 85 vessels in American waters, counting all North American and Caribbean waters.[i] However, the Royal Navy's North American squadron was the most immediately available force, based in Halifax and Bermuda (two of the colonies that made up British North America), and numbered one small ship of the line and seven frigates as well as nine smaller sloops and brigs and five schooners.[188] By contrast, the entire United States Navy was composed of 8 frigates, 14 smaller sloops and brigs, with no ships of the line. The United States had embarked on a major shipbuilding program before the war at Sackett's Harbor to provide ships for use on the Great Lakes, and continued to produce new ships.
Opening strategies
The British strategy was to protect their own merchant shipping between Halifax and the West Indies, with the order given on 13 October 1812 to enforce a blockade of major American ports to restrict American trade.[190]
Because of their numerical inferiority, the American strategy was to cause disruption through hit-and-run tactics such as the capturing prizes and engaging Royal Navy vessels only under favourable circumstances.
Days after the formal declaration of war, the United States put out two small squadrons, including the frigate President and the sloop
Single-ship actions
The more recently built frigates of the US Navy were intended to overmatch their opponents. The United States did not believe that it could build a large enough navy to contest with the Royal Navy in fleet actions. Therefore, where it could be done, individual ships were built to be tougher, larger, and carry more firepower than their equivalents in European navies.[j] The newest three 44-gun ships were designed with a 24-pounder main battery. These frigates were intended to demolish the 36- to 38-gun (18-pounder) armed frigates that formed the majority of the world's navies, while being able to evade larger ships.[193] Similarly the Wasp class ship-sloops were an over-match to the Cruizer class brigs being employed by the British. The Royal Navy, maintaining more than 600 ships in fleets and stations worldwide, was overstretched and undermanned; most British ships enforcing the blockade were (with a few notable exceptions) less practiced than the crews of the smaller US Navy.[194][195][196][197][k] This meant that in single-ship actions the Royal Navy ships often found themselves against larger ships with larger crews, who were better drilled, as intended by the US planners.[l]
However naval ships do not fight as individuals by the code of the duel, they are national instruments of war, and are used as such. The Royal Navy counted on its numbers, experience, and traditions to overcome the individually superior vessels. As the US Navy found itself mostly blockaded by the end of the war, the Royal Navy was correct.[200] For all the fame that these actions received, they in no way affected the outcome of the results of Atlantic theatre of War. The final count of frigates lost was three on each side, with most of the US Navy blockaded in port.[m] During the war, the United States Navy captured 165 British merchantmen (although privateers captured many more) while the Royal Navy captured 1,400 American merchantmen.[201] More significantly, the British blockade of the Atlantic coast caused the majority of warships to be unable to put to sea and shut down both American imports and exports.[202][n]
Notable single-ship engagements include USS Constitution vs HMS Guerriere on 19 August 1812,[204] USS United States vs HMS Macedonian on 25 October,[205] USS Constitution vs HMS Java on 29–30 December,[76][206] HMS Shannon vs USS Chesapeake on 1 June 1813 (the bloodiest such action of the war),[207] HMS Phoebe vs USS Essex on 28 March 1814,[208] HMS Endymion vs USS President on 15 January 1815.[209]
In single ship battles, superior force was the most significant factor. In response to the majority of the American ships being of greater force than the British ships of the same class, Britain constructed five 40-gun, 24-pounder heavy frigates
The United States Navy's smaller ship-sloops had also won several victories over Royal Navy sloops-of-war, again of smaller armament. The American sloops Hornet, Wasp (1807), Peacock, Wasp (1813) and Frolic were all ship-rigged while the British Cruizer-class sloops that they encountered were brig-rigged, which gave the Americans a significant advantage. Ship rigged vessels are more manoeuvrable in battle because they have a wider variety of sails and thus being more resistant to damage. Ship-rigged vessels can back sail, literally backing up or heave to (stop).[213][214][215][p]
Privateering
The operations of American privateers proved a more significant threat to British trade than the United States Navy. They operated throughout the Atlantic until the close of the war, most notably from Baltimore. American privateers reported taking 1300 British merchant vessels, compared to 254 taken by the United States Navy,[216][217][218] although the insurer Lloyd's of London reported that only 1,175 British ships were taken, 373 of which were recaptured, for a total loss of 802.[219] Canadian historian Carl Benn wrote that American privateers took 1,344 British ships, of which 750 were retaken by the British.[201] The British tried to limit privateering losses by the strict enforcement of convoy by the Royal Navy[220] and directly by capturing 278 American privateers. Due to the massive size of the British merchant fleet, American captures only affected 7.5% of the fleet, resulting in no supply shortages or lack of reinforcements for British forces in North America.[221] Of 526 American privateers, 148 were captured by the Royal Navy and only 207 ever took a prize.[201]
Due to the large size of their navy, the British did not rely as much on privateering. The majority of the 1,407 captured American merchant ships were taken by the Royal Navy. The war was the last time the British allowed privateering, since the practice was coming to be seen as politically inexpedient and of diminishing value in maintaining its naval supremacy. However, privateering remained popular in British colonies. It was the last hurrah for privateers in the insular British North American colony of Bermuda who vigorously returned to the practice with experience gained in previous wars.[222][223][224][225] The nimble Bermuda sloops captured 298 American ships.[226] Privateer schooners based in continental British North America, especially from Nova Scotia, took 250 American ships and proved especially effective in crippling American coastal trade and capturing American ships closer to shore than the Royal Navy's cruisers.[227]
British blockade
The naval blockade of the United States began informally in the late fall of 1812. Under the command of British Admiral John Borlase Warren, it extended from South Carolina to Florida.[190] It expanded to cut off more ports as the war progressed. Twenty ships were on station in 1812 and 135 were in place by the end of the conflict. In March 1813, the Royal Navy punished the Southern states, who were most vocal about annexing British North America, by blockading Charleston, Port Royal, Savannah, and New York City as well. Additional ships were sent to North America in 1813 and the Royal Navy tightened and extended the blockade, first to the coast south of Narragansett by November 1813 and to the entire American coast on 31 May 1814.[201][228] In May 1814, following the abdication of Napoleon and the end of the supply problems with Wellington's army, New England was blockaded.[229]
The British needed American foodstuffs for their army in Spain and benefited from trade with New England, so they did not at first blockade New England.[201] The Delaware River and Chesapeake Bay were declared in a state of blockade on 26 December 1812. Illicit trade was carried on by collusive captures arranged between American traders and British officers. American ships were fraudulently transferred to neutral flags. Eventually, the United States government was driven to issue orders to stop illicit trading. This put only a further strain on the commerce of the country. The British fleet occupied the Chesapeake Bay and attacked and destroyed numerous docks and harbours.[230] The effect was that no foreign goods could enter the United States on ships and only smaller fast boats could attempt to get out. The cost of shipping became very expensive as a result.[231][q]
The blockade of American ports later tightened to the extent that most American merchant ships and naval vessels were confined to port. The American frigates USS United States and USS Macedonian ended the war blockaded and hulked in New London, Connecticut.[232] USS United States and USS Macedonian attempted to set sail to raid British shipping in the Caribbean, but were forced to turn back when confronted with a British squadron, and by the end of the war, the United States had six frigates and four ships-of-the-line sitting in port.[233] Some merchant ships were based in Europe or Asia and continued operations. Others, mainly from New England, were issued licences to trade by Admiral Warren, commander in chief on the American station in 1813. This allowed Wellington's army in Spain to receive American goods and to maintain the New Englanders' opposition to the war. The blockade nevertheless decreased American exports from $130 million in 1807 to $7 million in 1814. Most exports were goods that ironically went to supply their enemies in Britain or the British colonies.[234] The blockade had a devastating effect on the American economy with the value of American exports and imports falling from $114 million in 1811 down to $20 million by 1814 while the United States Customs took in $13 million in 1811 and $6 million in 1814, even though the Congress had voted to double the rates.[16] The British blockade further damaged the American economy by forcing merchants to abandon the cheap and fast coastal trade to the slow and more expensive inland roads.[235] In 1814, only 1 out of 14 American merchantmen risked leaving port as it was likely that any ship leaving port would be seized.[236]
As the Royal Navy base that supervised the blockade, Halifax profited greatly during the war. From there, British privateers seized and sold many French and American ships. More than a hundred prize vessels were anchored in St. George's Harbour awaiting condemnation by the Admiralty Court when a hurricane struck in 1815, sinking roughly sixty of the vessels.[237]
Freeing and recruiting slaves
The British Royal Navy's blockades and raids allowed about 4,000 African Americans to escape
Alexander Cochrane's
Treaty of Ghent
In August 1814, peace discussions began in Ghent. Both sides approached negotiations warily.[r] The British strategy for decades had been to create a buffer state in the American Northwest Territory to block American expansion. Britain also demanded naval control of the Great Lakes and access to the Mississippi River.[244] On the American side, Monroe instructed the American diplomats sent to Europe to try to convince the British to cede the Canadas, or at least Upper Canada, to the U.S.[245] At a later stage, the Americans also demanded damages for the burning of Washington and for the seizure of ships before the war began.[246]
American public opinion was outraged when Madison published the demands as even the Federalists were now willing to fight on. A British force burned Washington, but it failed to capture Baltimore and sailed away when its commander was killed. In northern New York State, 10,000 British veterans were marching south until a decisive defeat at the Battle of Plattsburgh forced them back to Canada.[s] British Prime Minister Lord Liverpool, aware of growing opposition to wartime taxation and the demands of merchants for reopened trade with America, realized Britain also had little to gain and much to lose from prolonged warfare especially given growing concern about the situation in Europe.[247] The main focus of British foreign policy was the Congress of Vienna, at which British diplomats had clashed with Russian and Prussian diplomats over the terms of the peace with France and there were fears that Britain might have to go to war with Russia and Prussia. Export trade was all but paralyzed and France was no longer an enemy of Britain after Napoleon fell in April 1814, so the Royal Navy no longer needed to stop American shipments to France and it no longer needed to impress more seamen. The British were preoccupied in rebuilding Europe after the apparent final defeat of Napoleon.[248]
Consequently, Lord Liverpool urged the British negotiators to offer a peace based on the restoration of the pre-war status quo. The British negotiators duly dropped their demands for the creation of an Indian neutral zone, which allowed negotiations to resume at the end of October. The American negotiators accepted the British proposals for a peace based on the pre-war status quo. Prisoners were to be exchanged and escaped slaves returned to the United States, as at least 3,000 American slaves had escaped to British lines. The British however refused to honour this aspect of the treaty, settling some of the newly freed slaves in Nova Scotia[249][250] and New Brunswick.[251] The Americans protested Britain's failure to return American slaves in violation of the Treaty of Ghent. After arbitration by the Tsar of Russia the British paid $1,204,960 in damages to Washington, to reimburse the slave owners.[243]
On 24 December 1814, the diplomats had finished and signed the Treaty of Ghent. The treaty was ratified by the British Prince Regent three days later on 27 December.
The Treaty of Ghent completely maintained Britain's maritime belligerent rights, a key goal for the British, without acknowledging American maritime rights or the end of impressment. While American maritime rights were not seriously violated in the century of peace until World War I, the defeat of Napoleon made the need for impressment irrelevant and the grievances of the United States no longer an issue. In this sense, the United States achieved its goals indirectly and felt its honour had been upheld despite impressment continuing.[257][258]
Losses and compensation
Type of casualties
|
United States | United Kingdom and Canada |
Indigenous fighters |
---|---|---|---|
died of wounds |
2,260 | ~2,000 | ~1,500 |
Died of disease or accident | ~13,000 | ~8,000 | ~8,500 |
Wounded in action | 4,505 | ~3,500 | Unknown |
Missing in action | 695 | ~1,000 | Unknown |
Losses figures do not include deaths among Canadian militia forces or Indigenous tribes. British losses in the war were about 1,160 killed in action and 3,679 wounded,[citation needed] with 3,321 British who died from disease. American losses were 2,260 killed in action and 4,505 wounded. While the number of Americans who died from disease is not known, it is estimated that about 15,000 died from all causes directly related to the war.[260]
The war added some £25 million to Britain's
In the United States, the economy grew 3.7% a year from 1812 to 1815, despite a large loss of business by East Coast shipping interests. Prices were 15% higher – inflated – in 1815 compared to 1812, an annual rate of 4.8%.
Long-term consequences
The border between the United States and Canada remained essentially unchanged by the war, with neither side making meaningful territorial gains.[t] Despite the Treaty of Ghent not addressing the original points of contention and establishing the status quo ante bellum, relations between the United States and Britain changed drastically. The issue of impressment also became irrelevant as the Royal Navy no longer needed sailors after the war.[citation needed]
The long-term results of the war were generally satisfactory for both the United States and Great Britain. Except for occasional border disputes and some tensions during and after the American Civil War, relations between the United States and Britain remained peaceful for the rest of the 19th century. In the 20th century, spurred by multiple world conflicts, the two countries became
The Rush–Bagot Treaty between the United States and Britain was enacted in 1817. It demilitarized the Great Lakes and Lake Champlain, where many British naval arrangements and forts still remained. The treaty laid the basis for a demilitarized boundary. It remains in effect to this day.[273]
Bermuda
Bermuda had been largely left to the defences of its own militia and privateers before American independence, but the Royal Navy had begun buying up land and operating from there beginning in 1795, after a number of years spent surveying the reefs to find
The Canadas
After the war, pro-British leaders in Upper Canada demonstrated a strong hostility to American influences, including republicanism, which shaped its policies.
The Battle of York showed the vulnerability of Upper and Lower Canada (
Indigenous nations
The Indigenous tribes allied to the British lost their cause. The Americans rejected the British proposal to create an "Indian barrier state" in the American West at the Ghent peace conference and it never resurfaced.[281] Donald Fixico argues that "[a]fter the War of 1812, the U.S. negotiated over two hundred Indian treaties that involved the ceding of Indian lands and 99 of these agreements resulted in the creation of reservations west of the Mississippi River".[282]
The Indigenous nations lost most of their
British Indian agents however continued to meet regularly with their former allies among the tribes of the Old Northwest, but refused to supply them with arms or help them resist American attempts to displace them. The American government rapidly built a network of forts throughout the Old Northwest, thus establishing firm military control. It also sponsored American fur traders, who outcompeted the British fur traders.[284] Meanwhile, Euro-American settlers rapidly migrated into the Old Northwest, into the lands occupied by the tribes who were previously allied with the British.[285] The War of 1812 marked a turning point in the history of the Old Northwest because it established United States authority over the British and Indians of that border region.[286]
After the decisive defeat of the Creek Indians at the Battle of Horseshoe Bend in 1814, some Creek warriors escaped to join the Seminole in Florida.[citation needed] The remaining Creek chiefs signed away about half their lands, comprising 23,000,000 acres, covering much of southern Georgia and two-thirds of modern Alabama. The Creek were separated from any future help from the Spanish in Florida and from the Choctaw and Chickasaw to the west.[287]
United Kingdom
The war is seldom remembered in the United Kingdom. The war in Europe against the French Empire under Napoleon ensured that the British did not consider the War of 1812 against the United States as more than a sideshow.[280] Britain's blockade of French trade had worked and the Royal Navy was the world's dominant nautical power (and remained so for another century). While the land campaigns had contributed to saving Canada, the Royal Navy had shut down American commerce, bottled up the United States Navy in port and widely suppressed privateering. British businesses, some affected by rising insurance costs, were demanding peace so that trade could resume with the United States.[288] The peace was generally welcomed by the British, although there was disquiet about the rapid growth of the United States. The two nations quickly resumed trade after the end of the war and a growing friendship.[289]
The historian Donald Hickey maintains that for Britain, "the best way to defend Canada was to accommodate the United States. This was the principal rationale for Britain's long-term policy of rapprochement with the United States in the nineteenth century and explains why they were so often willing to sacrifice other imperial interests to keep the republic happy".[290]
United States
The nation gained a strong sense of complete independence as people celebrated their "second war of independence".[291] Nationalism soared after the victory at the Battle of New Orleans. The opposition Federalist Party collapsed due to its opposition to the war and the Era of Good Feelings ensued.[292]
No longer questioning the need for a strong Navy, the United States built three new 74-gun
During the war, New England states became increasingly frustrated over how the war was being conducted and how the conflict affected them. They complained that the United States government was not investing enough militarily and financially in the states' defences and that the states should have more control over their militias. Increased taxes, the British blockade, and the occupation of some of New England by enemy forces also agitated public opinion in the states.[296] At the Hartford Convention held between December 1814 and January 1815, Federalist delegates deprecated the war effort and sought more autonomy for the New England states. They did not call for secession but word of the angry anti-war resolutions appeared as peace was announced and the victory at New Orleans was known. The upshot was that the Federalists were permanently discredited and quickly disappeared as a major political force.[297]
This war enabled thousands of
Jackson invaded
Historiography
The
The British viewed the War of 1812 as a minor theatre that was overshadowed by key victories at the Battle of Trafalgar in 1805 and the Battle of Waterloo in 1815, leading to the Pax Britannica. In the United States and Upper Canada, nationalistic mythology around the war took hold following its conclusion.[302][u]
With the failure of the invasion of British Canada advancing the concept of Canadian identity, Canada remained a distinct region that would continue to evolve into a nation.[304] Americans were able to enforce their sovereignty, and both the restoration of honor and what has been called the Second War of Independence are important themes in American historiography, and are considered significant results by historians.[305] Indigenous nations are generally held to have lost in the war.[306]See also
Notes
- ^ see Results of the War of 1812
- ^ Includes 2,250 men of the Royal Navy.
- ^ Includes 1,000 combat casualties on the northern front.
- ^ The House declared war by 61.7% with a majority in all sections, 20 Members not voting, and the Senate was closer at 59.4%, four not voting. The former Federalist stronghold in Massachusetts had one Democrat-Republican and one Federalist for U.S. Senators, with ten Democrat-Republicans and seven Federalists in the House. Only two states had both Senators in the Federalist Party: Connecticut with 7 Federalist Representatives, and Maryland with 7 Democrat-Republicans and 3 Federalists in the House.
- ^ units raised for local service but otherwise on the same terms as regulars
- ^ Hickey
- ^ Hull was later court-martialed for cowardice, neglect of duty and for lying about lack of supplies. He was convicted and sentenced to death, but President Madison granted him a pardon for his heroic service during the Revolutionary War.[75]
- ^ The task was directed by pyrotechnic experts Lieutenants George Lacy and George Pratt of the Royal Navy.[138]
- ^ Admiralty reply to British press criticism.[189]
- ^ "They are superior to any European frigate," Humphreys wrote of the design he had in mind, "and if others should be in [the enemy's] company, our frigates can always lead ahead and never be obliged to go into action, but on their own terms, except in a calm; in blowing weather our ships are capable of engaging to advantage double-deck ships." In another design Humphreys proposed "such frigates as in blowing weather would be an overmatch for double-deck ships, and in light winds evade coming into action."[192]
- ^ With sufficient training and drilling gunnery could be improved, but there was no immediate solution for the lack of crew numbers on British ships. There were six hundred ships in service, manned by only 140,000 seamen and marines. Subsequently the Royal Navy was spread out thin which compromised a crew's overall efficiency and could not rival the quality and efficiency of the crews employed in the smaller, all-volunteer U.S. Navy.[198]
- ^ Admiral Warren was evidently concerned, because he circulated a standing order, on March 6, directing his commanders to give priority to "the good discipline and the proper training of their Ships Companies to the expert management of the Guns." All officers and seamen on the North American station were urged to keep in mind "that the issue of the Battle will greatly depend on the cool, steady and regular manner in which the Guns shall be loaded, pointed & fired." Two weeks later, the Admiralty issued a circular to all the British admirals, discouraging the daily "spit and polish" scouring of the brasswork and directing that "the time thrown away on this unnecessary practice be applied to the really useful and important points of discipline and exercise at Arms."[199]
- ^ Compared to other nations, the British navy had mastered the practice of employing blockades, which severely compromised an enemy's freedom of movement, supply lines, and economic vitality. It also protected their commercial shipping by preventing enemy privateers and cruisers from going out to sea and capturing prizes. Britain's ten-year-old commercial and military blockade of continental Europe had largely succeeded in its twin goals of interdicting most seagoing commerce while keeping the French navy imprisoned in its ports. It was therefore to be expected that the main thrust of British naval strategy during the war was the employment of blockades along the American coast.[192]
- ^ The tightening grip of the British blockade was beginning to take a severe economic toll on communities throughout the country. The drain on the treasury remained a pressing concern, and the Republican-dominated Congress finally recognized the need for more tax revenue; a new levy fell on licences, carriages, auctions, sugar refineries, and salt.[203]
- ^ The superior force and scantlings of the American 44-gun frigates, now denounced as "disguised ships of the line," prompted the Admiralty to issue a "Secret & Confidential" order to all station chiefs prohibiting single-frigate engagements with the Constitution, President, or United States. A lone British frigate was henceforth ordered to flee from the big American frigates, or (if it could be done safely) to shadow them at a prudent distance, remaining out of cannon-shot range, until reinforcements.[212]
- ^ More significantly, if some spars are shot away on a brig because it is more difficult to wear and the brig loses the ability to steer while a ship could adjust its more diverse canvas to compensate for the imbalance caused by damage in battle.[213] Furthermore, ship-rigged vessels with three masts simply have more masts to shoot away than brigs with two masts before the vessel is unmanageable.[213][214]
- ^ "The British blockade had a crushing effect on American foreign trade. "Commerce is becoming very slack," reported a resident of Baltimore in the spring of 1813: "no arrivals from abroad, & nothing going to sea but sharp [that is fast] vessels." By the end of the year, the sea lanes had become so dangerous that merchants wishing to sell goods had to shell out 50 percent of the value of the ship and cargo."[231]
- ^ For details of the negotiations, see Samuel Flagg Bemis (1956), John Quincy Adams and the Foundations of American Foreign Policy, pp. 196–220; Remini 1991, pp. 94–122; Ward & Gooch 1922, pp. 537–542 and Mahan 1905, pp. 73–78.
- ^ The British were unsure whether the attack on Baltimore was a failure, but Plattsburg was a humiliation that called for court martial (Latimer 2007, pp. 331, 359, 365).
- ^ Spain, a British ally, lost control of the Mobile, Alabama area to the Americans as a consequence of the Patriot War (Florida) which took place concurrently with the War of 1812.
- ^ Theodore Roosevelt commented: "Latour is the only trustworthy American contemporary historian of this war, and even he at times absurdly exaggerates the British force and loss, Most of the other American 'histories' of that period were the most preposterously bombastic works that ever saw print. But as regards this battle, none of them are as bad as even such British historians as Alison. ... The devices each author adopts to lessen the seeming force of his side are generally of much the same character. For instance, [at New Orleans] Latour says that 800 of Jackson's men were employed on works at the rear, on guard duty, etc., and deducts them; James, for precisely similar reasons, deducts 553 men. ... Almost all British writers underestimate their own force and enormously magnify that of the Americans."[303]
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- ^ Hickey 1989, p. 153.
- ^ Latimer 2007, pp. 316–317.
- ^ Webed 2013, p. 126; Hickey 1989, p. 197.
- ^ a b Latimer 2007, p. 317.
- ^ Hickey 1989, pp. 196–197.
- ^ Herrick 2005, p. 90.
- ^ a b Benn 2002, p. 59.
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- ^ Millett 2013, p. 31.
- ^ Wilentz 2005, pp. 23–25.
- ^ Braund 1993.
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- ^ Remini 1977, p. 72.
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- ^ Braund 2012.
- ^ Remini 2002, pp. 70–73.
- ^ Adams 1918, pp. 791–793.
- ^ Remini 1977, p. 213.
- ^ Hickey 1989, pp. 146–151.
- ^ Frank L. Owsley Jr., The Struggle for the Gulf Borderlands: The Creek War and the Battle of New Orleans, 1812–1815 LibraryPress@UF, Gainesville, Florida, 2017, 87–91
- ^ Bunn & Williams 2008.
- ^ Daughan 2011, pp. 371–372.
- ^ Sugden 1982, p. 284.
- ^ a b Sugden 1982, p. 285.
- ^ Hughes & Brodine 2023, pp. 876–879.
- ^ Heidler & Heidler 1997, pp. 409–11.
- ^ Sugden 1982, p. 297.
- ^ Tucker et al. 2012, p. 229.
- ^ McPherson 2013, p. 699.
- ^ Chartrand 2012, p. 27.
- ^ Latour (1816), p.7 'Fort Plaquemines, that of Petites Coquilles, and fort Bowyer at Mobile point, were the only advanced points fortified; and none of them capable of standing a regular siege.'
- ^ Owsley 2000.
- ^ Grodzinski 2011a, p. 1.
- ^ Hughes & Brodine 2023, p. 929.
- ^ Reilly 1974, pp. 303, 306.
- ^ Remini 1999, p. 167.
- ^ Remini 1977, p. 285.
- ^ Remini 1999, pp. 136–83.
- ^ Stewart 2005, pp. 144–146.
- ^ Remini 1977, p. 288.
- ^ Gleig 1836, p. 344.
- ^ Remini 1999, p. 181.
- ^ a b Owsley 1972, p. 36.
- ^ Frazer & Carr Laughton 1930, p. 294.
- ^ Owsley 1972, pp. 29–30.
- ^ Owsley 1972, pp. 32–33.
- ^ Bullard 1983, p. [page needed].
- ^ Owsley 1972, pp. 36–37.
- ^ Latimer 2007, pp. 401–402; Carr 1979; Eustace 2012, p. 293.
- ^ British Foreign Policy Documents, p. 495.
- ^ Introduction: War of 1812.
- ^ a b Gwyn 2003, p. 134.
- ^ Toll 2006, p. 180.
- ^ a b Arthur 2011, p. 73.
- ^ Black 2008.
- ^ a b Toll 2006, pp. 419–420.
- ^ Toll 2006, p. 50.
- ^ Lambert 2012, p. 372.
- ^ Toll 2006, pp. 418–419.
- ^ James 1817.
- ^ Roosevelt 1904, p. 257.
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- ^ Toll 2006, p. 418.
- ^ "Milestones: 1801–1829 – Office of the Historian". history.state.gov.
- ^ a b c d e Benn 2002, p. 55.
- ^ Benn 2002, p. 220.
- ^ Toll 2006, p. 455.
- ^ Toll 2006, p. 385.
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- ^ Toll 2006, p. 377.
- ^ Toll 2006, pp. 411–415.
- ^ Latimer 2007, p. 253.
- ^ Lambert 2012, pp. 368–373.
- ^ Gardiner 1998, p. 162.
- ^ Gardiner 1998, pp. 163–164.
- ^ Toll 2006, p. 383.
- ^ a b c Lambert 2012, p. 138.
- ^ a b James 1817, p. [page needed].
- ^ Gardiner 2000, p. [page needed].
- ^ American Merchant Marine.
- ^ Franklin.
- ^ Brewer 2004.
- ^ Latimer 2007, p. 242.
- ^ Kert 2015, p. 146.
- ^ Lambert 2012, pp. 394–395.
- ^ Shorto, Lieutenant-Colonel A. Gavin (5 April 2018). "Bermuda in the Privateering Business". The Bermudian. City of Hamilton, Pembroke Parish, Bermuda: The Bermudian. Archived from the original on 17 December 2023. Retrieved 26 November 2023.
- ^ Jarvis, Michael (2010). In the Eye of All Trade: Bermuda, Bermudians, and the Maritime Atlantic World, 1680–1783. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press.[page needed]
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- ^ Stranack 1990, p. 23.
- ^ Faye 1997, p. 171.
- ^ Hickey 1989, p. 152; Daughan 2011, pp. 151–152; Lambert 2012, p. 399.
- ^ Hickey 1989, p. 214.
- ^ Hannay 1911, p. 849.
- ^ a b Hickey 2012, p. 153.
- ^ Benn 2002, pp. 55–56.
- ^ Benn 2002, p. 56.
- ^ Leckie 1998, p. 255.
- ^ Benn 2002, p. 57.
- ^ Benn 2002, p. 57; Riggs 2015, pp. 1446–1449.
- ^ a b Stranack 1990, p. [page needed].
- ^ Whitfield 2006, p. 25.
- ^ Malcomson 2012, p. 366.
- ^ Bermingham 2003.
- ^ Black Sailors Soldiers 2012.
- ^ The Royal Gazette 2016.
- ^ a b Taylor 2010, p. 432.
- ^ Remini 1991, p. 117.
- ^ Donald Hickey, The War of 1812: A Forgotten Conflict, Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1989, 284
- ^ Ward & Gooch 1922, p. 540.
- ^ Latimer 2007, pp. 389–391; Gash 1984, pp. 111–119.
- ^ Mahan 1905.
- ^ African Nova Scotians.
- ^ Whitfield 2005.
- ^ Black Loyalists in New Brunswick.
- ^ Updyke 1915, p. 360.
- ^ Perkins 1964, pp. 129–130.
- ^ Hickey 2006, p. 295.
- ^ Langguth 2006, p. 375.
- ^ a b Mahan 1905, pp. 73–78.
- ^ Heidler & Heidler 1997, pp. 208–209.
- ^ Langguth 2006, pp. 374–375.
- ^ Tucker 2012, p. 113.
- ^ Hickey 2006, p. 297.
- ^ Latimer 2007, p. 389.
- ^ Adams 1918, p. 385.
- ^ Hickey 1989, p. 303.
- ^ Adams 1978.
- ^ MacDowell 1900, pp. 315–316.
- ^ Kert 2015, p. 145.
- ^ $100 in 1812.
- ^ Johnston & Williamson 2019.
- ^ Nettels 2017, pp. 35–40.
- ^ Bergquist 1973, pp. 45–55.
- ^ Morales 2009.
- ^ Bickham 2012, pp. 262–280.
- ^ Christopher Mark Radojewski, "The Rush–Bagot Agreement: Canada–US Relations in Transition." American Review of Canadian Studies 47.3 (2017): 280–299.
- ^ Akenson 1999, p. 137.
- ^ Landon 1941, p. 123.
- ^ Hayes 2008, p. 117.
- ^ O'Grady 2008, p. 892.
- ^ a b Hickey 1989, p. 304.
- ^ Hatter 2016, p. 213.
- ^ Fixico.
- ^ a b Berthier-Foglar & Otto 2020, p. 26.
- ^ a b Calloway 1986, pp. 1–20.
- ^ Edmunds, 1978, p. 162
- ^ Francis Paul Prucha, American Indian Treaties: The History of a Political Anomaly, University of California Press, 1994, 129–145, 183–201
- ^ "Culture/History". Muscogee (Creek) Nation. Archived from the original on 18 March 2021. Retrieved 19 March 2021.
- ^ Heidler & Heidler 2002, p. 7; Latimer 2009, p. 88.
- ^ Stearns 2008, p. 547.
- ^ Hickey 2014.
- ^ Langguth 2006; Cogliano 2008, p. 247.
- ^ Dangerfield 1952, pp. xi–xiii, 95.
- ^ Toll 2006, pp. 456, 467.
- ^ Toll 2006, p. 457.
- ^ "Richard Mentor Johnson, 9th Vice President (1837–1841)". U.S. Senate. Archived from the original on 15 August 2021.
- ^ Hickey 1989, pp. 255ff.
- ^ Cogliano 2008, p. 234.
- ^ a b Smith, Gene Allen (14 August 2017). "Wedged Between Slavery and Freedom: African American Equality Deferred". U.S. National Park Service. Archived from the original on 19 July 2023.
- ^ Pratt 1955, p. 138.
- ^ Howe 2007, p. 74; Kohler 2013, p. 316: "While the debate about 'who won the war' continues, most historians agree that the clear loser was the First Nations/Native Americans."; Kohler 2013, p. 316; Clark & Hickey 2015, p. 103.
- ^ Carroll 1997: "The War of 1812 also had an impact on the border. A decisive military victory by either the United States or His Majesty's forces might well have settled the boundary controversy once and for all, but by and large, the war was fought to a stalemate."; Heidler & Heidler 2002, p. 137: "Britain finally accepted stalemate as the best bargain. The American delegation wisely did so as well."; Howe 2007, p. 74: "Considered as a conflict between Great Britain and the United States, the War of 1812 was a draw. For the Native Americans, however, it constituted a decisive defeat with lasting consequences."; Waselkov 2009, p. 177: "New Orleans ... retrieved the nation's honor and brought the war to close as a virtual stalemate."; Hickey 2012, p. 228: "Thus, after three years of campaigning, neither the United States nor Great Britain could claim any great advantage in the war, let alone victory. Militarily, the War of 1812 ended in a draw."; Clark & Hickey 2015, p. 103; Coles 2018, p. 255: "Militarily the War of 1812 was a draw."; USS Constitution Museum: "Ultimately, the War of 1812 ended in a draw on the battlefield, and the peace treaty reflected this."
- ^ Kaufman 1997, pp. 110–135; Buckner 2008, pp. 47–48; Sjolander 2014.
- ^ Roosevelt 1900.
- ^ Sjolander 2014.
- ^ Swanson 1945, p. 75; Brands 2005, p. 163; Hickey 2013.
- ^ Bowman & Greenblatt 2003, p. 142; Kessel & Wooster 2005, p. 145; Howe 2007, p. 74; Thompson & Randall 2008, p. 23; Kohler 2013, p. 316.
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Further reading
- Norton, John; Benn, Carl (2019). A Mohawk memoir from the War of 1812. Toronto (Canada): ISBN 978-1-4875-0432-8.
- Byrd, Cecil K. (March 1942). "The Northwest Indians and the British Preceding the War of 1812". JSTOR 27787290.
- "The U.S. Army Campaigns of the War of 1812". Center for Military History. Archivedfrom the original on 7 August 2020. Retrieved 29 July 2020.
- Barbuto, Richard V. (2013). The Canadian Theater 1813. Center of Military History, United States Army. ISBN 978-0-16-092084-4.
- —— (2014). The Canadian Theater 1814. Government Printing Office. ISBN 978-0-16-092384-5.
- Blackmon, Richard D. (2014). The Creek War 1813–1814. Government Printing Office. p. 43. ISBN 978-0-16-092542-9.
- Maass, John R. (2013). Defending A New Nation 1783–1811. Washington, D.C.: OCLC 868340900.
- Neimeyer, Charles P. (2014). The Chesapeake Campaign, 1813–1814. Government Printing Office. ISBN 978-0-16-092535-1.
- Rauch, Steven J. (2013). The Campaign of 1812. Center of Military History, United States Army. p. 58. ISBN 978-0-16-092092-9.
- Stoltz III, Joseph F. (2014). The Gulf Theater, 1813–1815.
- Cleves, Rachel Hope; Eustace, Nicole; Gilje, Paul (September 2012). "Interchange: The War of 1812". Journal of American History. 99 (2): 520–555. . Historiography.
- Collins, Gilbert (2006). Guidebook to the historic sites of the War of 1812. Dundurn. ISBN 1-55002-626-7.
- Dale, Ronald J. (2001). The invasion of Canada: battles of the War of 1812. Toronto: Lorimer Publishing. ISBN 978-1-55028-738-7.
- Foreman, Amanda (July 2014). "The British View the War of 1812 quite differently than Americans Do". Smithsonian Magazine.
- Fowler, William M. Jr. (2017). Steam Titans: Cunard, Collins, and the Epic Battle for Commerce on the North Atlantic. Bloomsbury. ISBN 978-1-62040-909-1.
- Fraser, Robert Lochiel (1985). "Mallory, Benajah". In Halpenny, Francess G (ed.). Dictionary of Canadian Biography. Vol. VIII (1851–1860) (online ed.). University of Toronto Press.
- Hattendorf, J. B. (28 January 2012). "The War Without a Loser". The Wall Street Journal. ProQuest 918117327. Retrieved 29 July 2020.
- Jensen, Richard (2012). "Military history on the electronic frontier: Wikipedia fights the War of 1812" (PDF). Journal of Military History. 76 (4): 523–556.
- Jones, Elwood H. (1983). "Willcocks, Joseph". In Halpenny, Francess G (ed.). Dictionary of Canadian Biography. Vol. V (1801–1820) (online ed.). University of Toronto Press.
- Knodell, Jane Ellen (2016). The Second Bank of the United States: "Central" Banker in an Era of Nation-building, 1816–1836. Taylor & Francis. ISBN 978-1-317-66277-8.
- Lloyd, Christopher (1970). The British Seaman 1200–1860: A Social Survey. Associated University Presse. ISBN 9780838677087.
- Lindsay, Arnett G. (October 1920). "Diplomatic Relations between the United States and Great Britain Bearing on the Return of Negro Slaves, 1783-1828". The Journal of Negro History. 5 (4): 391–419. JSTOR 2713676.
- Hatzenbuehler, Ronald L.; Ivie, Robert L. (Autumn 1980). "Justifying the War of 1812: Toward a Model of Congressional Behavior in Early War Crises". Social Science History. 4 (4). Cambridge University Press: 453–477. JSTOR 1171017.
- Malcolmson, Robert (2006). Historical dictionary of the war of 1812. Historical dictionaries of war, revolution, and civil unrest. Lanham, Md.: ISBN 978-0-8108-5499-4.
- Robertson, J. Ross (1894–1914). "Chapter XXIV: Andrew Mercer's Cottage". Landmarks of Toronto; a collection of historical sketches of the old town of York from 1792 until 1833, and of Toronto from 1834 to 1893 Volume 1. Toronto: J. Ross Robertson. pp. 46–47. OCLC 1084366288.
- Peppiatt, Liam (24 September 2015). "Chapter 24: Andrew Mercer's Cottage". Robertson's Landmarks of Toronto Revisited. Archived from the original on 25 February 2016.
- Perkins, Bradford (2021) [1961]. Prologue to War: England and the United States 1805-1812. Berkeley (Calif.): ISBN 978-0-520-36141-6.
- Quaife, Milo M. (March 1915). "The Fort Dearborn Massacre". JSTOR 1886956.
- Randall, William Sterne (2017). Unshackling America: How the War of 1812 Truly Ended the American Revolution. St. Martin's Press. ISBN 978-1-250-11184-5.
- Sapio, Victor A. (2015) [1970]. Pennsylvania & the War of 1812. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky. ISBN 978-0-8131-1193-3.
- Simon, Richard (26 February 2012). "Who Really won the war of 1812". LA Times. Archived from the original on 13 December 2017. Retrieved 25 January 2018.
- Skeen, Carl Edward (1999). Citizen soldiers in the War of 1812. Lexington: ISBN 978-0-8131-2089-8. On militia's poor performance
- Smith, Gene Allen (2013). The slaves' gamble: choosing sides in the War of 1812. New York, NY: ISBN 978-0-230-34208-8.
- Smith, Joshua M. (June 2011). "The Yankee Soldier's Might: The District of Maine and the Reputation of the Massachusetts Militia, 1800–1812". S2CID 57570925.
- Stacey, C. P. (1964). "The War of 1812 in Canadian History". In Turner, Wesley B.; Zaslow, Morris (eds.). The Defended Border: Upper Canada and the War of 1812. Toronto: ISBN 978-0-7705-1242-2.
- Stagg, J. C. A. (2012). The War of 1812: Conflict for a Continent. Cambridge Essential Histories. ISBN 978-0-521-72686-3.
- Studenski, Paul; Krooss, Herman Edward (1963). Financial History of the United States. Beard Books. p. 77 tbl. 5 and p. 79 tbl. 6. ISBN 978-1-58798-175-3.
- Suthren, Victor J. H. (1999). The War of 1812. Toronto: ISBN 978-0-7710-8317-4.
- Tanner, Helen H. (1987). Atlas of Great Lakes Indian History. University of Oklahoma Press. ISBN 0-8061-2056-8.
- Ward, John William (1962) [1955]. Andrew Jackson Symbol For An Age. London: Oxford University Press.
- Watts, Steven (1987). The Republic Reborn: War and the Making of Liberal America, 1790–1820. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press. ISBN 0-8018-3420-1.
- White, Leonard D. (1951). The Jeffersonians: A Study in Administrative History 1801–1829. New York: Macmillan.
- Williams, Mentor L. (Winter 1953). "John Kinzie's Narrative of the Fort Dearborn Massacre". JSTOR 40189329.
- Williams, William Appleman (1961). The Contours Of American History. Chicago: OCLC 786165043.
- Wilson, Major L. (1974). Space time and freedom: The quest for nationality and the irrepressible conflict 1815-1861. Contributions in American history. Westport, Conn.: OCLC 934543.
External links
- "Arbitration, Mediation, and Conciliation – Jay's treaty and the treaty of ghent". American Foreign Relations. Retrieved 1 July 2013.
- "CMH: Origins of the Militia Myth". cdnmilitary.ca. 26 May 2007. Archived from the original on 4 May 2008.
- "People & Stories: James Wilkinson". War of 1812. Galafilm. Archived from the original on 4 March 2000. Retrieved 26 September 2014.
- "War of 1812 – Statistics". Historyguy.com. Retrieved 4 September 2016.
- "War of 1812–1815". Office of the Historian. United States Department of State. Retrieved 26 April 2016.
- The War of 1812, Government of Canada website.
- The War of 1812, Department of National Defence (Canada) website.
- Library of Congress Guide to the War of 1812, Kenneth Drexler.
- The War of 1812 in the South, The William C. Cook Collection, The Williams Research Center, The Historic New Orleans Collection
- War of 1812 collection William L. Clements Library.
- "Treaty of Ghent". Primary Documents in American History. The Library of Congress. 2010.
- Key Events of the War of 1812 Archived 6 July 2010 at the Wayback Machine, chart by Greg D. Feldmeth, Polytechnic School (Pasadena, California), 1998.
- The War of 1812, online exhibit on Archives of Ontario website
- Black Americans in the U.S. Military from the American Revolution to the Korean War: The War of 1812, David Omahen, New York State Military Museum and Veteran Research Center, 2006.
- President Madison's War Message, lesson plan with extensive list of documents, EDSitement.com (National Endowment for the Humanities).
- The War of 1812 on YouTube
- The short film "The War of 1812" U.S. Navy is available for free viewing and download at the Internet Archive.
- Indexed eLibrary of War of 1812 Resources Archived 9 January 2012 at the Wayback Machine at Fire Along the Frontier Resource Site.
- The War of 1812 Website.
- BBC Radio 4: In Our Time. The War of 1812, 31 January 2013.
- Indiana University Lilly Library Digital Collection of War of 1812 Archived 6 February 2014 at the Wayback Machine.
- The War: A War of 1812 Newspaper, Brock University Library Digital Repository.
- War of 1812 Collection, Brock University Library Digital Repository.