Éamon de Valera
Éamon de Valera | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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3rd President of Ireland | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
In office 25 June 1959 – 24 June 1973 | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Taoiseach | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Preceded by | Seán T. O'Kelly | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Succeeded by | Erskine H. Childers | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
2nd Taoiseach | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
In office 20 March 1957 – 23 June 1959 | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
President | Seán T. O'Kelly | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Tánaiste | Seán Lemass | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Preceded by | John A. Costello | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Succeeded by | Seán Lemass | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
In office 13 June 1951 – 2 June 1954 | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
President | Seán T. O'Kelly | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Tánaiste | Seán Lemass | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Preceded by | John A. Costello | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Succeeded by | John A. Costello | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
In office 29 December 1937 – 18 February 1948 | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
President |
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Tánaiste |
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Preceded by | Himself as president of the Executive Council | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Succeeded by | John A. Costello | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
President of the Irish Republic | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
In office 26 August 1921 – 9 January 1922 | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Preceded by | Office established | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Succeeded by | Arthur Griffith | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
President of Dáil Éireann | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
In office 1 April 1919 – 26 August 1921 | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Preceded by | Cathal Brugha | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Succeeded by | Office abolished | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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Personal details | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Born | George de Valero 14 October 1882 New York City, New York, U.S. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Died | 29 August 1975 Blackrock, Dublin, Ireland | (aged 92)||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Resting place | Glasnevin Cemetery, Dublin, Ireland | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Nationality | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Political party | Fianna Fáil | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Other political affiliations |
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Spouse | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Children | 7, including Éamon and Rúaidhrí | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Parents |
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Relatives |
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Education | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Alma mater | Royal University of Ireland | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Profession |
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Éamon de Valera[a][b] (/ˈeɪmən ˌdɛvəˈlɛərə, -ˈlɪər-/, Irish: [ˈeːmˠən̪ˠ dʲɛ ˈwalʲəɾʲə]; first registered as George de Valero; changed some time before 1901 to Edward de Valera;[2] 14 October 1882 – 29 August 1975) was an Irish statesman and political leader. He served several terms as head of government and head of state and had a leading role in introducing the 1937 Constitution of Ireland.[3][4]
De Valera was a
From there, de Valera went on to be at the forefront of Irish politics until the turn of the 1960s. He took over as president of the Executive Council from W. T. Cosgrave and later became Taoiseach, with the adoption of the Constitution of Ireland in 1937. He served as Taoiseach on three different occasions: from 1937 to 1948, from 1951 to 1954, and finally from 1957 to 1959. He remains the longest serving Taoiseach by total days served in the post. He resigned in 1959 upon his election as president of Ireland. By then, he had been Leader of Fianna Fáil for 33 years and he, along with older founding members, began to take a less prominent role relative to newer ministers such as Jack Lynch, Charles Haughey and Neil Blaney. De Valera served as President of Ireland from 1959 to 1973, two full terms in office.
De Valera's political beliefs evolved from militant Irish republicanism to strong social, cultural and fiscal conservatism.[5] He has been characterised as having a stern and unbending, and also devious demeanour. His roles in the Civil War have also been interpreted as making him a divisive figure in Irish history. Biographer Tim Pat Coogan sees his time in power as being characterised by economic and cultural stagnation, while Diarmaid Ferriter argues that the stereotype of de Valera as an austere, cold, and even backward figure was largely manufactured in the 1960s and is misguided.[5]
Early life
Éamon de Valera was born on 14 October 1882 in New York City, the son of Catherine Coll, who was originally from Bruree, County Limerick,[6] and Juan Vivion de Valera, described on the birth certificate as a Spanish artist born in 1853. Some researchers have placed his father's place of birth in Cuba,[7] while others have suggested other locations; according to Antonio Rivero Taravillo, he was born in Seville,[8] while Ronan Fanning has him born in the Basque Country.[9]
He was born at the Nursery and Child's Hospital,[10] Lexington Avenue, a home for destitute orphans and abandoned children.[11] His parents were reportedly married on 18 September 1881 at St Patrick's Church in Jersey City, New Jersey, but archivists have not located any marriage certificate or any birth, baptismal, or death certificate information for anyone called Juan Vivion de Valera (nor for "de Valeros", an alternative spelling). On de Valera's original birth certificate, his name is given as George de Valero and his father is listed as Vivion de Valero. Although he was known as Edward de Valera before 1901, a fresh birth certificate was issued in 1910, in which his first name was officially changed to Edward and his father's surname given as "de Valera".[12][13] As a child, he was known as "Eddie" or "Eddy".[14]
According to Coll, Juan Vivion died in 1885 leaving Coll and her child in poor circumstances.[15] Éamon was taken to Ireland by his uncle Ned at the age of two. When his mother remarried in the mid-1880s, he was not brought back to live with her, but was reared by his grandmother, Elizabeth Coll, her son Patrick and her daughter Hannie, in Bruree, County Limerick. He was educated locally at Bruree National School, County Limerick and C.B.S. Charleville, County Cork. Aged sixteen, he won a scholarship. He was not successful in enrolling at two colleges in Limerick, but was accepted at Blackrock College, Dublin, at the instigation of his local curate.[16]: 19–20 Blackrock College has since named one of their six student houses after him. [17]
He played rugby at Blackrock and
At the end of his first year at Blackrock College, he was student of the year. He also won further scholarships and exhibitions and in 1903 was appointed teacher of mathematics at Rockwell College, County Tipperary.
There were occasions when de Valera seriously contemplated the religious life like his half-brother, Fr. Thomas Wheelwright, but ultimately he did not pursue this vocation. As late as 1906, when he was 24 years old, he approached the President of Clonliffe Seminary in Dublin for advice on his vocation.
As a young
The couple had five sons: Vivion (1910–1982), Éamon (1913–1986), Brian (1915–1936), Rúaidhrí (1916–1978), and Terence (Terry; 1922–2007); and two daughters: Máirín (1912–1984) and Emer (1918–2012). Brian de Valera predeceased his parents.
Early political activity
While he was already involved in the
Revolutionary years
1916 Easter Rising
On 24 April 1916, the
De Valera was among the few republican leaders the British did not execute.
De Valera's supporters and detractors argue about his bravery during the Easter Rising. His supporters claim he showed leadership skills and a capacity for meticulous planning. His detractors claim he suffered a
After imprisonment in
Because most other Irish rebellion leaders were dead, in 1917 de Valera had been elected
President of Dáil Éireann
Sinn Féin won a huge majority in the 1918 general election, largely thanks to the British executions of the 1916 leaders, the threat of conscription with the Conscription Crisis of 1918 and the first-past-the-post ballot. They won 73 out of 105 Irish seats, with about 47% of votes cast. 25 seats were uncontested. On 21 January 1919, 27 Sinn Féin MPs (the rest were imprisoned or impaired), calling themselves Teachtaí Dála (TDs), assembled in the Mansion House in Dublin and formed an Irish parliament, known as Dáil Éireann (translatable into English as the Assembly of Ireland). The Ministry of Dáil Éireann was formed, under the leadership of the Príomh Aire (also called President of Dáil Éireann) Cathal Brugha. De Valera had been re-arrested in May 1918 and imprisoned and so could not attend the January session of the Dáil. He escaped from Lincoln Gaol, England in February 1919. As a result, he replaced Brugha as Príomh Aire in the April session of Dáil Éireann.[citation needed]
In the hope of securing international recognition,
De Valera managed to raise $5,500,000 from American supporters, an amount that far exceeded the hopes of the Dáil.[36] Of this, $500,000 was devoted to the American presidential campaign in 1920, helping him gain wider public support there.[37] In 1921, it was said that $1,466,000 had already been spent, and it is unclear when the net balance arrived in Ireland.[38] Recognition was not forthcoming in the international sphere. He also had difficulties with various Irish-American leaders, such as John Devoy and Judge Daniel F. Cohalan
While American recognition for the Republic had been his priority, in February 1921, De Valera redirected Patrick McCartan from Washington to Moscow. McCartan was told by Maxim Litvinov, that the opportunity of recognition and assistance had passed. The Soviet priority was a trade agreement with Britain (signed in March). In June the British government (with a view to both domestic and American opinion) published the proposed treaty between the Dáil government and the Soviets, and related correspondence.[39]
Meanwhile, in Ireland, the conflict between the
President of the Republic
In January 1921, in his first appearance in the
Following the
Having effected these changes, a
Anglo-Irish Treaty
The Republic's delegates to the Treaty Negotiations were accredited by de Valera and his cabinet as plenipotentiaries (that is, negotiators with the legal authority to sign a treaty without reference back to the cabinet), but were given secret cabinet instructions by de Valera that required them to return to Dublin before signing the Treaty.[43] The Treaty proved controversial in Ireland insofar as it replaced the Republic by a dominion of the British Commonwealth with the King represented by a Governor-General of the Irish Free State. The Irish delegates Arthur Griffith, Robert Barton and Michael Collins supported by Erskine Childers as Secretary-General set up their delegation headquarters at 22 Hans Place in Knightsbridge. It was there, at 11.15 am on 5 December 1921, that the decision was made to recommend the Treaty to Dáil Éireann. The Treaty was finally signed by the delegates after further negotiations which closed at 02:20 on 6 December 1921.[citation needed]
De Valera baulked at the agreement. His opponents claimed that he had refused to join the negotiations because he knew what the outcome would be and did not wish to receive the blame. De Valera claimed that he had not gone to the treaty negotiations because he would be better able to control the extremists at home, and that his absence would allow leverage for the plenipotentiaries to refer back to him and not be pressured into any agreements. Because of the secret instructions given to the plenipotentiaries, he reacted to news of the signing of the Treaty not with anger at its contents (which he refused even to read when offered a newspaper report of its contents), but with anger over the fact that they had not consulted him, their president, before signing. His ideal drafts, presented to a secret session of the Dáil during the Treaty Debates and publicised in January 1922, were ingenious compromises[original research?] but they included dominion status, the Treaty Ports, the fact of partition subject to veto by the parliament in Belfast, and some continuing status for the King as head of the Commonwealth. Ireland's share of the imperial debt was to be paid.[44][failed verification]
After the Treaty was narrowly ratified by 64 to 57, de Valera and a large minority of Sinn Féin TDs left Dáil Éireann. He then resigned and Arthur Griffith was elected President of Dáil Éireann in his place, though respectfully still calling him 'The President'. On a speaking tour of the more republican province of
De Valera objected to the oath of allegiance to the King that the treaty required Irish parliamentarians to take. He also was concerned that Ireland could not have an independent foreign policy as part of the British Commonwealth when the British retained several naval ports (see Treaty Ports) around Ireland's coast. As a compromise, de Valera proposed "external association" with the British Empire, which would leave Ireland's foreign policy in her own hands and a republican constitution with no mention of the British monarch (he proposed this as early as April, well before the negotiations began, under the title "Document No. 2"). Michael Collins was prepared to accept this formula and the two wings (pro- and anti-Treaty) of Sinn Féin formed a pact to fight the 1922 Irish general election together and form a coalition government afterwards. Collins later called off the pact on the eve of the election. De Valera's opponents won the election and civil war broke out shortly afterwards in late June 1922.[46]
Civil War
Relations between the new Irish government, which was backed by most of the Dáil and the electorate, and the anti-treatyites, under the nominal leadership of de Valera, now descended into the Irish Civil War (June 1922 to May 1923), in which the pro-treaty Free State forces defeated the anti-treaty IRA. Both sides had wanted to avoid civil war, but fighting broke out over the
Though nominally head of the anti-treatyites, de Valera had little influence. He does not seem to have been involved in any fighting and had little or no influence with the revolutionary military leadership, headed by
In March 1923, de Valera attended the meeting of the IRA Army Executive to decide on the future of the war. He was known to be in favour of a truce but he had no voting rights and it was narrowly decided to continue hostilities.[16]: 131 The leader of the Free State, W. T. Cosgrave, insisted that there could be no acceptance of a surrender without disarming.[48]
On 30 April 1923, the IRA's new Chief of Staff, Frank Aiken (Lynch had been killed), called a ceasefire. This was followed on 24 May by an order for volunteers to "dump arms". De Valera, who had wanted an end to the internecine fighting for some time, backed the ceasefire order with a message in which he called the anti-treaty fighters "the Legion of the Rearguard", saying that "The Republic can no longer be successfully defended by your arms. Further sacrifice on your part would now be in vain and the continuance of the struggle in arms unwise in the national interest and prejudicial to the future of our cause. Military victory must be allowed to rest for the moment with those who have destroyed the republic. Other means must be sought to safeguard the nation's right."[49]
After this point, many of the republicans were arrested in Free State round-ups when they had come out of hiding and returned home. De Valera remained in hiding for several months after the ceasefire was declared; however, he emerged in August to stand for election in County Clare. Making a campaign appearance in Ennis on 15 August, de Valera was arrested on the platform and interned at Kilmainham jail. He was moved to Arbour Hill barracks briefly prior to his release on 16 July 1924.[50][51]
Founding of Fianna Fáil
After the IRA dumped their arms rather than surrender them or continue a now fruitless war, de Valera returned to political methods. In 1924, he was arrested in
During this time, de Valera came to believe that abstentionism was not a workable tactic in the long term. He now believed that a better course would be to try to gain power and turn the Free State from a constitutional monarchy into a republic. He tried to convince Sinn Féin to accept this new line. However, a vote to accept the Free State Constitution (contingent on the abolition of the Oath of Allegiance) narrowly failed. Soon afterwards, de Valera resigned from Sinn Féin and seriously considered leaving politics.[citation needed]
However, one of his colleagues, Seán Lemass, convinced de Valera to found a new republican party.[53] In March 1926, with Lemass, Constance Markievicz and others, de Valera formed a new party, Fianna Fáil (The Warriors of Destiny), a party that was to dominate 20th-century Irish politics.[54] While Sinn Féin still held to an abstentionist line, Fianna Fáil was dedicated to republicanising the Free State from within if it gained power.
Having attracted most of Sinn Féin's branches due to Lemass' organisational skill,[53] the new party made swift electoral gains in the general election on 9 June 1927. In the process, it took much of Sinn Féin's previous support, winning 44 seats to Sinn Féin's five. It refused to take the Oath of Allegiance (portrayed by opponents as an 'Oath of Allegiance to the Crown' but actually an Oath of Allegiance to the Irish Free State with a secondary promise of fidelity to the King in his role in the Treaty settlement).[55]
The oath was largely the work of Collins and based on three sources: British oaths in the dominions, the oath of the Irish Republican Brotherhood and a draft oath prepared by de Valera in his proposed treaty alternative, "Document No. 2". De Valera began a legal case to challenge the requirement that members of his party take the Oath, but the assassination of the Vice-President of the Executive Council (deputy prime minister) Kevin O'Higgins on 10 July 1927 led the Executive Council under W. T. Cosgrave to introduce a Bill on 20 July[56] requiring all Dáil candidates to promise on oath that if they were elected they would take the Oath of Allegiance. Forced into a corner, and faced with the option of staying outside politics forever or taking the oath and entering, de Valera and his TDs took the Oath of Allegiance on 12 August 1927, though de Valera himself described the Oath as "an empty political formula".[57]
De Valera never organised Fianna Fáil in Northern Ireland and it was not until 7 December 2007 that Fianna Fáil was registered there by the
President of the Executive Council
In the
He at once initiated steps to fulfil his election promises to abolish the oath and withhold land annuities owed to the UK for loans provided under the
After De Valera had urged King George V to dismiss McNeill as Governor-General, the King suggested an alternative course of action: that McNeill, instead, carry on a while longer as viceroy and only then resign, which he did on 1 November 1932. Subsequently, a 1916 veteran, Domhnall Ua Buachalla, was appointed Governor-General. To strengthen his position against the opposition in the Dáil and Seanad, de Valera directed the Governor-General to call a snap election in January 1933 and de Valera's party won 77 seats, giving Fianna Fáil an overall majority. Under de Valera's leadership, Fianna Fáil won further general elections in 1937, 1938, 1943, and 1944.[citation needed]
De Valera took charge of Ireland's foreign policy as well by also acting as Minister for External Affairs. In that capacity, he attended meetings of the League of Nations. He was president of the Council of the League on his first appearance at the league in Geneva, Switzerland, in 1932 and, in a speech that made a worldwide impression, appealed for genuine adherence by its members to the principles of the covenant of the league. In 1934, he supported the admission of the Soviet Union into the league. In September 1938, he was elected nineteenth president of the Assembly of the League,[63] a tribute to the international recognition he had won by his independent stance on world questions.[64]
De Valera's government followed the policy of unilaterally dismantling the treaty of 1921. In this way, he would be pursuing republican policies and lessening the popularity of republican violence and the IRA. De Valera encouraged IRA members to join the
The ACA changed its name to the National Guard under O'Duffy and adopted the uniform of black berets and blue shirts, using the straight-armed salute, and were nicknamed the Blueshirts. They were outwardly fascist and planned a march in August 1933 through Dublin to commemorate Michael Collins, Kevin O'Higgins, and Arthur Griffith. This march struck parallels with Mussolini's march on Rome (1922), in which he had created the image of having toppled the democratic government in Rome. De Valera revived a military tribunal, which had been set up by the previous administration, to deal with the matter. O'Duffy backed down when the National Guard was declared an illegal organisation and the march was banned. Within a few weeks, O'Duffy's followers merged with Cumann na nGaedhael and the Centre Party to form United Ireland, or Fine Gael, and O'Duffy became its leader. Smaller local marches were scheduled for the following weeks, under different names. Internal dissension set in when the party's TDs distanced themselves from O'Duffy's extreme views, and his movement fell asunder.[65]
Taoiseach (1937–1948)
Fianna Fáil having won the 1937 election held the same day as the plebiscite that ratified the constitution, de Valera continued as President of the Executive Council until 29 December 1937, when the new constitution was enacted. On that date, de Valera's post automatically became that of Taoiseach which was a considerably more powerful office. Notably, he could advise the President to dismiss Ministers individually – advice that the President was bound to follow by convention. The old Executive Council had to be dissolved and reformed en bloc if its President wanted to remove a Minister. Additionally, he could request a parliamentary dissolution on his own authority. Previously, the right to seek a dissolution was vested with the Council as a whole.[citation needed]
In social policy, de Valera's first period as Taoiseach saw the introduction (in 1947) of means-tested allowances for people suffering from infectious diseases.[66]
Anglo-Irish Trade Agreement
With the new constitution in place, de Valera determined that the changed circumstances made swift resolution to Ireland's ongoing trade war with the UK more desirable for both sides—as did the growing probability of the outbreak of war across Europe. In April 1938, de Valera and British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain signed the Anglo-Irish Trade Agreement, lifting all duties imposed during the previous five years and ending British use of the Treaty Ports it had retained in accordance with the Anglo-Irish Treaty. The return of the ports was of particular significance since it ensured Irish neutrality during the coming Second World War.[citation needed]
Constitution of Ireland
During the 1930s, de Valera systematically stripped the
The Oath of Allegiance was abolished, as were appeals to the
De Valera, in his capacity as Prime Minister of His Majesty's Government in the Irish Free State, wrote in July 1936 to King
The constitution contained reforms and symbols intended to assert Irish sovereignty. These included:
- a new name for the state, "Éire" (in Irish) and "Ireland" (in English);
- a claim that the national territory was the entire island of Ireland, thereby challenging Britain's partition settlement of 1921;
- the removal of references to the King of Ireland[68][69] and the replacement of the monarch's representative, the governor-general, with a popularly elected President of Ireland, who takes "precedence over all other persons in the State and who shall exercise and perform the powers and functions conferred on the President by this Constitution and by law";[70][71]
- recognition of the "special position" of the Catholic Church;
- a recognition of the Catholic concept of marriage which excluded civil divorce, even though civil marriage was retained;
- the declaration that the Irish language was the "national language" and the first official language of the nation although English was also included as "a" second official language;
- the use of Irish language terms to stress Irish cultural and historical identity (e.g., Uachtarán, Taoiseach, Tánaiste, etc.)
Criticisms of some of the above constitutional reforms include that:
- the anti-partition articles needlessly antagonised Unionists in Northern Ireland, while simultaneously attracting criticism from hardline republicans by recognising the de facto situation.
- similarly, the recognition of the "special position" of the Catholic Church was inconsistent with the identity and aspirations of northern Protestants (leading to its repeal in the 1970s), while simultaneously falling short of the demands of hardline Catholics for Catholicism to be explicitly made the state religion.
- the affirmation of Irish as the national and primary official language neither reflected contemporary realities nor led to the language's revival
- though the King was removed from the text of the constitution, he retained a leading role in the state's foreign affairs, and the legal position of the President of Ireland was accordingly uncertain; there was also concern that the presidency would evolve into a dictatorial position
- elements of Catholic social teaching incorporated into the text, such as the articles on the role of women, the family and divorce, were inconsistent both with the practice of the Protestant minority and with contemporary liberal opinion
As Paul Bew concludes, in the constitution of 1937 de Valera was "trying to placate left-wing Republicans with national phrases and pious people with expressly Catholic bits [and] patriarchal Catholicism".[72]
The Constitution was approved in a plebiscite on 1 July 1937 and came into force on 29 December 1937.
The Emergency (World War II)
By September 1939, a general European war was imminent. On 2 September, de Valera advised Dáil Éireann that neutrality was the best policy for the country. This policy had overwhelming political and popular support, though some advocated Irish participation in the war on the Allied side, while others, believing that "England's difficulty is Ireland's opportunity", were pro-German. Strong objections to conscription in the North were voiced by de Valera.[73] In June 1940, to encourage the neutral Irish state to join with the Allies, Winston Churchill indicated to de Valera that the United Kingdom would push for Irish unity, but believing that Churchill could not deliver, de Valera declined the offer.[74][75] The day after the attacks on Pearl Harbor Churchill wired de Valera: "Now is your chance. Now or never! A nation once again. I will meet you wherever you wish."[76] The British did not inform the Government of Northern Ireland that they had made the offer to the Irish government, and De Valera's rejection was not publicised until 1970. The government secured wide powers for the duration of the Emergency, such as internment, censorship of the press and correspondence, and government control of the economy. The Emergency Powers Act lapsed on 2 September 1946, though the State of Emergency declared under the constitution was not lifted until the 1970s.[77][78] This status remained throughout the war, despite pressure from Chamberlain and Churchill. However, de Valera did respond to a request from Northern Ireland for fire tenders to assist in fighting fires following the 1941 Belfast Blitz.
Persistent claims that de Valera sent a personal note of congratulation to Subhas Chandra Bose upon his declaration of the Azad Hind (Free India) government in 1943,[79] have been shown to be inaccurate, and largely a misrepresentation by Japanese consular staff in Dublin of a statement by a small and unofficial Republican group unconnected to the Irish government.[80]
Controversially,[81] de Valera formally offered his condolences to the German ambassador in Dublin on the death of Adolf Hitler in 1945, in accordance with diplomatic protocol.[82] This did some damage to Ireland, particularly in the United States – and soon afterwards de Valera had a bitter exchange of words with Churchill in two famous radio addresses after the end of the war in Europe.[83] De Valera denounced reports of Bergen-Belsen concentration camp as "anti-national propaganda"; according to Bew, this was not out of disbelief but rather because the Holocaust undermined the main assumption underlying Irish neutrality: moral equivalence between the Allies and the Axis.[84]
The de Valera government was reputedly harsh with Irish Army deserters who had enlisted to fight with the Allied armies against the Axis.[85] The legislation in question was the Emergency Powers (No. 362) order which was passed in August 1945. On 18 October 1945, Thomas F. O'Higgins moved to annul the order.[86] He did not condone desertion, but felt that the order was specifically harsh on those deserters who had served in the Allied forces. General Richard Mulcahy also spoke against the Order, disagreeing with the way in which it applied to enlisted men and not to officers. It was revoked with effect from 1 August 1946,[87] but was in effect continued by section 13 of the Defence Forces (Temporary Provisions) Act, 1946.[88]
Post-war period: Taoiseach/Opposition leader
Opposition leader (1948–1951)
After de Valera had spent sixteen years in power without answering the crucial questions of partition and republican status the public demanded a change from the Fianna Fáil government. In the 1948 election, de Valera lost the outright majority he had enjoyed since 1933. It initially looked as if the National Labour Party would give Fianna Fáil enough support to stay in office as a minority government, but National Labour insisted on a formal coalition agreement, something de Valera was unwilling to concede. However, while Fianna Fáil was six seats short of a majority, it was still by far the largest party in the Dáil, with 37 more TDs than the next largest party and rival, Fine Gael (the successor to Cumann na nGaedheal). Conventional wisdom held that de Valera would remain Taoiseach with the support of independent deputies.
This belief came to nought when (after the final votes were counted) the other parties realised that if they banded together, they would have only one seat fewer than Fianna Fáil, and would be able to form a government with the support of at least seven independents. The result was the
De Valera, now
Final years as Taoiseach
Returning to Ireland during the
On 16 September 1953, de Valera met British Prime Minister Winston Churchill for the first and only time, at 10 Downing Street. (The two men had seen each other at a party in 1949, but without speaking). He surprised the UK Prime Minister by claiming that if he had been in office in 1948 Ireland would not have left the Commonwealth.[96]
It was during this period that de Valera's eyesight began to deteriorate and he was forced to spend several months in the
Like the first coalition government, the second lasted only three years. At the
De Valera's final term as Taoiseach also saw the passage of numerous reforms in health and welfare. In 1952, unemployment insurance was extended to male agricultural employees, child allowances were extended to the second child, and a maternity allowance for insured women was introduced. A year later, eligibility for maternity and child services and public hospital services was extended to approximately 85% of the population.[66]
Presidency
While Fianna Fáil remained popular among the electorate, 75-year-old de Valera had begun to be seen by the electorate as too old and out of touch to remain as head of government.[99] At the urging of party officials, de Valera decided to retire from government and the Dáil and instead seek the presidency of Ireland. He won the 1959 presidential election on 17 June 1959 and resigned as Taoiseach, Leader of Fianna Fáil and a TD for Clare, six days later, handing over power to Seán Lemass.
De Valera was inaugurated as President of Ireland on 25 June 1959.[54] He was re-elected President in 1966 aged 84, which until 2013 was a world record for the oldest elected head of state.[100] At his retirement in 1973 at the age of 90, he was the oldest head of state in the world.[99]
As President of Ireland, de Valera received many state visits, including the 1963 visit of the US president John F. Kennedy. Five months later de Valera attended the state funeral for Kennedy in Washington, D.C., and accompanied a group of 24 Defence Forces cadets who performed a silent drill at his gravesite.[99] In June 1964, he returned to Washington, D.C., as the second President of Ireland to address the United States Congress.[101]
In 1966, the Dublin Jewish community arranged the planting and dedication of the Éamon de Valera Forest in Israel, near Nazareth, in recognition of his support for Ireland's Jews.[102]
In January 1969, de Valera became the first President to address both houses of the Oireachtas, to mark the fiftieth anniversary of the foundation of Dáil Éireann.
In 1969, seventy-three countries sent goodwill messages to NASA for the historic first lunar landing. These messages still rest on the lunar surface. De Valera's message on behalf of Ireland stated, "May God grant that the skill and courage which have enabled man to alight upon the Moon will enable him, also, to secure peace and happiness upon the Earth and avoid the danger of self-destruction."[103]
Death
Éamon de Valera died from pneumonia and heart failure in Linden Convalescent Home, Blackrock, Dublin, on 29 August 1975, aged 92.[104] His wife, Sinéad de Valera, four years his senior, had died the previous January, on the eve of their 65th wedding anniversary. His body lay in state at Dublin Castle and was given a full state funeral on 3 September at St Mary's Pro-Cathedral, which was broadcast on national television. Over 200,000 people reportedly lined the three-mile funeral route from Dublin city centre to Glasnevin Cemetery.[105] He is buried in Glasnevin alongside his wife and son Brian.
Legacy
De Valera's political creed evolved from militant
Ireland's dominant political personality for many decades, de Valera received numerous honours. He was elected Chancellor of the National University of Ireland in 1921, holding the post until his death.
De Valera was criticised for becoming co-owner of one of Ireland's most influential group of newspapers, Irish Press Newspapers, funded by numerous small investors who received no dividend for decades.[107] De Valera is alleged by critics to have helped keep Ireland under the influence of Catholic conservatism.[108] De Valera rejected, however, demands by organisations like Maria Duce that Roman Catholicism be made the state religion of Ireland, just as he rejected demands by the Irish Christian Front for the Irish Free State to support Francisco Franco during the Spanish Civil War.[109]
De Valera's preoccupation with his part in history, and his need to explain and justify it, are reflected in innumerable ways. His faith in historians as trustworthy guardians of his reputation was not absolute. He made many attempts to influence their views and to adjust and refine the historical record whenever he felt this portrayed him, his allies or his cause inaccurately or unfavourably to his mind, these could often mean the same thing. He extended these endeavours to encompass the larger Irish public. An important function of his newspaper group, the Irish Press group, was to rectify what he saw as the errors and omissions of a decade in which he had been the subject of largely hostile commentary.[110]
In recent decades, his role in Irish history has no longer been unequivocally seen by historians as a positive one, and a biography by Tim Pat Coogan alleges[111][page needed] that his failures outweigh his achievements, with de Valera's reputation declining while that of his great rival in the 1920s, Michael Collins, was rising. A more recent 2007 work on de Valera by historian Diarmaid Ferriter presents a more positive picture of de Valera's legacy.[112] Bertie Ahern, at a book launch for Diarmaid Ferriter's biography of de Valera,[5][113] described de Valera's achievements in political leadership during the formative years of the state:
One of de Valera's finest hours was his regrouping of the Republican side after defeat in the civil war, and setting his followers on an exclusively peaceful and democratic path, along which he later had to confront both domestic Fascism and the IRA. He became a democratic statesman, not a dictator. He did not purge the civil service of those who had served his predecessors but made the best use of the talent available.
A notable failure was his attempt to reverse the provision of the 1937 Constitution in relation to the electoral system. On retiring as Taoiseach in 1959, he proposed that the
Catholic social policy
In 1931, de Valera said in the Dáil: "I believe that every citizen in this country is entitled to his share of public appointments, and that there should not be discrimination on the ground of religion, discrimination, mind you, in the sense that because a person was of a particular religion, religion should not be made an excuse for denying a person an appointment for which he or she was fully qualified. Then there comes the question, what are qualifications? If I thought that the principle that the librarian in a Catholic community should be Catholic was a new principle, introduced merely to deny a Protestant an appointment, I would vote against it, but I know from my youth that it is not so. ... if I had a vote on a local body, and if there were two qualified people who had to deal with a Catholic community, and if one was a Catholic and the other a Protestant, I would unhesitatingly vote for the Catholic. Let us be clear and let us know where we are."[114][115][116] Ryle Dwyer, writing in 2008, said "If those were his honest views, one could also say without hesitation that the Long Fellow was a bigot. But, in fact, he was just playing the role of a political hypocrite. It was cynical, but it should be stressed that he behaved responsibly in this regard when he came to power."[117]
De Valera led Fianna Fáil to adopt conservative social policies since he believed devoutly that the Catholic church and the family were central to Irish identity. He added clauses to the new Constitution of Ireland (1937) to "guard with special care the institution of marriage" and prohibit divorce. His constitution also recognised "the special position" of the Catholic Church and recognised other denominations including the Church of Ireland and Jewish congregations, while guaranteeing the religious freedom of all citizens; however, he resisted an attempt to make Roman Catholicism the state religion and his constitution forbids the establishment of a state religion. His policies were welcomed by a largely devout, conservative and rural electorate.[118] The unenforceable articles in the constitution which reinforced the traditional view that a woman's place was in the home further illustrate the direction in which Ireland was moving. An act of 1935 prohibited the importation or sale of contraceptives. The most rigorous censorship laws in Western Europe complete the picture.[119]
The specific recognition of Roman Catholicism was deleted by the
In popular culture
De Valera's portrait illustrated the front cover of the 25 March 1940 issue of TIME magazine[121] accompanying the article EIRE: Prime Minister of Freedom.[122]
He has been portrayed by:
- ITV Playhouseentitled "Would You Look at Them Smashing all Those Lovely Windows?"
- Sonn Connaughton in a 1981 episode of The Life and Times of David Lloyd George entitled "Win or Lose"
- Barry McGovern in the 1991 TV movie The Treaty, which concerned the Anglo-Irish Treaty
- Arthur Riordan in the 1990s Nighthawks[123]
- Alan Rickman in the 1996 film Michael Collins, which depicted the events surrounding Ireland's struggle for independence from Britain
- Rebel Heartconcerning the 1916 Rising
- Stephen Mullan in the 2016 TV mini-series Rebellion
Governments
The following governments were led by de Valera:
- 2nd ministry of the Irish Republic
- 3rd ministry of the Irish Republic
- 6th executive council of the Irish Free State
- 7th executive council of the Irish Free State
- 8th executive council of the Irish Free State
- 1st government of Ireland
- 2nd government of Ireland
- 3rd government of Ireland
- 4th government of Ireland
- 6th government of Ireland
- 8th government of Ireland
See also
- List of members of the Oireachtas imprisoned during the Irish revolutionary period
- List of people on the postage stamps of Ireland
- Éamon de Valera Forest
Notes
- ^ His name is frequently misspelt Eamonn De Valera, but he never used the second "n" in his first name (the standard Irish spelling), and he always used a small "d" in "de Valera", which is proper for Spanish names (de meaning "of").
- ^ Éamon(n) translates into English as "Edmond" or "Edmund". The correct Irish translation of "Edward" (his name as given in his amended birth certificate) is Éadhbhard.
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The Principal Act shall, unless previously terminated under subsection (2) of this section, continue in force until the 2nd day of September, 1946, and shall then expire unless the Oireachtas otherwise determines.
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Eamon de Valera on [..] return from Strasbourg in 1955 where he had been attending a meeting that was part of the construction of the future Europe [...] said: 'We did not strive to get out of that British domination of our affairs by outside force, or we did not get out of that position to get into a worse one'.
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- ^ a b c Diarmaid Ferriter (2007). Uachtaráin – Eamon de Valera (Television production) (in Irish). Dublin, Ireland: TG4. Archived from the original on 10 June 2011. Retrieved 7 February 2011.
- ^ The new record was set by Giorgio Napolitano, re-elected President of Italy in 2013 aged 87.
- ^ The six Irish leaders who have addressed joint sessions of the US Congress are Seán T. O'Kelly (18 March 1959), Éamon de Valera (28 May 1964), Liam Cosgrave (17 March 1976), Garret FitzGerald (15 March 1984), John Bruton (11 September 1996), and Bertie Ahern (30 April 2008).
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Sources
- Bew, Paul (2007). Ireland: the politics of enmity, 1789–2006. Oxford.
{{cite book}}
: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
Further reading
- Bowman, John (1982). De Valera and the Ulster Question 1917–73. Oxford.
{{cite book}}
: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link) - Carroll, J. T. (1975). Ireland in the War Years 1939–1945. David and Charles. ISBN 9780844805658.
- Coogan, Tim Pat (1993). De Valera: Long Fellow, Long Shadow. London: Hutchinson. ISBN 9780091750305. published as Eamon de Valera: The Man Who Was Ireland (New York, 1993)
- Dunphy, Richard (1995). The Making of Fianna Fáil Power in Ireland, 1923–1948. p. 346. )
- Dwyer, T. Ryle (2006). Big Fellow, Long Fellow: A Joint Biography of Collins and De Valera. Gill Books. ISBN 0717140849. excerpt and text search
- Dwyer, T. Ryle (1982). De Valera's Finest Hour 1932–59.
- Fanning, Ronan. Éamon de Valera: A Will to Power (2016)
- Longford, The Earl of; O'Neill, Thomas P. (1970). Eamon de Valera. Gill and MacMillan, Dublin. ISBN 0-7171-0485-0.
- Jordan, Anthony J. (2010). Eamon de Valera 1882–1975. Irish: Catholic; Visionary. Westport Books. ISBN 978-0-9524447-9-4.
- Kissane, Bill (2007). "Eamon De Valera and the Survival of Democracy in Inter-War Ireland". Journal of Contemporary History. 42 (2): 213–226. S2CID 159760801.
- Lee, Joseph; O'Tuathaigh, Gearoid (1982). The Age of de Valera.
- Lee, J. J. (1989). Ireland, 1912–1985: Politics and Society. Cambridge.
{{cite book}}
: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link) - McCartan, Patrick (1932). With de Valera in America. New York.
{{cite book}}
: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link) - McCullagh, David (2017). De Valera Volume 1: Rise (1882–1932).
- McCullagh, David (2018). De Valera Volume 2: Rule (1932–1975).
- McGarry, Fearghal, ed. (2003). Republicanism in Modern Ireland. Dublin.
{{cite book}}
: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link) - Murphy, J. A., ed. (1983). De Valera and His Times.
- O'Carroll, J. P.; Murphy, John A (eds.) (1993). De Valera and His Times. Cork University Press. ISBN 0902561448. – excerpt and text search
Historiography
- Chapple, Phil (2005). "'Dev': The Career of Eamon De Valera Phil Chapple Examines a Titanic and Controversial Figure in Modern Irish History". History Review (53): 28.
- Ferriter, Diarmaid (2007). Judging Dev: A Reassessment of the Life and Legacy of Eamon De Valera. Dublin. ISBN 978-1-904890-28-7.)
{{cite book}}
: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link - Girvin, Brian. "Beyond Revisionism? Some Recent Contributions to the Study of Modern Ireland." English Historical Review (2009) 124#506 :94–107· DOI: 10.1093/ehr/cen341
- Hogan, Gerard. "De Valera, the Constitution and the Historians." Irish Jurist 40 (2005).
- McCarthy, Mark. Ireland's 1916 Rising: Explorations of History-making, Commemoration & Heritage in Modern Times (Routledge, 2016).
- Murray, Patrick. "Obsessive historian: Eamon de Valera and the policing of his reputation." Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy. Section C (2001): 37–65.
- Regan, John M (2010). "Irish public histories as an historiographical problem". Irish Historical Studies. 37 (146): 265–292. S2CID 159868830.
- Regan, John M (2007). "Michael Collins, General Commanding-in-Chief, as a Historiographical Problem". History. 92 (307): 318–346. .
External links
- 1911 Census return of Edward (sic) de Valera and household from the National Archives of Ireland
- Eamon de Valera's "India and Ireland" in the South Asian American Digital Archive (SAADA)
- Biography at Áras an Uachtaráin website
- Press Photographs of Eamon de Valera, taken from the Papers of Eamon de Valera held in UCD Archives. A UCD Digital Library Collection.
- De Valera Funeral – 1975, Movietone, 2 September 1975
- Newspaper clippings about Éamon de Valera in the 20th Century Press Archives of the ZBW