Vivienne Goonewardene

Source: Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.

Ceylonese Parliament
for Colombo North Electoral District
In office
1956–1960
Preceded byCyril E. S. Perera
Succeeded byV. A. Sugathadasa
Majority58.09%
Personal details
Born
Violet Vivienne Goonetilleke

(1916-09-18)18 September 1916
Ceylon
Died10 March 1996(1996-03-10) (aged 79)
Colombo, Sri Lanka
Political partyLanka Sama Samaja Party
Other political
affiliations		Bolshevik–Leninist Party of India, Ceylon and Burma
Spouse
​
​
(m. 1939)​
Relations
University College, Colombo
Occupation
  • Independence activist
  • politician
  • statesman
  • philanthropist

Violet Vivienne Goonewardene

National Hero of Sri Lanka. By her death, she was one of the Left's most vibrant personalities, and the foremost female figure in the Sri Lankan leftist movement.[2]

Born into an affluent family to a pro-monarchy conservative, while at secondary school, Goonewardene became involved in the anti-imperialist Suriya-Mal Movement, fighting against perceived injustices. She volunteered during the 1934 Malaria Epidemic, at which time she witnessed rampant malnutrition of the poor. Despite being disallowed by her father from pursuing higher education, her maternal uncles, Philip and Robert Gunawardena, helped her attend University, where she was often involved in activism. It was here that she met her husband, Leslie Goonewardene, who had founded in 1935 Sri Lanka's first political party, the Lanka Sama Samaja Party.

During her political career, she was instrumental in the rise of the

Second World War, Goonewardene evaded arrest by fleeing to India under a false name. There, she immersed herself in the Quit India Movement, culminating in India's independence from Britain in 1947. Upon her return to Sri Lanka, she played a large role in Sri Lanka's independence from Britain in 1948. From the 1940s to 1960s, the Lanka Sama Samaja Party was Sri Lanka's main opposition party and in the 1960s, the party led the United Front coalition; through their election landslide bringing in the first female Prime Minister. Goonewardene served as a prominent member of Parliament, and as President of the All Ceylon Local Government Worker's Union from 1949 until her death. Through this, Goonewardene attempted to reform the former British colony of Ceylon into a socialist republic by nationalising
organisations in the banking, education, industry, media, and trade sectors.

Early life and political beginnings

The Goonetilleke family, including Vivienne, at her aunt's wedding – 1924/5.

Goonewardene was born in

Ceylon, and his wife Emily Angeline Gunawardena.[4][5] As a physician, her father was often transferred to various parts of Ceylon.[6][7] She was named Vivienne after the French nurse who had helped to deliver her.[8] Goonewardene spent her early youth in Tissamaharama, a remote village in which her father was stationed.[9][10]

Goonewardene's maternal grandfather, Don Jakolis Rupasinghe Gunawardena, was a wealthy landowner having served as the village

medical professionals, Hamine would personally assist in the birth of every child at a building she had funded.[9][18]

Education and early activism

To enable Vivienne access to a sound education, her parents agreed to send her to boarding school.[19] Goonewardene was educated at Musaeus College, a private girls' school in Colombo.[20] There, she was elected head girl in 1933.[4] Despite her position in the school, Vivienne was noted for her acts of defiance of authority.[21] It was while studying at Musaeus College that her interest in politics developed.[21]

Suriya-Mal Movement and 1934 Malaria epidemic

While serving as head girl, she became deeply involved in the

Ceylonese ex-servicemen. One of the latter, Mr. Aelian Perera, had started a rival sale of Suriya flowers on the same day.[23] The proceeds of each sale were devoted to help needy Ceylonese ex-servicemen.[24][25] While the selling of the Suriya flower had begun in 1931, by 1933 the selling of it instead of the poppy on 11 November was launched on the initiative of the South Colombo Youth League.[23][26] The movement had the slogan of "against slavery and poverty and for freedom and prosperity".[27]

On Remembrance Day 1934, Goonewardene sold the Suriya flower in her school to students and teachers.[22] She noted that it was a complete success with the students, but only a half-success with the older generation.[22] It was from this mass-nationalist campaign that the Lanka Sama Samaja Party (LSSP) was later founded.[28] Vivienne did go further, leading fellow students to place their boxes of instruments atop the blackboards and at 11.00 a.m. to topple these, with the subsequent noise masking that of the ceremonial gun salute.[21]

The Suriya-Mal Movement volunteered extensively during the 1934 disasters. A drought caused a shortage of rice, estimated at 3 million bushels;[29] floods, from October onwards; and a malaria epidemic, affecting 1,000,000 people with at least 125,000 deaths, which continued through 1935, heavily effected the poor.[30][31] The Goonetilleke's residence was converted into a hospital for the sick.[32] The volunteers, including Vivienne, observed that there was widespread malnutrition among the poor, which was aggravated by the shortage of rice, and which reduced resistance to the disease.[33][34]

Later education

Goonewardene's father, as a

University College, Colombo.[38][39] Upon discovering her university acceptance, Goonetilleke refused to let Vivienne study there.[4] Despite this, her uncles and father's friends persuaded him to allow her to study – she later completed her studies, through his efforts to hinder her.[40]

At University College, Goonewardene boarded at the women's hostel on Queen's road. As her father did not allow Goonewardene to join the drama society, she turned to the university's debating club.[41] Here, she faced much discrimination for her gender from the opposition in a largely male-based activity, but proceeded. Her debate partner, Horace Perera, recalled an incident in which this was displayed:[42]

Vivi was quite small made and rather slim. de Haan began with the words "I hope ladies and gentlemen that you will not be misled by the childish arguments of Mr. Horace Perera and his little supporter in rompers." Following Vivienne's complaint to the chair, de Haan responded "I am very sorry Sir. I hope ladies and gentlemen you will not be misled by the charming lady without rompers." It took Shirley (the chair) several minutes to regain control of the house.

Entry into the Lanka Sama Samaja Party

The

Lenin.[45]

Included in its founders were Vivienne's uncles, Philip and Robert.[46][47] Being so close to the founding members of the party, Goonewardene began attending meetings. She attended these meetings with her Aunt Caroline and Uncle Robert.[48] Vivienne also joined the anti-Fascist demonstrations against Spain's Franco organised by the Party in Colombo.[48] It was partly her rebellious nature that led Vivienne to pay the membership fee of 25 cents and join the LSSP.[48]

Her stint in politics and education ended abruptly when her father received an anonymous letter stating that Vivienne had visited a political rally in the presence of other men.

political rallies in the company of her Aunt Caroline.[49]

Raising a family

Vivienne met

Ceylon, privately owning very significant amounts of land.[57][58]

Leslie was educated at

Welsh Publish school and studying at the London School of Economics.[59][4] At LSE, he became well acquainted with Vivienne's uncles, Robert and Philip, with whom he founded the LSSP.[60] Leslie was considered the ideologue of the party, especially in the 1935-36 period.[61] He was later described by Hector Abhayavardhana as "the custodian of the consciousness of the LSSP".[49]

Following their meetings, Leslie would often drop in to the Goonetilleke's home in

Bracegirdle affair, Vivienne was invited to a dinner at which Leslie declared his love for her.[65]

"My own view was that Vivi was his favourite in the family - bright, talented and attractive. When she went against his wishes, it affected him greatly and his personality changed.

Brother of Vivienne., Biography of Vivienne.[66]

The two intended to wed, but Vivienne's father was against the relationship because Goonewardene was a

caste and a revolutionary under surveillance.[67] She was kept a virtual prisoner at home, and Goonewardene was forced to file a habeas corpus writ, a recourse in law through which a person can report an unlawful detention or imprisonment to a court, to get her released.[68] While she was kept a prisoner, she was still able to secretly write letters to Leslie with the help of a local bookseller.[69] During the legal battle, they were notably represented by their attorney, the future President and Prime Minister of Sri Lanka J. R. Jayewardene.[68] The couple were married on 30 June 1939, at the Hotel Nippon in Slave Island.[70]

Indian Independence

Main article: Indian independence movement

With the outbreak of the

N.M. Perera, Philip Gunawardena and Colvin R. de Silva—were arrested and jailed, but Vivienne evaded arrest while her husband, Leslie, went underground.[74]

The Bolshevik–Leninist Party of India, Ceylon and Burma

Main article: Bolshevik–Leninist Party of India, Ceylon and Burma
The BLPI.

By the later part of 1940, Vivienne was heavily pregnant with her first child.

Bolshevik–Leninist Party of India, Ceylon and Burma (BLPI for short).[77]

The discussions for this took place through underground meetings in Kandy in December 1940 and March 1941 and set the stage for a sole Trotskyist party for India.[78][79] An underground conference was held on 20 April 1941, attended by 42 delegates.[80] At this conference, the Lanka Sama Samaja Party conceived a new constitution and manifesto, both of which were accepted by the delegates.[81] The meetings in 1940 and 1941 were also attended by the other detained LSSP leaders, who had been aided by their imprisoner; the imprisoner later helped them escape their prison on 7 April 1942.[82][83] The BLPI was formed in May 1942 and was approved by the Fourth International.[84] Through this, the now-public BLPI, fronted by Goonewardene, S.C.C. Anthonipillai, Robert Gunawardena, William de Silva, and V. Karalasingham, focused on continuing strike waves that had begun in May 1941. These continued through 1942 and 1944.[85]

Initially, during World War II, the Goonewardene-led

Calcutta.[87] Due to political suppression, the publication was moved to Bombay and its name was changed to New Spark.[88] They published Trotsky's open letter to the Indian workers and other pieces. While Vivienne was busy raising a child, Leslie was a key contributor to the party publications, writing under the pseudonym, K. Tilak.[89] During the remainder of World War II, the BLPI was able to influence the trade union and student movements in several cities. Significant membership was recorded among tramway workers, as well as workers of the Buckingham and Carnatic Mills.[90][91]

Quit India Movement and party split

Main article: Quit India Movement

In December 1941, by which point, Vivienne's eldest child, Kumundini was just over a year old, Vivienne moved permanently to India.

wanted list.[4] On her way to India, she disguised herself as Mrs. Alan Mendis, and was accompanied by Alan Mendis.[93] From Trincomalee, Vivienne, her daughter and helpers travelled to Madhurai by boat, where they were met by S. C. C. Anthony Pillai and taken to safe shelter.[93]

In India, Vivienne immersed herself in the Quit India Movement, a movement with the demand to end the British Rule of India.[94] She remained uncaptured throughout the war years both in Ceylon and India.[70] In 1943, Vivienne also sheltered Jeanne Hoban from the authorities when she was threatened with deportation for organising plantation workers unions.[95] Following the Quit India Movement, hope was rife among the South-Asian socialist leaders. Leslie Goonewardene, under the pseudonym K. Tilak, wrote that the "young Bolshevik-Leninist Party ... now faces its first real chance for expansion ... The situation is changing and without doubt, of all of the parties and political groups in India, the BLPI is the one which is going to gain the most in this change."[96]

Albeit the help, with an infant to care for Goonewardene's political involvement was significantly lessened.

Goanese family. Mr. and Mrs. Pinto.[97] Vivienne also taught herself Hindi.[98]

Initial party split.

During the war there was a split in the movement. N. M. Perera and Philip Gunawardena opposed a merger into the BLPI and formed the 'Workers' Opposition'.[99] After the war, they reconstructed LSSP as an independent party.[100] Members of the other section, formed out of the exiled BLPI nucleus, effectively maintained a separate party, the Bolshevik Samasamaja Party (BSP).[101] The latter group functioned as the Ceylon section of BLPI and was led by Colvin R de Silva, Leslie Goonawardene and Edmund Samarakkoddy.[102]

The relation between the two groups was often antagonistic. The BSP accused the LSSP of 'organisational

Menshevism'.[103] The LSSP accused the BSP of being introvert doctrinaires. LSSP wanted to build a mass-based party, whereas the BSP concentrated on building a cadre-based (revolutionary) party.[104][105] On 25 October 1945 fist-fights broke out at between the two groups at a meeting of the BSP.[106]

Return to Sri Lanka

When Goonewardene returned to Sri Lanka following the end of the

DS Senanayake.[113]

Goonewardene's return led to her founding and becoming one of the major backers of the world's first socialist women's organisation, United Women's Front or ‘Eksath Kantha Peramuna’.

Communist Party withdrawing support of it as part of its non-co-operation policy with Trotskyists.[citation needed
]

Sri Lankan Independence

Main article: Sri Lankan independence movement
The Ceylonese Independence Ceremony, 1948.

Following the end of the war, the LSSP's proscription ended, and Leslie was able to return to Ceylon to work further on the independence movement.

Indian Tamils descent, using the Ceylon Citizenship Act of 1948 and the Parliamentary Elections Amendment Act of 1949.[123][124][125] These measures were intended primarily to undermine the Left electorally.[126]

Electoral politics

In December 1949, Vivienne stood for the

disinherited.[108] Her father passed away on the night of the election, his final query had been "has Vivi won", to which a relative had replied "yes".[108]

Colombo Municipal Council

Mrs. Vivienne Goonewardene moved that the Medical Officers of the Minicipal Council should be requested to hold regular inspection of children of pre-school age in shanty town housing schemes at least once in three months in view of the very high child mortality in the city."

Minutes of CMC, 27 May 1960.

Goonewardene remained a member of the Colombo Municipal Council from 1950 until July 1954 and again from 30 January 1960 until December 1969.[4] While a councillor, she was known dedicated her time to the betterment of the lives of the poor.[130] Goonewardene orchestrated the improvement of sanitation, the provision of lighting and the widening of paths in shanty towns.[108] She was instrumental in the organisation of sewing classes for single mothers.[108] While a councillor, she fought for the rights of the dead – notably in terms of burial facilities, as well as taking issue with the high levels of child mortality in shanty towns.[131]

While a Municipal Councillor, she gave a lift to Ranasinghe Premadasa every day.[108] He became President of Sri Lanka in 1989, coming from a slum area and joining the rival United National Party.[132]

President of the All Ceylon Local Government Worker's Union

Vivienne also had offices outside of the Colombo Municipal Council, allowing her to serve not just her own

State Workers by Rs. 7.5, however Municipal council workers were excluded by this.[134][135] Vivienne brought this up with the Minister of Finance, J. R. Jayewardene, who proceeded to include Municipal Workers in the bill.[134][135] In 1964, while the Sri Lanka Freedom Party leftist coalition was in power, Goonewardene demanded parity of status for state employees and CMC workers.[108] Goonewardene remained President of the All Ceylon Local Government Worker's Union until her death.[136]

Reunification

The split between the LSSP and the BSP had weakened the movement, and in particular the BSP which was clearly the smaller of the two parties.[137] A process of reunification was initiated, and in 1950 the BSP merged into the LSSP.[138] Through the reunification, the LSSP became the Ceylonese section of the Fourth International.[139] However, Philip Gunawardena opposed the reconciliation with the BSP.[140] Thus he left LSSP and formed a new party, Viplavakari Lanka Sama Samaja Party (VLSSP).[141][142][143]

At the 1952 general election, the electoral performance was harmed by the relative prosperity due to the price of natural rubber being driven up by the Korean War.[144] During this election, Vivienne contested the Kelaniya seat for the LSSP.[145] Vivienne's Buddhist background gave her an advantage while contesting the seat, however the seat was contested by the SLFP's Wimala Wijewardene, who received the support of the Kelaniya temple's Buddhist monks.[146] While campaigning, Vivienne's third child, Premilla, was born, further limiting the extent to which she could canvass.[108] The seat was won by J. R. Jayewardene, following that year's political trend towards the UNP.[147] Also, the disenfranchisement of the Indian Tamil estate workers by the UNP government deprived the LSSP of one of its main bases.[148] Moreover, it damaged the electoral fortunes of its ally, the CIC, which went unrepresented.[149]

Hartal and after

Main article: 1953 Ceylonese Hartal

In 1953, the LSSP took the lead in organising the

J.R. Jayawardena was the finance minister of the country.[152][153] Maintaining the price of rice at 25 cent had been an electoral promise given by UNP in the 1952 elections, and when the new rates were introduced to the public, uproar ensued.[154][155] This anger was furthered by the suspension of the meals given to schoolchildren and hikes in rail ticket fares and postal fees.[156]

Prior to 1953, the concept of a 'Hartal', of General strike, was relatively unknown in Ceylon.[156] Through their exile, the LSSP leaders had witnessed the immense impact of the hartals during the Quit India Movement, ensuring that this knowledge was brought with them.[157] The Communist Party and VLSSP supported the Hartal and the SLFP and CIC expressed sympathy for the demand of the Hartal, but did not actively support the call for strike.[151][158][159] The Ceylon Mercantile Union supported the demands of the strike, but in not take part in it.[160] Rather it encouraged their members to go to work wearing black armbands as a means to protest.[161]

The Hartal took the country to a complete standstill.[162] Afraid of a revolution in the making, the government cabinet sought refuge on HMS Newfoundland, a Royal Navy warship offshore.[163][164] The mass upsurge that accompanied the action of the strikers caused Dudley Senanayake to resign from the premiership.[165][166] The Hartal emoboldended the LSSP to start to consider that the party might be able to seize state power.[164] During the Hartal, Vivienne insisted that a black flag, the sign of the Hartal, be hoisted upon the roof of the Colombo Town Hall.[108] In 1956 the LSSP went into a no-contest pact with the

Member of Parliament in the Colombo North Electoral District between 1956 and 1960, where she won 58.09% of the vote.[174] In July 1959, both LSSP and the Communist Party withdrew their support for the government, as inner-party feuds within the SLFP had resulted in a temporary victory for the right-wing and expulsions of leftist ministers like Philip Gunawardena.[175][176]

In March 1960, the LSSP contested the general elections on the slogan 'forward to a Sama Samaja Government'.[177][178] The votes won by the LSSP, the Communists and the Mahajana Eksath Peramuna (a new party, not the 1956 front) of Philip Gunawardena, were sufficient to have made them the biggest bloc in Parliament. However, due to their contesting separately, the LSSP and the MEP won just 10 seats each, the CP a mere 3.[179][180] Elections were held again in July and the LSSP had a no-contest pact with the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) of Sirimavo Bandaranaike, which was thus able to form a government.[181] Despite their success in the election, the Fourth International was highly critical of the electoral tactics of LSSP, and the LSSP chose not to attend the World Congress of International the following year.[182]

In 1962, officers of the Army and Police attempted a coup d'état aimed at overthrowing the government and bringing the UNP to power.[183] This plot was foiled, and the SLFP lurched leftwards in terms of policy.[184] The local branches of petroleum companies were nationalised, leading to a boycott of the country by the oil multi-nationals; the boycott was broken with help from the Kansas Oil Producers Co-operative and the Romanian Government.[185][186]

A parallel process was one of increasing self-confidence and unity amongst the Ceylonese left-wing. In the parliament they were in the opposition.[187] On May Day 1963 the three main left parties (LSSP, CP and MEP) held a massive joint rally.[188] That was followed by the launching of United Front on 12 August, the tenth anniversary of the 1953 Hartal.[189] The front launched agitations on issues like bring down the prices of essential commodities, leading it to represent an immediate threat to the governance of SLFP. The SLFP began to offer the left parties ministerial posts and worked intensively to break the unity of ULF.[190]

In 1964, Vivienne was elected as MP for the Borella Electoral District. During the electoral race, she ran against Mrs. Kamala de Silva, the widow of

W. D. de Silva
. After her victory as part of the United Left Front, Vivienne was quoted as having said "Only the ULF and the UNP" by the Ceylon Daily News, 20 January 1964. In her concession speech, Kamala wrote about Vivienne:

"She played a role of a friend in need, in the hour of my despair and gradually matured into my most formidable opponent."

— Observer, 21st January 1964.

Growth of the Lanka Sama Samaja Party

From the late 1940s to 1960s, the Lanka Sama Samaja Party served as the opposition Party in Sri Lanka, whilst being recognised as the Sri Lankan wing of the Fourth International, an organisation

Interview with Michael Roberts – archived at the University of Adelaide
1967 interview to Michael Roberts
audio icon Interview with Michael Roberts (Tape 1) Speakers: Vivienne Goonewardene (Speech).
audio icon Interview with Michael Roberts (Tape 2) Speakers: Vivienne Goonewardene (Speech).

characterised by Trotskyism and Anti-Stalinism.[191] Through this, the party, led by Goonewardene, attempted to reform the former British Colony of Ceylon into a socialist republic by nationalising organisations in the banking, education, industry, media, and trade sectors.[192] In 1959, despite being one of the largest landowners in Sri Lanka through inheritance, Vivienne and Leslie fought for the re-introduction of inheritance tax to the country, despite the opposition of wealthy established parliamentarians.[193] Their party also introduced a limit on the number of houses one could own.[194] This led to them giving away multiple properties to the renters, while Sirimavo Bandaranaike transferred properties to other relatives.[194][195]

With its increased popularity, the LSSP was looking to grow. In 1964, the party held a conference in which the majority of delegates nominated the classification of the

petty bourgeois party, leaving the prospects of a coalition with it.[196] A group led by Edmund Samarakkody and Bala Tampoe, split from Goonewardene's party to form the Revolutionary Lanka Sama Samaja Party.[197] Later in 1964, the LSSP, with the exception of Leslie and Colvin de Silva, led a coalition with Sirimavo Bandaranaike, allowing her to become the first female prime minister in modern world history.[198] This principal change led to the LSSP being expelled from the Fourth International, with the Revolutionary Lanka Sama Samaja Party taking its place.[199] Following the election, Leslie alongside Colvin R. de Silva declined to accept cabinet office.[200] Vivienne, however, believed she could have the most impact as Secretary of Home Affairs, so took up the role.[201]

The coalition government fell in 1965 due to the desertion of several members.[202] However, the number of votes won by the LSSP increased at the general election held that year.[203] After the election, supporters of the party were subjected to a period of co-ordinated victimisation by the new seven-party coalition led by the UNP.[204] In 1968, Goonewardene orchestrated the LSSP joining the SLFP and the Communist Party of Sri Lanka (CPSL) in a United Front.[205] That year's joint May Day rally was said to be the biggest ever to take place in Sri Lanka.[206]

Sirimavo Bandaranaike

For her role in politics, Goonewardene was viewed as the leading Leftist woman politician in Sri Lanka.[207] She became good friends with Sirimavo Bandaranaike, the world's first female Head of State, and proceeded to attend multiple delegations with her. Vivienne and Sirimavo attended the World Conference on International Women's Year in Mexico City in 1975, where the United States Department of State noted Vivienne for her "Top place on a National level" and was said to be "depended upon to have something provocative to say in Mexico City".[citation needed]

Foreign relations

Goonewardene was a prominent member on the non-aligned stage. As part of political delegations, she met with and knew well

Kim Il-sung has insisted on meeting her, leading to her missing of her connecting flight to the USSR. Goonewardene remained a staunch supporter of the Palestinians in the Arab–Israeli conflict and was critical of the Middle East diplomacy sponsored by the United States. She headed the Committee for Solidarity with Palestine, as well as the Arab-Ceylon Solidarity Group.[208]

Later politics and government (1970-1977)

By 1970, Leslie and Vivienne believed that they could implement his views best through the SLFP coalition and joined the SLFP-led

Junior Minister of Health.[21] By July, she had worked to convene a Constitutional Assembly to replace the British-drafted constitution with one drafted by the Ceylonese.[210] Policies requiring that permanent secretaries in the government ministries have expertise in their division were introduced. For example, those serving in the Ministry of Housing had to be trained engineers, and those serving in the Ministry of Health, medical practitioners. All government employees were allowed to join Workers Councils and at the local level, People's Committees were established to allow input from the population at large on government administration; this was brought from the LSSP management structure.[211] The changes were intended to remove elements of British colonisation and foreign influence from the country's institutions.[212]

Continued activism (1977-1994)

After Goonewardene had left the main political ring, she remained an active part of the Sri Lankan feminist movement and politics.[213] She often led demonstrations on International Women's Day.[214] This later led to a landmark Supreme Court ruling on police brutality.[215] As well as this, she also chaired multiple unions and was remained a leader of the Committee for Solidarity with Palestine.[108]

Death and legacy

Vivienne died on 3 October in

Colombo Town Hall, and respects were paid to Vivienne Goonewardene by President Chandrika Kumaratunga.[223]

Vivienne Goonewardene fought for the rights and welfare of all

— President Chandrika Kumaratunga

[224][225]

Vivienne was designated as the first female

National Hero of Sri Lanka after her death and was featured on multiple postal stamps; she, and the other National Heroes are celebrated each year on the national holiday of Independence Day.[226] She remains the only female National Hero. She is cited, to this day, as one of the greatest Sri-Lankan women of all time for her contributions to feminism, and the Sri Lankan independence movement.[207]

Hundredth anniversary celebrations

Vivienne was widely celebrated in 2016 on the Hundredth Anniversary of her birth. The celebrations were attended by the President, Mahinda Rajapaksa.

Notes

  1. ^ Her surname is transliterated as both Goonewardene and Goonewardena often appearing with multiple spellings in the same source, as in Tomorrow Is Ours by Ervin.[1]

See also

References

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  3. ^ Carlo Fonseka (29 September 1996). "LSSP'S Red Rose". Politics Daily.
  4. ^ a b c d e f g h i Gunawardena 2005, p. 167.
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  7. ^ Wright 1999, p. 766.
  8. ^ Liyanage 1998, p. 1.
  9. ^ a b Liyanage 1998, p. 3.
  10. ^ Duraisingam, Thambimuttu (2000). Politics and Life in Our Times: Selected Articles Published for Over a Century. Thambimuttu Duraisingam.
  11. ^ Erwin, C.W. (16–31 March 2009). "The Ceylonese who stirred Madras Labour". Madras Musings. Madras.
  12. ^ Samaranayake, Ajith (9 October 2005). "A revolutionary at large in New York and London". Sunday Observer (Sri Lanka).
  13. ^ a b Muthiah, Thiruchandran & Wanasinghe 2006, p. 36.
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  15. ^ a b c Perera, K.K.S (27 March 2020). "Philip Gunawardena: The Lion's Roar". Daily News (Sri Lanka).
  16. ^ Perera, K.K.S (26 March 2019). "47th Death Anniversary of Philip Gunawardena - March 26 The Fiery Marxist who Valued Local Culture". Daily Mirror (Sri Lanka).
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  18. ^ Muthiah, Thiruchandran & Wanasinghe 2006, p. [1].
  19. ^ a b Gunaratne, Bandula (12 May 2019). "Parliament out of bounds to Vivienne". Ceylon Today.
  20. ^ "Tradition, modernity and elite formation". The Sunday Times. 7 August 2016.
  21. ^ a b c d e Wijesekera, Chitra (7 November 1996). "Vivienne Goonawardena - the end of an era". Daily News.
  22. ^ a b c Liyanage, Pulsara (6 October 1996). "Vivie: The firebrand". The Sunday Observer.
  23. ^ a b Muthiah & Wanasinghe 1996, p. 17.
  24. ^ Lerski, George Jan. "Origins Of Trotskyism In Ceylon". Origins of Trotskyism in Ceylon. Chapter I.
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  29. ^ Jennings, Ivor (1951). The Economy of Ceylon. India: Oxford University Press. p. 61.
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  34. ^ Liyanage 1998, p. 9.
  35. ^ Fernando, Amaradasa (12 October 1996). "Vivienne Goonewardene – A fighter of 'storm and passion'". Daily News.
  36. ^ Liyanage 1998, p. 10.
  37. ISBN 978-955-95797-0-0
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  38. ^ Muthiah, Thiruchandran & Wanasinghe 2006, p. [2].
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Bibliography

Further reading

External links
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