Politics of Catalonia
This article needs to be updated.(May 2018) |
Catalan / Valencian cultural domain |
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The politics of Catalonia takes place within the framework of its
Catalan politics also influence some aspects of Spanish politics due to the presence of
19th and 20th centuries
During the 19th and 20th centuries, Catalonia was one of the main centres of Spanish industrialisation. During these years, the struggle between the Barcelona conservative industrial bourgeoisie and the working class dominated Catalan politics, as it did elsewhere in Europe during the industrialisation process.[citation needed] In Catalonia, this situation was nuanced by the fact that immigrants from the rest of Spain were an increasing portion of the workers, since the local workforce was not large enough to cover the demands of a rising economy.[citation needed]
Catalan nationalist and federalist movements arose in the nineteenth century, and when the Second Republic was declared in 1931, Catalonia became an autonomous region. Following the fall of the Second Republic after the Spanish Civil War of 1936–39, the
"Dual vote" and current affairs
Following Franco's death in 1975 and the
CiU's hegemony occurred in spite of the major cities (including Barcelona's) having been controlled by its main rival party, PSC. It was also in spite of what has been defined as the "dual vote". This refers to the fact that election results in Catalonia consistently vary depending on the election type. Thus, elections for the Catalan regional Parliament have historically been won by the conservative nationalist CiU (this trend persists, even though CiU lost the absolute majority in recent times). However, the social democrat non-nationalist PSC-PSOE has been, and continues to be, the winner of elections for the Spanish Parliament. This has been explained because of the abstention in the regional elections of those voters less concerned with identity questions, and the correspondent high turn out amongst more locally motivated nationalist voters. In addition to this, studies have shown that a number of voters consciously swing their votes from CiU to PSOE, depending on the type of election[4]
Following the 1996 national elections in Spain, Pujol surprised many by lending CiU's support in the Cortes Generales to the minority government of the People's Party (Partido Popular, PP). After having served more than 15 years ruling the autonomous community of Catalonia led by Jordi Pujol, CiU had become eroded while the Socialists' Party of Catalonia (PSC-PSOE), a sister-party of Spain's main social democrat party (Spanish Socialist Workers' Party, PSOE), began to enjoy electoral popularity also in the Catalan election context. This trend culminated in the 2003 election which saw CiU ousted from the government for the first time in 20 years by means of a tripartite left-wing coalition.
When it comes to the nationalist question, one of the 'fault-lines' in contemporary Catalan politics arises from the fact that Barcelona, with its strong metropolitan economy, continues to attract migrants from all over the world. This contemporary layer of immigration is prone to speak Spanish over Catalan and adds to second and third generation Catalans whose families arrived from other parts of Spain during the 20th century in order to cover the needs of industrial workers which the Catalan economy demanded to prosper; amongst the latter, some have become proficient in Catalan, others have not.
On the other side, Catalan remains the predominant language in middle-class and upper-class urban areas, as well as in the region's rural and small cities. All in all, Spanish remains the language spoken by a significant portion of Catalans, particularly in working-class areas. For Catalan nationalists this is perceived, in the worst case, as a threat, and in the best case, as a challenge to be confronted, because Catalan nationalism is centered on language rather than ethnicity.
In any case, Catalan has undoubtedly experienced a spectacular revival since the death of Franco; it has become the language of the autonomous government and enjoys a prominence and widespread use. However, the desire of Catalan nationalists to make the use of Catalan language universal is continually thwarted by the dominance of Spanish speakers in some places.
Terra Lliure
Terra Lliure ("Free Land" or "Free Fatherland"), which was defined as a terrorist group by the United States and the European Union, was founded in 1978 as the armed organisation of the Catalan Movement of National Liberation (MCAN), a wide movement seeking independence and socialism for Catalonia and the whole Catalan speaking domain, including Valencia, the Balearic Islands and Northern Catalonia (in Southern France) - what is also known as the Catalan Countries.
It began an armed campaign, consisting of hundreds of bombings which was brought to an end by harsh police operations in 1992. Four of its members were killed in action and it accidentally caused the death of an innocent victim in one of its bombings. Organisations such as the Movement in Defense of the Fatherland (MDT) provided political support, with mass demonstrations and representatives in some town councils, but during the 1990s the political wing too lost support, resulting in several years of political weakness, which gave way to a revival towards the end of the century.
Despite its similarities, the activities of Terra Lliure and the MCAN have not reached the strength and notoriety of ETA and the basque pro-independence movement.
During the 21st century
This section needs to be updated.(April 2018) |
At the
This first tripartite rule became an uneasy coalition due to tensions between the PSC and ERC and internal tensions between PSC and PSOE as well. The evidence of such an uneasy relationship was the controversial forging of the amendment to the
The
The new century has also seen a revival of the Esquerra Independentista (pro-independence left), which has again regained some of its strength after the end of Terra Lliure in 1995. Its Popular Unity Candidacy have done well in the municipal elections of 2007, gaining over 20 town council members.
The amendment to the Statute and current political issues
Unlike the autonomous communities of
There was a significant political controversy as a result of the Catalan parliament's proposed draft of a replacement Autonomy Statute which sought to define Catalonia as a '
The independence issue
This article possibly contains original research. (January 2008) |
An essential aspect of Catalonian politics is the issue of independence or self-determination. The law does not recognize a "right of self-determination" in spite of a politically relevant pro independence movement in Catalonia. According to the governmental Sociology Studies Center (CIS) CIS official poll in 2001 there were 33.9% of Catalans in favor of an independent Catalonia, 48.1% against, 13.3 undecided and 2.8% did not answer. CIS has not repeated this poll to date.
Conversely, factors such as public indifference at the time of voting the
In 2007, a poll indicated that, when asked about the relationship between Catalonia and Spain, 59.5% of respondents thought that Catalonia should be an autonomous community within Spain (the current situation), 17.5% considered that Catalonia should be a state within a federal state and only 13.5% believed that Catalonia should be an independent state separate from Spain. The rest of respondents gave other answers, although only a small minority, 5.5%, stated that Catalonia should be a region within Spain, which would mean less self-government.[6]
Another official poll by Centre d'Estudis d'Opinió (CEO) [1] in 2012 determined that 51% of Catalans would vote for an independent Catalonia if there was a referendum, 21.1% would vote against and another 21.1% would not vote.[7]
Parties
- ERC — Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (Republican Left of Catalonia), social-democratic, pro-independence
- Junts — Junts per Catalunya (Together for Catalonia), liberal, pro-independence
- PSC-PSOE — Partit dels Socialistes de Catalunya (Socialists' Party of Catalonia), social-democratic
- Vox, far-right, Spanish nationalism
- CUP — Candidatura d'Unitat Popular (Popular Unity Candidates), left-wing to far-left, pro-independence
- ECP — En Comú Podem (In Common We Can), left-wing, eco-socialist
- Ciutadans — Partido de la Ciudadanía (Citizens – Party of the Citizenry), liberal
- PP — Partit Popular (People's Party), conservative
Summary of votes and seats
The latest parliamentary elections took place in February 2021
Overall
Parties and alliances | Popular vote | Seats | ||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Votes | % | ±pp | Total | +/− | ||
Socialists' Party of Catalonia (PSC–PSOE) | 654,766 | 23.03 | +9.17 | 33 | +16 | |
Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC) | 605,581 | 21.30 | –0.08 | 33 | +1 | |
Together for Catalonia (JxCat)1 | 570,539 | 20.07 | n/a
|
32 | +12 | |
Vox (Vox) | 218,121 | 7.67 | New | 11 | +11 | |
In Common We Can–We Can In Common (ECP–PEC)2 | 195,345 | 6.87 | –0.59 | 8 | ±0 | |
Popular Unity Candidacy–A New Cycle to Win (CUP–G) | 189,924 | 6.68 | +2.22 | 9 | +5 | |
Citizens–Party of the Citizenry (Cs) | 158,606 | 5.58 | –19.77 | 6 | –30 | |
People's Party (PP) | 109,453 | 3.85 | –0.39 | 3 | –1 | |
Catalan European Democratic Party (PDeCAT)1 | 77,229 | 2.72 | n/a | 0 | –14 | |
Zero Cuts–Green Group–Municipalists (Recortes Cero–GV–M) | 12,783 | 0.45 | +0.21 | 0 | ±0 | |
Primaries for the Independence of Catalonia Movement (MPIC) | 6,017 | 0.21 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
National Front of Catalonia (FNC) | 5,003 | 0.18 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
Nationalist Party of Catalonia (PNC) | 4,560 | 0.16 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
Communist Party of the Workers of Catalonia (PCTC) | 4,515 | 0.16 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
Left in Positive (IZQP) | 2,073 | 0.07 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
We Are the Ebre Lands (Som Terres de l'Ebre) | 1,415 | 0.05 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
For a Fairer World (PUM+J) | 1,339 | 0.05 | +0.04 | 0 | ±0 | |
European Union of Pensioners (UEP) | 635 | 0.02 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
Blank Seats (EB) | 591 | 0.02 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
United for Democracy+Retirees (Unidos SI–DEf–PDSJE–Somos España) | 429 | 0.02 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
Alliance for Commerce and Housing (Alianza CV) | 173 | 0.01 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
Catalan Civil Support (SCAT) | 137 | 0.00 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
Red Current Movement (MCR) | 94 | 0.00 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
Blank ballots | 24,087 | 0.85 | +0.41 | |||
Total | 2,843,415 | 135 | ±0 | |||
Valid votes | 2,843,415 | 98.56 | –1.07 | |||
Invalid votes | 41,430 | 1.44 | +1.07 | |||
Votes cast / turnout | 2,884,845 | 51.29 | –27.80 | |||
Abstentions | 2,739,222 | 48.71 | +27.80 | |||
Registered voters | 5,624,067 | |||||
Sources[8] | ||||||
Footnotes:
|
Distribution by constituency
Constituency | PSC | ERC | JxCat | Vox | ECP–PEC | CUP–G | Cs | PP | ||||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
% | S | % | S | % | S | % | S | % | S | % | S | % | S | % | S | |||
Barcelona | 25.0 | 23 | 20.4 | 19 | 17.9 | 16 | 7.8 | 7 | 7.8 | 7 | 6.3 | 5 | 6.1 | 5 | 4.0 | 3 | ||
Girona | 15.2 | 3 | 21.8 | 4 | 32.7 | 7 | 6.1 | 1 | 4.0 | − | 9.0 | 2 | 3.3 | − | 2.0 | − | ||
Lleida | 15.0 | 3 | 26.6 | 5 | 28.0 | 5 | 5.5 | 1 | 3.2 | − | 7.4 | 1 | 3.2 | − | 3.5 | − | ||
Tarragona | 20.0 | 4 | 24.5 | 5 | 19.4 | 4 | 9.4 | 2 | 4.9 | 1 | 6.8 | 1 | 5.2 | 1 | 4.3 | − | ||
Total | 23.0 | 33 | 21.3 | 33 | 20.1 | 32 | 7.7 | 11 | 6.9 | 8 | 6.7 | 9 | 5.6 | 6 | 3.8 | 3 | ||
Sources[8] |
References
- ^ "Politics and economy". gencat.cat. Retrieved 16 May 2023.
- ^ House, Jonathan (20 December 2012), "Catalonia Sets Independence Referendum", The Wall Street Journal, p. A12
- ^ "Catalan crisis: Carles Puigdemont 'welcome' to run in poll". BBC News. 29 October 2017.
- SSRN 235458
- ^ Statute of Autonomy of Catalonia, Generalitat de Catalyuna, archived from the original on 1 February 2008, retrieved 15 January 2008
- ^ Sondeig d'opinió Catalunya 2007 [Poll Catalonia 2007] (PDF) (in Catalan), ca:Institut de Ciències Polítiques i Socials, 2008
- ^ "ICO 2012 poll" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 13 September 2012. Retrieved 29 June 2012.
- ^ Government of Catalonia. 14 February 2021. Archived from the originalon 28 February 2021. Retrieved 3 April 2021.