White Zimbabweans
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Rhodesians | |
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Jews in Africa |
Year | Pop. | ±% |
---|---|---|
1891 | 1,500 | — |
1895 | 5,000 | +233.3% |
1900 | 12,000 | +140.0% |
1904 | 12,596 | +5.0% |
1911 | 23,606 | +87.4% |
1914 | 28,000 | +18.6% |
1920 | 32,620 | +16.5% |
1924 | 39,174 | +20.1% |
1930 | 47,910 | +22.3% |
1935 | 55,419 | +15.7% |
1940 | 65,000 | +17.3% |
1945 | 82,000 | +26.2% |
1950 | 125,000 | +52.4% |
1953 | 157,000 | +25.6% |
1960 | 218,000 | +38.9% |
1965 | 208,000 | −4.6% |
1970 | 237,000 | +13.9% |
1975 | 300,000 | +26.6% |
1979 | 242,000 | −19.3% |
1985 | 100,000 | −58.7% |
1990 | 80,000 | −20.0% |
1995 | 70,000 | −12.5% |
2002 | 46,743 | −33.2% |
2012 | 28,732 | −38.5% |
2022 | 34,111 | +18.7% |
White Zimbabweans are
In a
A small number of British migrants had reached the
Emigration after the country gained independence as Zimbabwe in 1980 resulted in a declining white population: estimated at 220,000 in 1980; 70,000 in 2000;
Background
Present-day Zimbabwe (known as Southern Rhodesia from 1895) was occupied by the British South Africa Company (BSAC) from the 1890s onward, following its subjugation of the Matabele (Ndebele) and Shona nations. Early White settlers came in search of mineral resources, hoping to find a second gold-rich Witwatersrand. Zimbabwe lies on a plateau that varies in altitude between 900 and 1,500 m (2,950 and 4,900 ft) above sea level. This gives the area a moderate climate which was conducive to European settlement and commercial agriculture.[18]
White settlers who assisted in the BSAC takeover of the country were given land grants of 1,200 hectares (3,000 acres); the black people who had long lived on the land were classified legally as tenants.[19][20] In 1930, Land Apportionment and Tenure Acts displaced Africans from the country's best farmland, restricting them to unproductive and low-rainfall tribal-trust lands. It reserved areas of high rainfall for White ownership.[21] White settlers were attracted to Rhodesia by the availability of tracts of prime farmland that could be purchased from the state at low cost. This resulted in the growth of commercial agriculture in the young colony. The White farm was typically a large (>100 km2 (>38.6 mi2)) mechanized estate, owned by a White family and employing hundreds of Black people. Many White farms provided housing, schools and clinics for Black employees and their families.[22] At the time of independence in 1980, more than 40% of the country's farmed land was made up of approximately 5,000 White farms.[23] At the time, agriculture provided 40% of the country's GDP and up to 60% of its foreign earnings.[24] Major export products included tobacco, beef, sugar, cotton and maize. The minerals sector was also important. Gold, asbestos, nickel and chromium were mined by foreign-owned concerns such as Lonrho (Lonmin since 1999) and Anglo American.
The Census of 3 May 1921 found that Southern Rhodesia had a total population of 899,187, of whom 33,620 were Europeans; 1,998 were Coloured (
History
Portuguese explorer António Fernandes was the first European to discover the region.[26]
Immigration
In 1891, before Southern Rhodesia was established as a territory, it was estimated that about 1,500 Europeans resided there. This number grew slowly to around 75,000 in 1945. In the period 1945 to 1955, the white population doubled to 150,000, and during that decade 100,000 black people were forcibly resettled from farmland designated for white ownership.[27] However, some members of the white farming community opposed the forced removal of black people from land designated for white ownership. Some favoured the transfer of underutilised "white land" to black farmers. For example, in 1947, Wedza white farmer Harry Meade unsuccessfully opposed the eviction of his black neighbour Solomon Ndawa from a 200-hectare (500-acre) irrigated wheat farm. Meade represented Ndawa at hearings of the Land Commission and attempted to protect Ndawa from abusive questioning.[28]
Large-scale migration to Rhodesia did not begin until after the
Post-World War II Rhodesian white settlers were considered different in character from earlier Rhodesian settlers and those from other British colonies. In Kenya, settlers were perceived to be drawn from "the officer class" and from the British landowning class. By contrast, settlers in Rhodesia after the Second World War were perceived as being drawn from lower social strata and were treated accordingly by the British authorities. As Peter Godwin wrote in The Guardian, "Foreign Office mandarins dismissed Rhodesians as lower middle class, no more than provincial clerks and artisans, the lowly NCOs of empire."[33]
Various factors encouraged the growth of the white population of Rhodesia. These included the industrialisation and prosperity of the economy in the post-war period. The
Rhodesia was run by a white minority government. In 1965, that government declared itself independent through a
The Rhodesian community kept itself largely separate from the black and Asian communities in the country.[36] Urban Rhodesians lived in separate areas of town, and had their own segregated education, healthcare and recreational facilities. Marriage between Zimbabweans and Rhodesians was possible, but remains to the present day very rare. The 1903 Immorality Suppression Ordinance made "illicit" (i.e. unmarried) sex between black men and white women illegal – with a penalty of two years imprisonment for any offending white woman.[37] The majority of the early white immigrants were men, and some white men entered into relationships with black women. The result was a small number of mixed-race persons: 1,998 out of a total 899,187 inhabitants, according to the 1921 census, some of whom were accepted as being white. A proposal by Garfield Todd (Prime Minister in 1953–1958) to liberalise the laws regarding interracial sex was viewed as dangerously radical. The proposal was rejected and was one factor that led to the political demise of Todd.[38]
Rhodesians enjoyed a very high standard of living. The Land Tenure Act had reserved 30% of agricultural land for white ownership. Black labour costs were low (around US$40 per month in 1975) and included free housing, food and clothing. Nurses earned US$120 per month. The low wages had a large effect in the context of an agricultural economy.[39] Public spending on education, healthcare and other social services was heavily weighted towards white people. Most of the better paid jobs in public service were also reserved for white people.[40] White people in skilled manual occupations enjoyed employment protection against black competition.[41] In 1975, the average annual income for a Rhodesian was around US$8,000 (equivalent to $45,000 in 2023) with income tax at a marginal rate of 5% — making them one of the richest communities in the world.[39]
Decline
In November 1965, in order to avoid the introduction of black majority rule (commonly referred to at the time as the Wind of Change), the Government of what was then the self-governing colony of Southern Rhodesia issued the Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI), upon which the country became the de facto independent – albeit unrecognised — state of Rhodesia.
As was the case in most European colonies, white immigrants took a privileged position in all areas of society. Extensive areas of prime farmland were owned by whites. Senior positions in the public services were reserved for whites, and whites working in manual occupations enjoyed legal protection against job competition from black Africans. As time passed, this situation became increasingly unwelcome to the majority ethnic groups within the country and also to wide sections of international opinion, leading to the Rhodesian Bush War and eventually the Lancaster House Agreement in 1979.
After the country's reconstitution as the Republic of Zimbabwe in 1980, Rhodesians had to adjust to being an ethnic minority in a country with a black majority government. Although a significant number of Rhodesians remained, many of them emigrated in the early-1980s, both in fear for their lives and an uncertain future. Political unrest and the seizure of many white-owned commercial farms resulted in a further exodus of Rhodesians commencing in 1999. The 2002 census recorded 46,743 Rhodesians living in Zimbabwe. More than 10,000 were elderly and fewer than 9,000 were under the age of 15.[42]
At the time of Zimbabwean independence in 1980, it was estimated that around 38% of Rhodesians were UK-born, with slightly fewer born in Rhodesia, and around 20% from elsewhere in Africa.[43] The white population of that era contained a large transient element, and many white people might better be considered foreign expatriates than settlers. Between 1960 and 1979, white emigration to Rhodesia was around 180,000, while white emigration overseas was 202,000 (with an average white population of around 240,000).[44] White emigration accelerated as independence approached. In October 1978 the net white emigration of 1,582 was the highest recorded number of departures since Rhodesia declared its UDI in 1965. According to official government statistics, 1,834 whites emigrated and 252 white immigrants arrived.[45] In the first nine months of 1978, 11,241 whites emigrated.[46] In an attempt to stem emigration, the Rhodesian government allowed each departing family to only take up to $1,400 out of the country.[47]
Post-independence
The country gained its independence as
However, many white people resolved to stay in the new Zimbabwe; only one-third of the white farming community left. An even smaller proportion of white urban business owners and members of the professional classes left.[49] This pattern of migration meant that although small in absolute numbers, Zimbabwe's white people formed a high proportion of the upper strata of society.
A 1984 article in The Sunday Times Magazine described and pictured the life of Zimbabwean white people at a time when their number was just about to fall below 100,000.[50] About 49% of emigrants left to settle in South Africa, many of whom were Afrikaans speakers, with 29% going to the British Isles; most of the remainder went to Australia, New Zealand, Canada, and the United States.[51] Many of these emigrants continue to identify themselves as Rhodesian. A white Rhodesian/Zimbabwean who is nostalgic for the UDI era is known colloquially as a "Rhodie".[52] These nostalgic "Rhodesians" are also sometimes referred to by the pejorative "Whenwes", because of the nostalgia expressed by them in the phrase "when we were in Rhodesia".[53] A white person who remained in Zimbabwe and accepted the situation is known as a "Zimbo".[citation needed]
The 1979 Lancaster House Agreement, which was the basis for independence from the United Kingdom, had precluded compulsory land redistribution in favour of subsidised voluntary sale of land by white owners for a period of at least 10 years. The pattern of land ownership established during the Rhodesian state therefore survived for some time after independence. Those white people who were prepared to adapt to the situation they found themselves in were therefore able to continue enjoying a very comfortable existence. In fact, the independence settlement, combined with favourable economic conditions (including the Economic Structural Adjustment Programme), produced a 20-year period of unprecedented prosperity for white Zimbabwean people, and for the white farming community in particular; a new class of "young white millionaires" appeared in the farming sector.[54] These were typically young Zimbabweans who had applied skills learned in agricultural colleges and business schools in Europe. In 1989, Commercial Farmers' Union president John Brown commented, "This is the best government for commercial farmers that this country has ever seen".[55]
The lifting of UN-imposed economic sanctions and the end of the Bush War at the time of independence produced an immediate 'peace dividend'. Renewed access to world capital markets made it possible to finance major new infrastructure developments in transport and schools. One area of economic growth was tourism, catering in particular to visitors from Europe and North America. Many white people found work in this sector. Another area of growth was horticulture, involving the cultivation of flowers, fruits and vegetables, which were air-freighted to market in Europe. Many white farmers were involved in this, and in 2002 it was claimed that 8% of horticultural imports into Europe were sourced in Zimbabwe.[56] The economic migrant element among the white population had departed quickly after independence, leaving behind those white people with deeper roots in the country. The country settled and the white population stabilised.
Chris McGreal, writing in The Observer in April 2008, claimed that Zimbabwe's white people "... kept their houses and their pools and their servants. The white farmers had it even better. With crop prices soaring they bought boats on Lake Kariba and built air strips on their farms for newly acquired planes. Zimbabwe's whites reached an implicit understanding with Zanu-PF; they could go on as before, so long as they kept out of politics".[57]
White Zimbabweans with professional skills were readily accepted in the new order. For example, Chris Andersen had been the hardline Rhodesian justice minister, but made a new career for himself as an independent MP and leading attorney in Zimbabwe. In 1998, he defended former President Canaan Banana in the infamous "sodomy trial".[58] At the time of this trial, Andersen spoke out against the attitude of President Mugabe who had described homosexuals as being "worse than dogs and pigs since they are a colonial invention, unknown in African tradition."[59]
John Bredenkamp started his trading business during the UDI era, when he developed expertise in "sanctions busting". He is reported to have arranged the export of Rhodesian tobacco and the import of components (including parts and munitions for the Rhodesian government's force of Hunter jets) in the face of UN trade sanctions. Bredenkamp was able to continue and expand his business after independence, making himself a personal fortune estimated at US$1 billion.[60]
Several white Zimbabwean businessmen, such as Billy Rautenbach, have returned to their native country after working abroad for some years. Rautenbach has succeeded in extending Zimbabwean minerals sector activity into neighbouring countries such as the DRC.[61] Charles Davy is one of the largest private landowners in Zimbabwe. Davy is reported to own 1,200 km2 (460 mi2) of land, including farms at Ripple Creek, Driehoek, Dyer's Ranch and Mlelesi. His property has been almost unaffected by any form of land redistribution, and he denies that this fact has any link to his business relationship with the politician Webster Shamu. Davy has said about Shamu, "I am in partnership with a person who I personally like and get along with".[62] Other views on Shamu are less kind.[63]
The political environment in Zimbabwe has allowed the development of an exploitative business culture, in which some white businessmen have played a prominent role.[64][65] When Zimbabwe was subject to EU sanctions, arising from its involvement in the DRC from 1998, the government was able to call on sanctions-busting expertise and personnel from the UDI era to provide parts and munitions for its force of Hawk jets. After 25 years of ZANU-PF government, Zimbabwe had become a congenial place for white millionaires of a certain kind to live and do business in.[66]
The Independence constitution contained a provision requiring the Zimbabwean government to honour pension obligations due to former servants of the Rhodesian state. This obligation included payment in foreign currency to pensioners living outside Zimbabwe (almost all white). Pension payments were made until the 1990s, but they then became erratic and stopped altogether in 2003.[67]
Since the land invasions and chaotic political situation in the country, a number of expatriate white farmers and hoteliers from Zimbabwe have resettled in neighbouring Zambia, where they are reviving agriculture and develop the local tourism industry.[68][69] Since 2009 the British government has put into action a repatriation plan assisting elderly British citizens living in Zimbabwe to resettle in the United Kingdom.[70][71] Challenges for some of Zimbabwe's remaining white community include being reliant on remittances sent by relatives overseas, the cost of private healthcare and cost of living.[72]
The community was the target of a degrading campaign by the Zimbabwean State media in the 2000s. Several state newspapers referred to white Zimbabweans as "Britain's Children" and "settlers and colonialists".[73] In 2006,[74][75] several white Zimbabweans living in the affluent Harare suburb of Borrowdale were evicted from their homes because of their proximity to Mugabe's new home in the area. In 2007,[76]it was reported that 100 mostly white youths were arrested during a raid at Borrowdale's Glow nightclub, before being transported in two police buses and detained in the downtown central police station. According to eyewitnesses, several of the youths were attacked by Zimbabwean police.[77]
Land
By the mid-1990s, it is thought that around 120,000 white people remained in Zimbabwe.[78] In spite of this small number, the white Zimbabwean minority maintained control of much of the economy through its investment in commercial farms, industry, and tourism. However, an ongoing programme of land reforms (intended to alter the ethnic balance of land ownership) dislodged many white farmers. The level of violence associated with these reforms in some rural areas made the position of the wider white community uncomfortable. Twenty years after independence, there were 21,000 commercial farmers in the country, of whom 4,000 were white and 17,000 were black.[79]
The "land issue" problem came to assume a very high profile in Zimbabwe's political life. ZANU politicians sought to revise Rhodesian land apportionment, which they saw as an injustice that required 'correction', and pressed for land to be transferred from white to black ownership, regardless of the resultant disruption to agricultural output. White farmers argued that this served little purpose, since Zimbabwe has ample agricultural land, much of which was either vacant or only lightly cultivated. Therefore, to their eyes, the problem was really a lack of development, rather than one of land tenure. White farmers would respond to claims that they owned "70% of the best arable land" by stating that what they actually owned was "70% of the best developed arable land", and therefore that the two are entirely different things.[80] Whatever the merits of the arguments, in the post-independence period, the land issue assumed enormous symbolic importance to all concerned. As the euphoria of independence subsided, and as a variety of economic and social problems became evident in the late-1990s, the land issue became a focus for trouble.
In 1999, the government initiated a "fast track land reform" programme. This was intended to transfer 4,000 white farms, covering 110,000 km2 (42,470 mi2) of mostly prime farmland, to black ownership. The means used to implement the programme were ad-hoc, and involved forcible seizure in many cases.[81]
By mid-2006, only 500 of the original 5,000 white farms were still fully operational.[82] The majority of the white farms that avoided expropriation were in Manicaland and Midlands, where it proved possible to do local deals and form strategic partnerships. However, by early-2007, a number of the seized farms were being leased back to their former white owners (although in reduced size or on a contract basis); it has been claimed to be possible that as many as 1,000 of them could be operational again, in some form.[83]
A
Sympathisers of the expropriated white farmers have claimed that lack of professional management skills among the new landholders has resulted in a dramatic decline in Zimbabwe's agricultural production.[86] Indeed, in an effort to boost their own agricultural output, neighbouring countries, including Mozambique and Zambia, offered land and other incentives to entice Zimbabwe's white farmers to emigrate.[87]
By 2008, an estimated one in ten out of 5,000 white farmers remained on their land. Many of these continued to face intimidation, however.[88] By June 2008, it was reported that only 280 white farmers remained, and all of their farms were invaded.[89] On the day of Mugabe's inauguration as president on 28 June 2008, several white farmers who had protested the seizure of their land were beaten and burned by his supporters. In June 2008, a British-born farmer, Ben Freeth (who has had several articles and letters published in the British press regarding the hostile situation), and his in-laws, Mike and Angela Campbell, were abducted and found badly beaten.[90][91][92] Campbell, speaking from hospital in Harare, vowed to continue with his legal fight for his farm.[93] In November 2008, a SADC tribunal ruled that the government had racially discriminated against Campbell, denied him legal redress, and prevented him from defending his farm.[94]
In 2017, new President
Violence against whites
Since the 2000s, there has been a surge in violence against Zimbabwe's dwindling white community, with the main targets of this violence being Zimbabwe's white farmers. On 18 September 2010, droves of white people were chased away and prevented from participating in the constitutional outreach programme in Harare during a weekend, in which violence and confusion marred the process, with similar incidents having occurred in Graniteside. In Mount Pleasant, white families were subjected to a torrent of abuse by suspected Zanu-PF supporters, who later drove them away and shouted racial slurs.[99] There were also many illegal seizures of white-owned farmland by the government and its supporters. By March 2000, little land had been redistributed as per the land reform laws that were passed in 1979, when the Lancaster House Agreement between Britain and Zimbabwe pledged to initiate a fairer distribution of land between the white minority, which governed Zimbabwe from 1890 to 1979, and the black population.
However, at this stage, land acquisition could only occur on a voluntary basis. Little land had been redistributed, and frustrated groups of government supporters began seizing white-owned farms. Most of the seizures took place in
Hundreds of white farmers returned to Zimbabwe following a mellowing of government restrictions on white Zimbabweans owning land, with many of the returning white farmers forming joint ventures with black farm owners.[104]
Communities
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Afrikaner
The first wave of Afrikaners arrived in ox wagons in 1893, brought to the country at the time by the pioneer Duncan Moodie.
Jewish
The earlier wave of Jewish immigration consisted of
Greek
The Greek Community in Zimbabwe peaked at between 13,000-15,000 people in 1972, but has decreased significantly to around 1,000 Greeks or people of Greek origin.[112] The Greek Cypriot community in Zimbabwe is slightly larger, with 1,200 Cypriots continuing to live in the country.[112] The Greeks and Cypriots were mostly known for running restaurants and small businesses in the country.[113] There are some significant Greek and Cypriot business owners and landowners, with the majority of the Hellenic community employed in trade professions or involved in bakery operations.[112] Hellenic Academy, an independent Greek high school was established in Harare in 2008 and continues to operate.[112] The Holy Archdiocese of Zimbabwe and Southern Africa is under the jurisdiction of the Patriarchate of Alexandria.[112]
Italian
Italians came to Zimbabwe as early as 1906, when they formed a settlement named Sinoa in today's Chinhoyi.[114]
Portuguese
Portuguese migrants came from Portuguese Mozambique to work in the building trade,[113] with later waves coming from newly-independent Angola and Mozambique.[115]
Arts and entertainment
Several cultural organisations existed during white-minority rule that mainly served the interests of the community. These included The National Gallery, The National Arts Foundation and the Salisbury Arts Council.[116]
Literature
Fiction
Artistic expression often portrays "the melancholy white exile" from Zimbabwe who secretly longs to return home.[117] Several white writers have contributed to the canon of Zimbabwean literature.[citation needed]
Gertrude Page's Rhodesia novels were all written between the years 1907 and 1922.[118] These novels included Love in the Wilderness (1907), The Edge O' Beyond (1908) and The Pathway (1914).[118] In The Rhodesian (1914), Page writes admiringly of agricultural productivity and colonial settlement in her "empty" Rhodesian landscapes: "The Valley of Ruins no longer lies alone and unheeded in the sunlight; and no longer do the hills look down upon rich plains left solely to ... idle pleasures."[118]In the novel she imagines Cecil Rhodes as "enslaved and enfolded" by the landscape, an "enchantress who bound men's souls for ever", and wonders whether Rhodesia had been "wife and child" to him, in his solitude, thus implying that Page imagines Rhodes as a husband and father to the nation.[118] Cynthia Stockley, the South African-born novelist, lived in Rhodesia and set several of her novels there such as Virginia of the Rhodesians (1903) and The Claw (1911). As with Page, Stockley's heroes are heavily impacted by the powerful African landscape: "Africa has kissed him on the mouth and he will not leave her."[118] In The Claw, she wrote of the country's empty landscapes that allowed for both personal freedom and expansion of the soul: "The world seemed filled with gracious dimness and made up of illimitable space. An indescribable feeling of happy freedom filled my heart. It seemed to me that the lungs of my soul drew breath and expanded as they had never done in any land before."[118] Although Stockley shows a commitment to Rhodesian patriotism in her novels, her nationalism shifted towards Union with South Africa in Tagati (1930).[118]
Doris Lessing (1919-2013) was awarded the 2007 Nobel Prize in Literature, becoming the second white African woman to win a Nobel prize, after South Africa's Nadine Gordimer in 1991. Her earlier poetry was published in the regular publication, New Rhodesia (1938-1954), which published lively commentary affairs.[119] Her debut novel, The Grass Is Singing (1950), about a relationship between a white woman and a black man, is set in Southern Rhodesia of the late 1940s. The novel begins with a newspaper announcement of a white woman's murder on the veld: "The newspaper did not say much. People all over the country must have glanced at the paragraph with its sensational heading and felt a little spurt of anger mingled with what was almost satisfaction, as if some belief had been confirmed, as if something had happened which could only have been expected. When natives steal, murder or rape, that is the feeling white people have."[120][121]
A number of white writers in the country had their poetry published by the Poetry Society of Rhodesia (founded in 1950). In 1952, the society's journal appeared as the Poetry Review Salisbury, before becoming Rhodesian Poetry.
Sarge tells me to save my tears
for the civilians these gooks have slaughtered.
But I am not thinking of them, and I
cannot explain that I am being purged
of my Rhodesianism. That ugly
word with its jagged edge is opening
me. . . . I move to the past tense.
Colin Style, a contributor to both Two Tone and Rhodesia Poetry, was awarded the Ingrid Jonker Prize for best published collection in English in Southern Africa, 1977 with Baobab Street (1977).[126][127] He wrote with unashamed nostalgia for his native country's veld, its disappearance among new building developments and for Rhodesia itself. In "The Cemetery," the life and culture of a Rhodesia that will become a memory are presented as detached from the present as a San rock painting:[119]
The soil is fine:
it mingles with my sweat and stains red in my sandal,
muddy itching ochre seeping into mind
while in their crevices and caves the rock-imprinted impala
restlessly stir.
In the final years of UDI Rhodesia, Rhodesian poetry that encompassed the work of both black and white writers was seen as inappropriate by many black writers.[119] In 1978, Kizito Muchemwa edited Zimbabwean Poetry in English: An Anthology, a collection that only contained the work of black writers.[119] The use of Zimbabwean rather than Rhodesian as a term of identity was regarded as subversive at the time.[119]
Non-fiction
Uncritical accounts of white-minority rule in the country formed part of the teaching syllabi recommended by the Rhodesian Ministry of Education in the 1960s. White schoolchildren read A Child's History of Rhodesia (1925) by Myfanwy Williams and First Steps in Civilising Rhodesia (1940) by Jeannie M. Boogie.[128]
Graham Boynton, who was raised in Bulawayo, wrote Last Days in Cloud Cuckooland (1997), covering the twilight years of white rule in southern Africa and carried extensive interviews with the two major white political protagonists, Ian Smith and Sir Garfield Todd.[132] The late Heidi Holland met Robert Mugabe at a secret dinner, and in 2007 she was one of the few white journalists to be granted an in-depth interview with the president. Holland wrote about her experiences with Mugabe in Dinner with Mugabe (2008).[133] Douglas Rogers chronicled his parents' struggle to hold onto their game farm and backpackers resort in The Last Resort (2009).[134] Lauren St John, best known for her children's novels, wrote the memoir, Rainbow's End: A Memoir of Childhood, War and an African Farm. St John writes about her childhood home in then Rhodesia, Rainbow's End, where the previous family had been murdered. Her account explores growing up during the civil war in the 1970s and on life in a newly-independent Zimbabwe.[135][136]
Music
"
Simon Attwell is a Zimbabwean band member of the popular South African group Freshlyground, playing the flute, mbira, sax, and harmonica.[142] Freshlyground combines both African and European musical traditions,[143] and they participated in the 2008 HIFA. Gemma Griffifths, a singer and Harare native based in Cape Town, has been profiled by the BBC.[144]
Concert pianist Manuel Bagorro is the founder and artistic director of Harare International Festival of the Arts. First held in 1999, the Festival was most recently held in April 2008, and was successful in attracting attention to the arts in Zimbabwe at a difficult time.[145]
The jazz composer, bandleader, and trombonist Mike Gibbs was born in Salisbury, Southern Rhodesia. Other internationally successful artists born there include the
Performing arts
Theatre was immensely popular across African colonies amongst bourgeoise white residents, often seeking the culture of European metropoles. The construction of larger theatres boomed in the twentieth century in colonies most populated by white people, such as Kenya, Southern Rhodesia and the copper belt of Northern Rhodesia. 'Little theatres' were also popular; often, they were part of large sporting venues, gymkhana and turf clubs. In 1910, one author remarked on the popularity of theatre amongst Southern Rhodesia's white population: "the local population must have spent a considerable amount on theatre seats. Fifteen professional companies went on tour that year."[146] Theatres in Southern African colonies were usually situated next to a railway line, and the premier European dramatic performance in then Southern Rhodesia took place in the southern region of Bulawayo. The development of rail infrastructure allowed the involvement of entertainers from neighbouring South Africa.[116]
The National Theatre Organisation, formerly The National Theatre Foundation, focussed on
Broadcasting
In 1960, television was introduced into the then Southern Rhodesia, as
Georgina Godwin, sister of author Peter Godwin, became a well-known broadcast journalist in Zimbabwe, presenting a breakfast television show and hosting a prime time radio show on the state broadcaster, Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation until her departure from the country in 2001.[150] She was also a founder of SW Radio Africa, a station based in London with the purpose of broadcasting independently of Zimbabwean state interference.[151] She is books editor for Monocle Radio and presenter of the in-depth author interview show Meet the Writers on the station.[152]
Cinema
Doris Lessing's Southern Rhodesia novel
The 1980 film
The documentary film Mugabe and the White African was released to acclaim in 2009. It deals with a white Zimbabwean farming family working against Mugabe's draconian land reform policies.[156]
In
Beauty pageants
Miss Rhodesia was the national beauty pageant of Rhodesia and its antecedents. Each year many local white women competed in the competition and it debuted in Miss World in 1959. Rhodesia participated in Miss World 1965, with Lesley Bunting representing the country only days after Rhodesia's Unilateral Declaration of Independence.[160] However, the country was excluded from the competition from 1966 onwards. Beverley Donald Davy, the mother of Chelsy Davy, was crowned the 1973 Miss Rhodesia.[citation needed] Only white women were crowned Miss Rhodesia between 1959-1976, with Connie Makaya becoming the first black Miss Rhodesia in 1977.[161] When Rhodesia transitioned to a majority democracy and became Zimbabwe in 1980, Miss Rhodesia became Miss Zimbabwe. In 2023, Brooke Bruk-Jackson, a white Zimbabwean woman was crowned Miss Universe Zimbabwe. As white people make up less than one percent of Zimbabwe's population, it was a controversial win for some.[162]
Sports
This section needs additional citations for verification. (March 2023) |
Before 1980, Rhodesian representation in international sporting events was almost exclusively white. Zimbabwean participation in some international sporting events continued to be white-dominated until well into the 1990s. For example, no Black player was selected for the
An exception to this trend during the 1960s and 1970s was in association football, where the national team was predominantly black, with the notable exceptions of the white forward Bobby Chalmers, who captained the team during its unsuccessful attempt to qualify for the 1970 World Cup,[165] and goalkeeper Bruce Grobbelaar.
A large number of Zimbabwe's most famous athletes are white. In tennis, the Black family of Cara, Byron and Wayne Black, and Kevin Ullyett, are notable doubles players. In the 1990s, Zimbabwe's largely white cricket team was a strong one, and included world class players such as Andy Flower, Grant Flower amongst others. Today, Zimbabwe's National Cricket Team still has several white players, including Craig Ervine and Sean Williams. Furthermore, Zimbabwe's most successful recent Olympic athlete is swimmer Kirsty Coventry, who won three medals (including gold) at the 2004 Summer Olympics, and four medals (including gold) at the 2008 Summer Olympics. Famous white Zimbabwean golfers include Nick Price, Mark McNulty and Brendon de Jonge.[citation needed]
The professional swimmer,
Involvement in Zimbabwean politics
Political and economic background
During the UDI era, Rhodesia developed a siege economy as the means of withstanding UN sanctions. The country operated a strict system of exchange and import controls, while major export items were channelled through state trade agencies (such as 'the Grain Marketing Board'). This approach was continued until around 1990, at which time International Monetary Fund and World Bank development funding was made conditional upon the adoption of economic liberalisation. In 1991, Zimbabwe adopted the ESAP (Economic Structural Adjustment Programme), which required privatisation, the removal of exchange and import controls, trade deregulation and the phasing out of export subsidies.[169] Up until the time of independence, the economy relied mainly on the export of a narrow range of primary products, including tobacco, asbestos and gold. In the post-independence period, the world markets for all these products deteriorated, and it was hoped that the ESAP would facilitate diversification.[170]
ESAP and its successor ZIMPREST (Zimbabwe Programme for Economic and Social Transformation) caused considerable economic turbulence.[171] Some sectors of the economy did benefit, but the immediate results included job losses, a rise in poverty, and a series of exchange rate crises. The associated economic downturn caused the budget deficit to rise, which put pressure on public services, and the means used to finance the budget deficit caused hyperinflation. These factors created a situation in which many bright and qualified Zimbabweans (both black and white) had to look abroad for work opportunities.[172]
Zimbabwean politics since 1990 have therefore been conducted against a background of economic difficulty, with the manufacturing sector (in particular) being 'hollowed out'. However, some parts of the economy continue to perform well: the Zimbabwe stock exchange and property market have experienced minor booms, while outsiders are coming to invest in both mining and land operations.[173]
In the period immediately after independence, some white political leaders (such as Ian Smith) sought to maintain the identity of white Zimbabweans as a separate group. In particular, they wished to maintain a separate "white roll", maintaining the election of 20 seats in parliament reserved for white people; this was abolished in 1987. Despite this, a number of white Zimbabweans embraced the political changes, and many even joined Zanu-PF in the 1980s and 1990s: for example, Timothy Stamps served as Minister of Health in the Zimbabwean government from 1986 to 2002.[174] Denis Norman held several cabinet positions; Minister of Agriculture (1980-1985, 1995-1997), Minister of Transport (1990-1997) and Minister of Power (1992-1997).[175]
Wealthy Zimbabweans
In the 2000s, an elite network of white businessmen and senior military officers became associated with a faction of ZANU-PF identified with Emmerson Mnangagwa, a former Security Minister and later Speaker of Parliament. Mnangagwa was described by reporters of the Daily News as "the richest politician in Zimbabwe".[176] He is believed to have favoured the early retirement of President Mugabe, and a conciliatory approach towards the regime's domestic opponents; this line has displeased other elements in ZANU-PF. In June 2006, John Bredenkamp (a prominent former Mnangagwa associate) fled Zimbabwe in his private jet, after government investigations into the affairs of his Breco trading company were started.[177] Bredenkamp returned to Zimbabwe in September 2006, after his passport was returned by court order.[178]
In July 2002, 92 prominent Zimbabweans were subject to EU "smart sanctions", intended to express disapproval of various Zimbabwe government policies. These persons were banned from the EU, and access to assets they own in the EU was frozen.[179] Ninety-one of those on the blacklist were black, and one was white: Dr. Timothy Stamps.
Many observers found the EU's treatment of Dr. Stamps to be curious, given that by July 2002 he was retired from active politics and a semi-invalid. In addition, Stamps was widely considered to be a highly dedicated doctor who had never been implicated in any form of wrongdoing.[180] The same observers found it equally strange that the EU Commission did not include the wealthy white backers of Mugabe on the list.[clarification needed][181]
Political representation
From around 1990 onwards, mainstream white opinion favoured opposition politics[182] to that of Mugabe's ZANU party, who controlled the government. White Zimbabweans sought to vote for liberal economics, democracy and the rule of law. White people had lain low in the immediate post-independence period, but, in 1999 they recognised a common disquiet with the majority of people over ZANU excesses in government, and gave whites an opportunity to vote for an opposition, which initially grew out of the trade union movements who were enabling citizens to have a voice and vote with the majority of Zimbabweans.[citation needed]White Zimbabweans played a significant role in the campaign of the opposition MDC party, which almost won the election.[183] Radical elements in the country perceived the MDC project to have been an attempt to restore a limited form of white minority rule, and this produced a violent backlash.[184][185]
The late
Other white MPs elected in 2000 included
In Zimbabwe's current government, the portfolio of Ministry of Youth, Sport, Arts and Recreation is held by Kirsty Coventry, a position she has held since 2018.[199]
See also
- British diaspora in Africa
- List of white Zimbabweans of European ancestry
- Racism in Zimbabwe
- Zimbabwean diaspora
- Zimbabweans
- White people
Notes and references
Annotations
References
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External links
- The Viscount disasters of 1978 and 1979 Archived 4 March 2006 at the Wayback Machine
- Rhodesians Worldwide
- BBC report on 1965 Rhodesian general election
- The Zimbabwean Land Issue
- Zimbabwean refugee farmers help to transform Zambian economy (The Guardian)
- Sunday Times (London) 1984 report on white people in Zimbabwe
- Selby, Angus (2006) "White Farmers in Zimbabwe, 1890–2005", PhD Thesis, Oxford University