Leslie Goonewardene

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Ceylonese Parliament
for Panadura
In office
1956–1977
Preceded byD. C. W. Kannangara
Succeeded byNeville Fernando
Personal details
Born(1909-10-31)31 October 1909
Ceylonese (1948–1972)
Sri Lankan (1972–1983)
Political partyLanka Sama Samaja Party
Other political
affiliations		Bolshevik–Leninist Party of India, Ceylon and Burma
Spouse
​
​
(m. 1939)​
Relations
Children
  • Kumundu
  • Ajit Surendra
  • Premilla
Residence(s)Pedris Road, Colombo
Westland House Panadura
Alma materSt. John's College, Panadura
S. Thomas' College, Mount Lavinia
London School of Economics
Occupation
  • Independence activist
  • politician
  • statesman
  • philanthropist
EthnicitySinhalese
Signature

Leslie Simon Goonewardene (

National Hero of Sri Lanka for his leadership in the independence movement, and his efforts are celebrated each year on the Sri Lankan Independence Day.[citation needed
]

Born into an aristocratic

Ceylon
to India.

In India, he founded the

Trotskyist party, campaigning for independence and socialism in South Asia. He was a significant figure in the Quit India Movement alongside Mahatma Gandhi, leading to India's independence from Britain in 1947. In 1948, Ceylon followed. From the 1940s to 1960s, the Lanka Sama Samaja Party was Sri Lanka's main opposition party. Through this, Goonewardene attempted to reform the former British colony of Ceylon into a socialist republic by nationalising organisations in the banking, education, industry, media, and trade sectors. In the 1960s, the party led the United Front coalition, and through their election landslide brought the first female head of state to power. Whilst initially declining a cabinet position, by 1970 Goonewardene believed he could implement his views best through a coalition government and brought about the United Front government. Goonewardene's government was elected that year with an overwhelming majority, leading to his taking up senior cabinet roles. During this time, he was an active critic of the nationalist Sinhala Only Act
.

Goonewardene remained a key figure in the Non-Aligned Movement and the Fourth International, past his retirement in 1977 and until his death in 1983. Despite being one of the largest landowners in Sri Lanka through inheritance, by his death he had pledged all of his wealth to charitable organisations. In the 1950s, he had also led the re-introduction of inheritance tax to Sri Lanka, despite the opposition of wealthy established parliamentarians.

Early life and family

Leslie Goonewardene as a young adult with his family, pictured at the centre with his father, Dr. Andrew Simon Goonewardene.

Goonewardene was born on 31 October 1909 in

Ceylon, privately owning very significant amounts of land.[6][7] Leslie inherited all the wealth from his mother and, as his eldest son, a major share from his father.[8] This wealth allowed Leslie to serve as a major party (LSSP) financier in his later life.[9] His grand-aunt Selestina Rodrigo and another relative Jeramias Dias were the chief sponsors of the Panadura Ronkoth Viharaya and the reputed Panadura Vivadaya debate.[10] Their ancestor Thome Rodrigo was a prince who was a signatory to the Malvana Convention in 1597.[11] As traditional chiefs of the area their ancestors had played a role in defeating Arya Chakrawarti's fleet at Panadura.[12]

Religious beliefs and the Methodist Church

Though in adulthood Goonewardene did not have any religious beliefs, as a boy he was influenced by the ideas of John Wesley.[13] The Methodists were reputed for their contribution in the campaigns to abolish slavery and to make education more accessible,[14] and in the Temperance Movement.[15] Goonewardene's family were prominent figures of the Methodist Church of Ceylon, and his father was a lay preacher and treasurer of the Home Mission Fund.[5]

The consecration of the Panadura Wesleyan Chapel, funded by Goonewardene's grandfather, Mathes Swaris Rodrigo Goonewardene on 6 March 1861.

The Panadura debate

The "

Buddhists.[20] Internationally, it was instrumental in raising awareness of Buddhism in the West.[21]

Education and raising a family

As a young child, Goonewardene was educated at

admitted to the bar at Gray's Inn, one of the four Inns of Court in London, in 1933 but never practised law.[25]

Vivienne Goonewardene

Main article: Vivienne Goonewardene
Ceylon, at a political meeting.[26][27] Her uncle Philip Gunawardena was the "Father of Socialism" in Ceylon, and another uncle, Robert Gunawardena, was a prominent Sri Lankan politician and diplomat.[28] Vivienne's father, Don Alanson Goonatilleka, was a pro-monarchy conservative who believed in the continuous British governing of Ceylon.[26] Vivienne was educated at Musaeus College in Ceylon and was initially drawn to politics through the Suriya-Mal Movement in 1933, when nationalist anti-imperialists initiated the sale of the native Suriya (Portia tree) flowers as an alternative to the British colonial-symbolizing poppies.[29][30] The movement had the bold slogan of "against slavery and poverty and for freedom and prosperity". As head girl she recruited her entire school to this cause.[31]

The two intended to wed, but Vivienne's father was against the relationship because Goonewardene was a

caste and a revolutionary under surveillance.[32] She was kept a virtual prisoner at home, and Goonewardene was forced to file a habeas corpus writ, a recourse in law through which a person can report an unlawful detention or imprisonment to a court, to get her released.[33]

During the legal battle, they were notably represented by their attorney, the future President and Prime Minister of Sri Lanka J. R. Jayewardene.[34] The couple were married on 30 January 1939.[23]

Early political career

Foundation of the LSSP

Goonewardene as General Secretary of the LSSP

Goonewardene returned to Ceylon from

Poppy Day-raised funds went solely to British ex-servicemen, despite the funds being raised abroad.[41] The Suriya-Mal Movement also helped contribute to the poor and needy during the 1934–1935 Ceylonese malaria epidemic, which took a toll on poorer communities.[42]

With the outbreak of the Second World War, the party was re-established underground, a necessity due to its vocal anti-war stance, opposing that of the British war effort.[43] Members of the party, including two State Council members, as well as others in its leadership—including N.M. Perera, Philip Gunawardena and Colvin R. de Silva—were arrested and jailed, but Goonewardene evaded arrest and went underground.[44]

The Bolshevik–Leninist Party of India, Ceylon and Burma

Main article: Bolshevik–Leninist Party of India, Ceylon and Burma
Bolshevik–Leninist Party of India, Ceylon and Burma

Though Philip Gunawardena, N.M. Perera,

Bolshevik–Leninist Party of India, Ceylon and Burma (BLPI for short).[47]

The discussions for this took place through underground meetings in Kandy in December 1940 and March 1941 and set the stage for a sole Trotskyist party for India.[48] An underground conference was held on 20 April 1941, attended by 42 delegates.[49] Goonewardene, whilst evading the colonial authorities, led the conference at which the Lanka Sama Samaja Party conceived a new constitution and manifesto, both of which were accepted by the delegates.[50] The meetings in 1940 and 1941 were also attended by the other detained LSSP leaders, who had been aided by their imprisoner; the imprisoner later helped them escape their prison on 7 April 1942.[51] The BLPI was formed in May 1942 and was approved by the Fourth International.[52] Through this, the now-public BLPI, fronted by Goonewardene, S.C.C. Anthonipillai, Robert Gunawardena, William de Silva, and V. Karalasingham, focused on continuing strike waves that had begun in May 1941. These continued through 1942 and 1944.[53]

Initially, during World War II, the Goonewardene-led BLPI remained relatively small—a large contrast to the high expectations of a subcontinent-wide political revolutionary party. Whilst the BLPI's full name, the Bolshevik–Leninist Party of India, Ceylon and Burma, suggests that it also represented

Calcutta.[55] Due to political suppression, the publication was moved to Bombay and its name was changed to New Spark.[56] They published Trotsky's open letter to the Indian workers and other pieces. Leslie Goonewardene was a key contributor to the party publications, writing under the pseudonym, K. Tilak.[57] During the remainder of World War II, the BLPI was able to influence the trade union and student movements in several cities. Significant membership was recorded among tramway workers, as well as workers of the Buckingham and Carnatic Mills.[58]

Quit India procession in Bangalore

Quit India Movement

Main article: Quit India Movement

From April 1942, Goonewardene primarily focused his efforts on the Quit India Movement, a movement with the demand to end the British Rule of India.[59] He remained uncaptured throughout the war years both in Ceylon and India.[23] In 1953, Goonewardene also sheltered Jeanne Hoban from the authorities when she was threatened with deportation for organising plantation workers unions.[60] Following the Quit India Movement, hope was rife among the South-Asian socialist leaders. Goonewardene, under the pseudonym K. Tilak, wrote that the "young Bolshevik-Leninist Party ... now faces its first real chance for expansion ... The situation is changing and without doubt, of all of the parties and political groups in India, the BLPI is the one which is going to gain the most in this change."[61]

Initial party split

Towards the end of World War II the LSSP split into two: a LSSP faction led by N.M. Perera and Philip Gunawardena; and the Bolshevik Samasamaja Party (BSP), the Ceylonese arm of the BLPI, led by Goonewardene, Colvin R. de Silva, Edmund Samarakkody, and Bernard Soysa.[44] The BSP and LSSP merged in 1950.[62]

Return to Sri Lanka

Prime Minister of Ceylon
.

Independence

Main article: Sri Lankan independence movement

Following the end of the war, the LSSP's proscription ended, and Leslie was able to return to Ceylon to work further on the independence movement. The Lanka Sama Samaja Party led Sri Lankan independence movement succeeded when, on 4 February 1948, Ceylon was granted independence as the Dominion of Ceylon.[63] Dominion status within the British Commonwealth was retained for the next 24 years until 22 May 1972, when it became a republic and was renamed the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka.[64]

Electoral beginnings

Goonewardene stood as the LSSP's candidate for Colombo North at the 1952 parliamentary election but was defeated by the United National Party candidate Cyril E. S. Perera.[65] He stood as the LSSP's candidate for Panadura at the 1956 parliamentary election. He won the election and entered Parliament.[66] He was re-elected at the March 1960, July 1960, 1965 and 1970 parliamentary elections.[67]

Growth of the Lanka Sama Samaja Party

From the late 1940s to 1960s, the Lanka Sama Samaja Party served as the opposition Party in Sri Lanka, whilst being recognised as the Sri Lankan wing of the Fourth International, an organisation characterised by Trotskyism and Anti-Stalinism.[68] Through this, Goonewardene attempted to reform the former British Colony of Ceylon into a socialist republic by nationalising organisations in the banking, education, industry, media, and trade sectors.[69] In 1959, despite being one of the largest landowners in Sri Lanka through inheritance, Goonewardene re-introduced inheritance tax to the country, despite the opposition of wealthy established parliamentarians.[70]

With its increased popularity, the LSSP was looking to grow. In 1964, the party held a conference in which the majority of delegates nominated the classification of the

petty bourgeois party, leaving the prospects of a coalition with it.[71] Goonewardene and Colvin R. de Silva were opposed to this decision, but they remained with the LSSP.[72][73] Another group, led by Edmund Samarakkody and Bala Tampoe, split from Goonewardene's party to form the Revolutionary Lanka Sama Samaja Party.[74]
Later in 1964, the LSSP formed a coalition with Sirimavo Bandaranaike, the first female prime minister in the world, who had until then formally governed with a minority, missing one seat for majority.[75] This principal change led to the LSSP being expelled from the Fourth International, with the Revolutionary Lanka Sama Samaja Party taking its place.[76] Following the election, Goonewardene alongside Colvin R. de Silva declined to accept cabinet office.[77]

The coalition government fell in 1965 due to the desertion of several members.[78] However, the number of votes won by the LSSP increased at the general election held that year.[79] After the election, supporters of the party were subjected to a period of co-ordinated victimisation by the new seven-party coalition led by the UNP.[80] In 1968, Goonewardene orchestrated the LSSP joining the SLFP and the Communist Party of Sri Lanka (CPSL) in a United Front.[81] That year's joint May Day rally was said to be the biggest ever to take place in Sri Lanka.[82]

Lanka Sama Samaja Government (1970–1975)

The second Bandaranaike Cabinet, with Colvin R. de Silva and Goonewardene shown.

By 1970, Goonewardene believed he could implement his views best through the SLFP coalition and joined the SLFP-led

Minister of Transport.[84][85] By July, he had worked to convene a Constitutional Assembly to replace the British-drafted constitution with one drafted by the Ceylonese.[86] Policies requiring that permanent secretaries in the government ministries have expertise in their division were introduced. For example, those serving in the Ministry of Housing had to be trained engineers, and those serving in the Ministry of Health, medical practitioners. All government employees were allowed to join Workers Councils and at the local level, People's Committees were established to allow input from the population at large on government administration; this was brought from the LSSP management structure.[87] The changes were intended to remove elements of British colonisation and foreign influence from the country's institutions.[88]

Facing budget deficits of $195 million—caused by rising energy and food-importation costs and declining revenue from coconut, rubber, and tea exports—the government attempted to centralise the economy and implement price controls.

National Liberation Front of South Vietnam.[91]

Goonewardene supported the government stance opposing the development of an Anglo-US communications centre in the Indian Ocean, maintaining that the area should be a "neutral, nuclear-free zone".[92] In December, the Business Undertaking Acquisition Act was passed, allowing the state to nationalise any business with more than 100 employees. Ostensibly, the move aimed to reduce foreign control of key tea and rubber production, but it stunted both domestic and foreign investment in industry and development.[90][93]

Despite the efforts of Goonewardene and other leftist elements of the government to address the country's economic problems, unemployment and inflation remained unchecked.

1971 Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna Insurrection of militant left-wing youths. Contrary to the LSSP, the JVP believed that socialism would be best implemented militarily. Though aware of the militant stance of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (People's Liberation Front), the administration initially failed to recognise them as an imminent threat, dismissing them as idealists.[95] On 6 March, militants attacked the U.S. Embassy in Colombo,[96] leading to the declaration of a state of emergency on 17 March. In early April, attacks on police stations evidenced a well-planned insurgency that Ceylon's small army was ill-equipped to handle. Calling on its allies for assistance, the government was saved largely because of the LSSP's neutral foreign policy and Goonewardene's long-term stance as a member of the "Non-Aligned Movement". The Soviet Union sent aircraft to support the Ceylonese government; arms and equipment came from Britain, the United Arab Republic, the United States, and Yugoslavia; medical supplies were provided by East and West Germany, Norway, and Poland; patrol boats were sent from India;[97] and both India and Pakistan sent troops.[98] On 1 May, the government suspended their offensives and offered an amnesty, which resulted in thousands of surrenders. The following month a second amnesty was offered. One of the nation's first actions after the conflict was to expel North Korean diplomats, as it was suspected they had fomented the radical discontent.[99]

In May 1972, Ceylon was replaced by the Republic of Sri Lanka after a new constitution was ratified.[88][100] Though the country remained within the Commonwealth of Nations, Queen Elizabeth II was no longer recognised as its sovereign.[101] Under its terms, the senate, suspended since 1971,[97] was officially abolished,[88] and the new unicameral National State Assembly was created, combining the powers of the executive, judicial, and legislative branches in one authority.[102] The constitution recognised the supremacy of Buddhism, though it guaranteed equal protection to Buddhism, Christianity, Hinduism, and Islam.[103] Despite the efforts of Goonewardene, it failed to provide a charter of inalienable rights,[103][104] recognised Sinhala as the only official language,[105] and contained no "elements of federalism".[104] The Sinhala Only Act was vocally opposed to by Goonewardene in parliament. During this period, the government enacted land redistribution programmes to establish farming cooperatives and limit the size of privately held lands.[106]

The 1973 oil crisis had a traumatic effect on the Sri Lankan economy.[98] Still dependent on foreign assistance, goods, and monetary aid from Australia, Canada, China, Denmark, Hungary, and the World Bank, the government eased the austerity programmes that limited importation of consumer goods. The United States terminated aid grants, which required no repayment, and changed to a policy of providing foreign loans.[107] Devaluation of the Sri Lankan rupee, coupled with inflation and high taxes, slowed economic growth, consequently creating cyclical pressure to address deficits with even higher taxes and austerity measures.[108] Uncontrolled inflation between 1973 and 1974 led to economic uncertainty and public dissatisfaction.[109] In 1974, Bandaranaike forced the shutdown of the last independent newspaper group, The Sun, believing their criticism was fuelling unrest.[98][110] This, along with other factors, led to fissures appearing in the United Front coalition, largely resulting from the Lanka Sama Samaja Party's continued influence on trade unions and threats of strike actions throughout 1974 and 1975. When newly confiscated estates were placed under the Ministry of Agriculture and Lands, controlled by the Lanka Sama Samaja Party, fears that they would unionise plantation workers led Bandaranaike to oust them from the government coalition.[111]

Despite later fissures, Goonewardene was able to advance parts of the party programme considerably: foreign-owned plantations were nationalised, local ownership was restricted, democratically elected workers' councils were established in state corporations and government departments under the purview of its ministries (and of that of a sympathiser, T.B. Subasinghe), and measures were taken that narrowed the gap between the rich and poor.

Movement of the Armed Forces (Movimento das Forças Armadas or MFA) of Portugal, after the Carnation Revolution of April 1974; he also became a theoretician of Eurocommunism and its application to Sri Lanka, writing a pamphlet titled "Can we get to socialism this way?".[115]

Minister of Transport (1970–75)

After the 1970 election, at which the

Ikarus buses from Hungary.[120][121] Several new bus stands and bus depots were established. A modern, multi-storied bus station was planned at the Central Bus Station, complete with hotel and cinema, but was never completed.[122] Goonewardene also took measures to build up local industry, and the CTB became well equipped with foundries and workshops: the central workshop at Werahera became the largest in South Asia.[123] The local modification of ticket machines was started after employees pointed out many unsuitable features and other employees were found tampering with the machines; a new workshop was acquired for this scheme of modification.[124] In 1974 he started the assembly of bus chassis, and prototypes of a locally manufactured bus and a car rolled out of Werahera.[125] In the 1971 Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) insurrection, members of the CTB formed a 2,000-strong paramilitary body, the Hansa Regiment, from the employees of the CTB to guard bus depots, bus stops, and workshops. They also formed CANTAB, a secret intelligence organisation, the agents of whom were employees of the CTB, which provided accurate reports of the strength and distribution of JVP units.[126]

The rail network

At the time of Goonewardene's entry into office, most of the railways were developed during the British colonial period, with the first line (from Colombo to Kandy) opened on 26 April 1867.[127] The railway had been introduced as an economical means of transporting goods produced on the tea, rubber, and coconut plantations to the main port in Colombo.[128] After the 1950s the Sri Lankan economy became focused on industry rather than plantation agriculture.[129] During Goonewardene's time in office, the road network grew exponentially to ensure easy transition to an industrialising nation; with the introduction of lorries, a faster means of transporting goods, the amount of goods transported by rail declined.[130]

The rail served as a major challenge for Goonewardene. Its network was more focused on plantation areas than on population and service centres, and the move to industrialisation meant that the railways generated large losses.[131] To counteract this, Goonewardene extended the coastal line from Puttalam to Aruvakalu in 1974 to serve the cement factory there.[132]

Minister of Communication (1970–77)

In February 1971,

Pakistani Air Force had 16 eastbound and 15 westbound military aircraft touch down.[136] These were of major significance as there were serious strains in relationship between East and West Pakistan at the time.[137] Goonewardene insisted that the flights only took place when the Awmi League leader, Mujibur Rahman, was involved in negotiations with the government of Pakistan, emphasising that there were "practically no flights other than scheduled flights" from March through September, and denied that the Government of Sri Lanka was complicit in helping the transport of troops from West Pakistan to East Pakistan.[138][139]

End of United Front Alliance

Fissures appeared in the United Front coalition, largely resulting from the LSSP's continued influence on trade unions and threats of strike actions throughout 1974 and 1975. When newly confiscated estates were placed under the Ministry of Agriculture and Lands, controlled by the LSSP, fears that they would unionise plantation workers led Prime Minister Bandaranaike to oust them from the government coalition.[140] On 2 September 1975 all LSSP ministers in the government, including Goonewardene, were dismissed, and the United Front was dismantled.[141] He was finally defeated in the 1977 parliamentary election by United National Party candidate Dr Neville Fernando in the Panadura electorate.

Other political acts

In the 1940s and 1950s, the LSSP and other

Marxist politicians to do so.[142] During the parliamentary debate on the act, Goonewardene prophetically observed that:[143]

"There is a grave danger, if those people the Tamils, feel that a grave and irreparable injustice is done to them. There is a possibility of their deciding even to break away from the rest of the country."

— Leslie Goonewardene

The Sinhala Only Act, opposed by Goonewardene, helped lead to the Sri Lankan Civil War. Goonewardene stood for re-election at the 1977 parliamentary election but was defeated by UNP candidate Neville Fernando.[144]

Legacy

Goonewardene died on 11 April 1983. A vast procession was held around the city, followed by thousands of mourners. Goonewardene was designated as a

National Hero of Sri Lanka for his leadership in the independence movement, and his efforts are celebrated each year on the Sri Lankan Independence Day. The Sri Lanka Postal Service commemorated him, and he was featured on a 5-rupee commemorative stamp.[145] His first cousin Cholomondeley Goonewardene was also a prominent LSSPer.[146] Another first cousin was E.G. (Eardley) Goonewardena, a senior member of the Ceylon Civil Service and later Permanent Secretary to a number of ministries as well as the Prime Minister, and first to hold the position of Secretary to the office of the President of Sri Lanka. Despite being one of the largest landowners in Sri Lanka through inheritance, by his death he had pledged all of his wealth to charitable organisations.[7]

Electoral history

Electoral history of Leslie Goonewardene
Election Constituency Party Votes Result
1952 parliamentary Colombu North Lanka Sama Samaja Party 7,136 Not elected [147]
1956 parliamentary Panadura Lanka Sama Samaja Party 29,362 Elected [148]
March 1960 parliamentary Panadura Lanka Sama Samaja Party 9,266 Elected [149]
July 1960 parliamentary Panadura Lanka Sama Samaja Party 15,387 Elected [150]
1965 parliamentary
 Panadura Lanka Sama Samaja Party 20,033 Elected [151]
1970 parliamentary
 Panadura Lanka Sama Samaja Party 25,218 Elected [152]
1977 parliamentary Panadura Lanka Sama Samaja Party 17,546 Not elected [153]

Authored books

Goonewardene wrote a number of books, sometimes using the pseudonyms K. Tilak and V.S. Parthasarathi:[2]

  • From the First to the Fourth International (1944)
  • The Rise and Fall of the Comintern (1947) - inspired by
    C.L.R. James
    .
  • Open Letter to Socialist Party Members: The Coming Crisis in the Socialist Party (1947)
  • The Differences Between Trotskyism and Stalinism (1954)
  • What We Stand For (1959)
  • Short History of the Lanka Sama Samaja Party (1960)

References

Citations

  1. ^ "Goonawardene, Leslie Simon". Parliament of Sri Lanka.
  2. ^ a b c "Go". Glossary of People. Marxists Internet Archive.
  3. OCLC 1011356607
    .
  4. ISBN 978-8120613355
    .
  5. ^ a b The Methodist Recorder, December 1943
  6. ^ "Lawnet.gov.lk" (PDF). Sri Lanka Legal Archives.
  7. ^ a b "News Features". www.nation.lk. Retrieved 6 July 2020.
  8. ^ "Obituaries". www.island.lk. Retrieved 30 May 2020.
  9. ^ Lerski, Jerzy Jan; Lerski, George Jan (1968). Origins of Trotskyism in Ceylon: A Documentary History of the Lanka Sama Samaja Party, 1935-1942. Hoover Institution on War, Revolution and Peace.
  10. ^ "The Great Panadura Debate by S. de F. Jayasuriya, Sunday Observer, 13/16/2010". Archived from the original on 14 July 2014. Retrieved 8 July 2014.
  11. ^ The Rodrigo family of Panadura, Karava of Sri Lanka
  12. ^ Sivaratnam, C. (1968). The Tamils in Early Ceylon. C. Sivaratnam.; "The 1st General Assembly of the World e-Governments Organization". www.meci.co.kr. Retrieved 30 May 2020.
  13. ^ "The Nationalist Turn: A Necessary Detour?". Colombo Telegraph. 9 March 2015. Retrieved 6 July 2020.
  14. ^ "Missionary Arrival 1814, Richmond College Website". Archived from the original on 27 September 2014. Retrieved 8 July 2014.
  15. ^ Health Policy in Britain's Model Colony: Ceylon, 1900-1948 - Margaret Jones, p. 41 (Orient Blackswan Private Limited) ASIN: B00ECYFXNE
  16. ISBN 978-3-337-58986-8
    .
  17. ISBN 9550762165; Methodist Church, Panadura celebrates 150 years
    - Nalin Peiris (Daily News) Accessed 15 January 2015
  18. ISBN 978-3-900271-28-2
    .
  19. JSTOR 23730776
    .
  20. ISBN 978-3-319-43406-3.; Pasquel, D. E. Dayan. "Great pitched battle"
    . Daily News. Retrieved 30 May 2020.
  21. JSTOR 23732428
    .
  22. ISBN 978-1-4525-2862-5.; Sivakumar, Pranavesh. "The prestigious Shield – Royal confident, S. Thomas' determined"
    . Daily News. Retrieved 30 May 2020.
  23. ^
    ISBN 1932705481
    .
  24. ^ Cahiers Léon Trotsky (in French). Institut Léon Trotsky. 1985.
  25. ^ Abeynaike, H. B. W.; Ameratunga, H. P. (1970). Parliament of Ceylon, 1970. Associated Newspapers of Ceylon Limited.; Parliaments of Ceylon. Associated Newspapers of Ceylon. 1960.; Graya: A Magazine for Members of Gray's Inn. Gray's Inn. 1932.; The Solicitors' Journal. The Journal. 1933.
  26. ^ a b "Forces to Reckon With Women of the Leftist Movement in Sri Lanka". CeylonToday.lk. Retrieved 30 May 2020.
  27. ISBN 978-1-932705-48-5
    .
  28. ^ Kurukularatne, Buddhika (23 April 2006). "Vivienne – The making of a rebel". The Island.; PERERA, K. K. S. "Philip Gunawardena: The Lion's Roar". Daily News. Retrieved 30 May 2020.
  29. ISBN 9789559261070. Retrieved 20 October 2018. Background: Vivienne took to assisting Suriyamal sales whilst she was still at school at Musaeus College. {{cite book}}: |work= ignored (help
    )
  30. ISBN 9781932705485
    .
  31. ISBN 9781932705485. Retrieved 20 October 2018. Background: She was head girl at Museaus College. {{cite book}}: |work= ignored (help
    )
  32. ISBN 955-9150-06-5
    .
  33. ^ Kurukularatne, Buddhika (7 May 2006). "Men and Memories: 'Vivi' — the 'rebel' is made". The Island.
  34. ^ "Men and Memories 'Vivi' — the 'rebel' is made". www.island.lk. Retrieved 30 May 2020.
  35. ISBN 978-1-4422-5585-2
    .
  36. ISBN 978-0-8248-3016-8
    .
  37. ISBN 978-1-59033-573-4
    .
  38. ISBN 978-1-349-17718-9.; Towards a History of the Fourth International: Education for Socialists Bulletins Towards a History of the Fourth International
    . National Education Department, Socialist Workers Party. 1975.
  39. ISBN 9780836412925
    .
  40. ISBN 978-0-226-74865-8
    .
  41. ^ Lerski, Jerzy Jan; Lerski, George Jan (1968). Origins of Trotskyism in Ceylon: A Documentary History of the Lanka Sama Samaja Party, 1935-1942. Hoover Institution on War, Revolution and Peace.
  42. ISBN 978-93-85985-87-4
    .
  43. ISBN 978-0-582-09811-4
    .
  44. ^ a b c Fernando, Amaradasa (5 January 2002). "Edmund Samarakkody kept faith to the last". The Island.
  45. ISBN 978-1-4008-7690-7
    .
  46. ^ Towards a History of the Fourth International: Education for Socialists Bulletins Towards a History of the Fourth International. National Education Department, Socialist Workers Party. 1975.
  47. ^ The Revolution in India. T. Tait Memorial Committee. 1942.
  48. ^ South Asia Bulletin. University of California, Los Angeles. 1987.; Grant, E.; Scott, A. (1941). The Road to India's Freedom: The Permanent Revolution in India and the Task of the British Working-class. Workers' International League, Fourth International.
  49. ISBN 978-1-5246-0041-9
    .
  50. ISBN 978-0-8179-1081-5
    .
  51. ISBN 978-3-7186-5692-9.; Mukherjee, Sadhan (1971). Ceylon: Island that Changed
    . People's Publishing House.
  52. ^ Amarasinghe, Y. Ranjith (2000). Revolutionary Idealism and Parliamentary Politics: A Study of Trotskyism in Sri Lanka. Social Scientists' Association.
  53. ISBN 978-955-9102-83-0
    .
  54. ^ Amarasinghe, Y. Ranjith (2000). Revolutionary Idealism and Parliamentary Politics: A Study of Trotskyism in Sri Lanka. Social Scientists' Association.
  55. ^ Cahiers Léon Trotsky (in French). Institut Léon Trotsky. 1998.
  56. ISBN 978-955-9102-40-3
    .
  57. ^ Cahiers Léon Trotsky (in French). Institut Léon Trotsky. 1998.
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Bibliography

Political offices
Preceded by
Position Created
Secretary General of the Lanka Sama Samaja Party

1935–1977 		Succeeded by
Preceded by
Cabinet Minister of Transport

1970–1975 		Succeeded by
Preceded by Cabinet Minister of Communications
1970–1977 		Succeeded by
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