George Ivașcu
George Ivașcu (Gheorghe I. Ivașcu) | |
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Born | Cerțești, Galați County, Kingdom of Romania | June 22, 1911
Died | June 21, 1988 Bucharest, Socialist Republic of Romania | (aged 76)
Resting place | Bellu Cemetery, Bucharest |
Pen name |
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Occupation |
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Nationality | Romanian |
Alma mater | University of Iași |
Period | 1929–1988 |
Genre |
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Literary movement | |
Spouse | Florica Georgescu-Condurachi |
Children | Voichița Ivașcu |
Academic background | |
Thesis | Istoria literaturii române, I. De la începuturi până la Junimea[1] (1975) |
Doctoral advisor | Șerban Cioculescu |
Academic work | |
Institutions | University of Iași University of Bucharest |
George Ivașcu (most common rendition of Gheorghe I. Ivașcu;
Shortly after the
In his later years, Ivașcu profited from liberalization and, as editor of
Biography
Early life
Born in Cerțești, Galați County,[1][3] Ivașcu enlisted at the Gheorghe Roșca Codreanu High School in Bârlad. In March 1929, as a terminal year student, he published his first literary contribution: a poem titled "Reveries", in the Lugoj student magazine Primăvara Banatului.[4] In 1930, alongside Nicolae Carandino and C. Panaitescu, he was putting out a magazine called Bis ("Encore").[5] Upon completing his secondary studies, Ivașcu moved to Iași, entered the local university, and graduated from its Letters and Philosophy Faculty in 1933.[1][6] A librarian at his Iași faculty in 1932,[1] he became a teaching assistant there upon graduation and until 1936, owing his appointment to professor Iorgu Iordan—and replacing Gheorghe Ivănescu, who was studying abroad.[7] From 1935 until 1937, he was also secretary of the Institute of Romanian Philology and of its publication,[1] which hosted Ivașcu's essays on Alf Lombard and Ion Creangă.[8]
Influenced by the left-leaning views of his Iași professors, Ivașcu was, in 1934, founder and editor of the political review Manifest.[7][9][10] It was here that he also had his first published piece as a literary critic: a review of Ionel Teodoreanu's novel Crăciunul de la Silvestri (also in 1934).[1] A group of young literary aficionados and militants grew around the magazine, including, among others, Emil Condurachi[11] and Ștefan Baciu.[12] Its advocacy of literary modernism and its alleged "socialist-communist" tinges were censured at the time by Nicolae Iorga, the traditionalist doctrinaire and culture critic. Iorga nevertheless noted that, unlike Condurachi and the others, Ivașcu wrote "with sense".[11]
At Manifest, Ivașcu spoke out against the Iron Guard, a homegrown fascist movement—but, according to Iorga, did so in a "disjointed" manner.[13] Much later in life, Ivașcu told his friends that the murder of Premier Ion G. Duca by a Guardist death squad had greatly shocked him.[7] Several of his articles contained explicit denunciations of the Guard leader, Corneliu Zelea Codreanu, and questioned the Guardists' self-depiction as Christians.[14] He was involved in several street battles and, in 1936, when he helped Iordan break through an Iron Guard barrage, received a rather deep cut on his cheek from shattered glass. He was also dragged into academic confrontations between the left and the right: the latter denied his application for Iorga's Romanian School in Fontenay-aux-Roses.[7]
Under these circumstances, Ivașcu moved into far-left politics. A member of the Romanian Communist Party (PCdR), which had been outlawed by the Kingdom of Romania (according to his own testimony, he joined in 1935),[1][15] he agitated in favor of prosecuted communists such as Petre Constantinescu and Teodor Bugnariu, befriending the far-left intellectual Stephan Roll.[7] As reported in 1984 by critic and period witness Mircea Mancaș, Manifest was "directly steered by the then-illegal Communist Party, displaying a soundly anti-fascist attitude and supporting some of the working class' demands"; its "dynamic ferment, ensuring that the magazine was printed and circulated, was G. Ivașcu (assisted by Radu Paul)."[16] In 1971, Ivașcu himself described his "meeting with the Party" as heralding his intellectual coming of age.[17]
PCdR ideologue Lucrețiu Pătrășcanu was allegedly the behind-the-scenes figure at Manifest, directing the crew's journalistic output.[18] Ivașcu and Pătrășcanu shared a pseudonym, Victor Mălin, which was associated with a set of articles in Manifest—including one which condemned the Italian invasion of Abyssinia.[19] By 1936, Ivașcu's articles were also appearing in Însemnări Ieșene, a mainstream literary magazine with antifascist highlights that was put out by Mihail Sadoveanu, George Topîrceanu, and Grigore T. Popa;[16] like the other communists, he soon found himself placed under constant surveillance by Siguranța policemen.[20] As he himself would later claim, he was troubled by his choices, and equally alarmed by the Great Purge that was occurring in the Soviet Union. He attributed its "monstrous crimes" to the overzealous prosecutors.[7]
Iașul and Jurnalul Literar
In March 1938, some days after King Carol II proclaimed his authoritarian National Renaissance Front (FRN) regime, Ivașcu, Alexandru Piru and Eusebiu Camilar founded a daily, Iașul. Advertising itself as an "exact and precise" newspaper, it had a cultural program promoting "civic education" and Moldavian regionalism, and was formally managed by the violinist Mircea Bârsan.[21] Ivașcu was the real caretaker, fixating the editorial line on the promotion of modernism. He also composed the literary supplement and theatrical column, and answered the letters to the editor.[22] Beyond its conformist facade, which was well-appreciated by FRN officials, Iașul functioned as an antifascist mouthpiece, involved in open polemics with the far-right press.[23] Ivașcu played a prominent part in the latter disputes, with articles he signed as Radu Vardaru;[24] these decried in particular the importance still afforded to those intellectuals who doubled as "militants for anarchy and reaction, for the mystical chaining of human freedom".[25]
The subsequent period marked the start of Ivașcu's close friendship with the senior literary critic George Călinescu, whose activities were carefully recorded by Iașul. Ivașcu was especially enthusiastic about Călinescu's plan to transform Iași into a Romanian cultural capital: this, he noted, was "the very reason why our paper exists."[26] At some point before 1939, he and Iordan joined a literary society formed by Călinescu, known as Junimea Nouă ("New Junimea" or "New Youth", in honor of a 19th-century club in Iași).[16] Upon Ivănescu's return to Iași, Ivașcu lost his university position, and taught Romanian Literature at a high school in Iași. In January 1939, he became editorial secretary at Călinescu's Jurnalul Literar. Ivașcu greatly admired Călinescu's antifascism and rationalism;[7] however, the Siguranța reported of his debates with Călinescu, with the latter refusing to allow more communists at Jurnalul Literar. According to such sources, Călinescu feared that a left-turn would expose the magazine to attacks from the far-right.[27] Still, Călinescu paid homage to Ivașcu as an "excellent" journalist and man of letters, with "a great devotion to a certain idea."[7]
Reviewing the letters to the editor, Ivașcu discovered and edited for publishing the work of a literary hopeful, the 17-year-old poet
Although described in Siguranța reports as "one of the principal communists in Moldavia region",
Upon his release, protected and housed by his brother-in-law, Colonel Zlotescu, Ivașcu requested to be integrated as a civil servant in the
Anti-Soviet war
The historian Vasile Netea, who was one of Vremea's editors, conceded that Ivașcu showed superlative skills and, displaying a "great love" for his job, ensured that the magazine was both "substantial and varied".
Ivașcu's social standing improved unexpectedly with the Iron Guard's
After the
Boia's account is disputed by literary historian Nicolae Manolescu, who reports that the articles and pen name in question were those of a disgraced Iron Guard affiliate, Alexandru Gregorian. Manolescu notes that Ivașcu "was always a man of the left".[41] This identification is supported by Pavel Țugui, the literary historian and former communist, who notes that, as Victor Pancu, Gregorian was already contributing brochures on the Soviet war crimes.[7] In articles that can be more readily attributed to him, Ivașcu makes only minimal reference to the recovery of Bessarabia, and centers on more distant objectives, such as the Siege of Leningrad, and vaguer topics, such as the Moscow Conference. These contributions, Țugui notes, are reserved in tone, and barely conceal his hope that British forces would soon land on the Nazi-occupied continent.[35]
As the
As reported by Piru, Ivașcu was also involved with another newspaper, Ecoul, nominally put out by Mircea Grigorescu. Here, he employed known leftists such as Iordan,
Communist rise and imprisonment
Ivașcu soon attracted unwanted attention: a series of denunciations in the antisemitic newspaper Moldova brought up his collaboration to the left-wing press and his association with Jewish intellectuals.
Ivașcu soon rejoined the now-legal communist press. Following the arrival of the
According to Boia, Victoria was a nominally independent gazette, but "just as vehement as the genuine communist ones", congratulating the PCdR for its purging of Romania's monarchist elites.[53] Formalizing its affiliation to the Union of Patriots in October 1945, Victoria signaled a definitive ideological break with Doinaș and the Sibiu Circle.[54] Ivașcu's work, such as his 1946 homage to the socialist writer Gala Galaction, was taken up by the communist literary journal Contemporanul.[55] Ivașcu was also a member of the Romanian Society for Friendship with the Soviet Union and prominent contributor to its magazine, Veac Nou.[56] From 1947 to 1948, he served as head of the Propaganda Ministry's Press Directorate,[41][57] during which time he was also created a Knight 2nd Class of the Meritul Cultural Order.[58] He assisted Grigore Preoteasa in setting up the Ministry's own Disciplinary Committee, of which Ivașcu was secretary.[2]
Despite his underground communist credentials, Ivașcu was among those who, in 1948, alongside
The
As recorded by Martinescu in his journal, Ivașcu was presumed dead by his peers in November 1950; the same diarist later added the footnote: "No, he was just detained. He did some three years of jail time, for his 'reeducation'."[40] At Jilava Prison, Ivașcu lectured inmates on literary subjects, speaking with passion about Călinescu and the poetry of Mihai Eminescu (whose nephew Gheorghe Eminescu was held in close proximity); he also began studying Russian and for this purpose "was followed around by a student of Russian origin".[63] He was detained for a while in the same cell as another disgraced communist, Belu Zilber, with whom he became friends and later bitter rivals. In his account of their time together, Zilber claims that Ivașcu was being prepared as a false witness in a show trial of the former Social Democrats, including those who had aligned themselves with the PCdR. As he puts it, communist leader Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej "gave up on this plan. He discovered that it made more sense to appoint [the Social Democrats] as high dignitaries."[64] Ivașcu was also cellmates with Adrian Marino, a fellow literary man and Călinescu disciple, within a cell that also housed Bessarabian inmates and militants of the Iron Guard. When Ivașcu began learning Russian with the Bessarabians, the Guardists were infuriated, and he very narrowly escaped a pummeling.[65] Archival research carried out in 2006 indicates that Ivașcu turned informant for the Securitate, spying on his cellmates at Constanța, Jilava, and eventually Aiud.[66]
Rehabilitation and Contemporanul
Gheran notes that one of Ivașcu's final destinations as a prisoner was a labor camp on the Danube–Black Sea Canal. He credits a rumor that other Canal inmates found out about his spying, and prepared to have him killed, but that he narrowly escaped this fate when the Securitate had him moved.[67] Following a review of his case,[1][15][68] Ivașcu was declared innocent and freed in 1954. As claimed by Zilber, "he proved to be an obedient fella while in prison, and the party rewarded him for it."[69] He rejoined the teaching staff at Lazăr High School, where he remained until 1956.[1] His skills as a propagandist were employed by the Securitate, which also contemplated keeping him as an informant in the outside world. Ivașcu's case officer described him as: "intelligent and able, may be in a position to collect intelligence from very difficult targets, his skills likely to facilitate his entrance there".[66] Gheran found the recovering Ivașcu to be "both a victim and a ham actor", noting that he wore sunglasses inside. When asked why he did it he replied that the light upset him, after spending so much time in the darkness; as Gheran notes: "he came in from the Canal, where, if anything, he had been burnt by the sun."[70]
Ivașcu was subsequently assigned to publishing the magazine Glasul Patriei, which was dedicated to cajoling the Romanian exiles and was officially issued in Pankow by a "Romanian Repatriation Committee".[71] The task was unusual: Ivașcu, an antifascist and former prisoner, was working under orders from "some Securitate operative", and alongside Nichifor Crainic, the reformed far-right politico.[72] This team focused its attacks on anti-communist intellectuals who had flirted with fascism, in particular Vintilă Horia[71] and Emil Cioran.[73] The next step in Ivașcu's rehabilitation was his 1955 appointment to the position of Contemporanul editor-in-chief, where he was seconded for a while by Ion Mihăileanu (later a noted screenwriter and critic of communism).[74] Boia notes that the authorities' sudden change of heart offers a glimpse into "the impeccable communist logic";[57] Țugui attributes it to an intervention by his old mentor Iordan, by then a high-ranking communist, who took Ivașcu's side in Central Committee meetings.[7]
According to Zilber, the time he had spent in prison was serendipitous, helping Ivașcu to "outdo himself".[75] This is because Ivașcu was "a born editor": "He gets high on printers' ink, can spot a missing letter out of one thousand words, can detect a text alignment error at a glance".[69] Ivașcu was also allowed to return to his passion for foreign politics. In September 1959, he was included by Ion Gheorghe Maurer on the Romanian delegation to the twelfth session of the United Nations General Assembly, held in New York City.[76] In May 1958, Ivașcu published in Contemporanul a critical piece on "revisionism" as experienced by the Communist Party USA;[77] also then, he presided over an international meeting of press reporters—which doubled as an anti-nuclear protest (held in Bucharest, it had Drew Pearson and Yannis Kapsis as guests).[78] In August 1959, Lupta de Clasă hosted his festive essay praising peaceful coexistence, and describing the Warsaw Pact as Romania's "keystone" alliance.[79]
As noted in 2006 by critic Constantin Coroiu, Ivașcu's Contemporanul was "the bridge that linked (or, one could say, salvaged) the interwar era to the contemporary era". Consecrated writers (Călinescu, Philippide, Arghezi, Lucian Blaga, Mihail Sadoveanu) were featured alongside young talents (Manolescu, Nichita Stănescu, Ana Blandiana).[9] In addition to such work, Ivașcu inaugurated the Contemporanul "tea parties", where former prisoners such as Egon Balas could network and find protection.[80] Ivașcu also helped Marino, his former cellmate, by having him published in Contemporanul.[81] Nevertheless, Contemporanul maintained the status of an elite propaganda magazine. Looking back on the period, writer Gheorghe Grigurcu describes it as a collaborationist tribune, a Romanian answer to the Nouvelle Revue Française, with Ivașcu as a communist Drieu La Rochelle.[82] Here, Ivașcu personally handled the debut of Ion Crânguleanu, who was primarily noted for exploring communist themes.[83] In the early 1960s, official publications listed Ivașcu as one of sixteen literary critics whose work supported "socialist construction".[84]
In 1961, Răutu, as head of the Agitprop Directorate, selected Ivașcu to oversee and preface the complete edition of Blaga's poetry. Blaga had enjoyed a precarious standing with the regime, and had basically forbidden from publishing for some 15 years. As reported by Blaga's daughter Dorli, he was personally assigned by Răutu to look after her father, who was braving a terminal illness; Blaga "rejoiced in this, because he liked [Ivașcu] a great deal."[85] In effect, Ivașcu acted as a censor, cutting out stanzas, destroying the inner continuity of poetic cycles, and inserting misleading critical commentary.[86] Reportedly, he regretted his role in the affair, privately confessing that he had "exploited [Blaga's] fears and cravings".[87]
As an official emissary of the party, Ivașcu helped coax another banished poet, Arghezi, to collaborate and adopt
University professor and Lumea editor
From 1958 to 1968, Ivașcu headed the University of Bucharest's History of Romanian Literature department, also directing the History of Contemporary Romanian Literature department there from 1966 to 1968.[1][91] His promotion there came immediately after the resident Stalinist, Ion Vitner, had been sacked; Ivașcu was also able to employ his friend Piru as a junior professor.[92] He worked closely with the other Călinescu disciple, Marino,[91] and from 1963 employed Manolescu[93] and Eugen Simion[94] as his assistants. He helped clear Manolescu of charges that he was from a fascist family,[93] later protecting his freedom of expression against renewed censorship.[91][95] Reportedly, Ivașcu also cut off the connections between Contemporanul and a communist hardliner, Dumitru Popescu-Dumnezeu.[96]
As his university colleagues noted, Ivașcu was a good manager of his department, one who helped the faculty as a whole,[97] and whose arrival there helped restore "the normalcy of values".[98] According to Gheran, Piru was especially active in defending the "controversial" Ivașcu against accusations that he was a "writer with no opus", highlighting instead his merits as a journalist and his left-wing credentials, including his "seniority in the [wartime] resistance movement."[99] Ivașcu founded and let a literary society representing the faculty, again called Junimea.[100] Its reopening in March 1967 was made in the presence of over 800 students; guests included young poets Ioan Alexandru, Gabriela Melinescu, Adrian Păunescu, and Gheorghe Tomozei, joined by seniors such as Doinaș, Emil Botta, and Romul Munteanu (Botta also contributed the poetry recital, alongside Carmen Galin, Aimée Iacobescu, and Florian Pittiș).[101] The group enjoyed a flurry of activity during the later 1960s, but was virtually defunct by 1970.[100]
Ivașcu remained at Contemporanul until 1971, while also in charge of the French-language Arcades and Revue Roumaine; he made his debut in volume form in 1966, with the collection Confruntări literare ("Literary Confrontations").
Ivașcu would direct Lumea to 1966.[1] The magazine made a point of underscoring Romania's debt to Western culture, notably by publishing Marino's historical essay, Descoperirea Europei de către români ("Romanians Discovering Europe").[106] Probably using his contacts in the communist elite, Ivașcu managed to protect and hire at Lumea Doinaș, who was also just returning from prison.[107] During his tenure, Ivașcu also obtained that his wartime friend Mircea Grigorescu, who had similarly passed through communist prisons, be allowed to serve as Lumea's editorial secretary.[108] The eccentric poet-translator Mircea Ivănescu was also employed by Ivașcu as a columnist. Ivașcu asked him to fictionalize himself into an Italian correspondent, which allowed Ivănescu to study Italian politics.[109] Similar practices were imposed on other staff members of the staff (among them Felicia Antip, Florica Șelmaru, and Cristian Popișteanu), but the magazine also hosted translations from Western intellectuals: Pearson, Art Buchwald, Sebastian Haffner, Walter Lippmann, Jean Schwœbel, and Daily Worker's John Gritten.[110] Ivașcu still intervened to remove articles that went too far in praising non-orthodox stances, as with a 1964 piece honoring Nicolae Titulescu.[111]
In 1964, after an eight-year wait and numerous character checks, Ivașcu was reinstated a member of the Communist Party (or, as it was known then, Workers' Party) by Gheorghiu-Dej.[112] The ailing communist leader died in March 1965, and Ivașcu made a public show of his grief. As he recounted in 1968, he "respected and loved Gheorghiu-Dej", a "standard bearer" for the party and the writers' community.[113] During that same interval, Ivașcu invited Călinescu to visit and lecture at his university department, thus facilitating the ailing scholar's very last meetings with young writers.[91] In early 1965, Ivașcu was one of the few witnesses to Călinescu's death in hospital,[114] and one of the disciples who oversaw his vigil and funeral.[115]
He also carried on with editorial work, putting out a 1967 edition of
România Literară and doctoral research
Under the spell of liberalization promoted by the new communist leader,
From 1971 until his death, Ivașcu directed
Ivașcu still made a point of promoting foreign literature and the more daring aspects of Romanian modernism, putting out poetry by Blandiana, Mircea Dinescu, and Ion Caraion, as well as essays by Iorgulescu and Sami Damian. The magazine also hosted debates on culture and society,[103] and, as Manolescu writes, was "the objective ally of democratically-minded writers."[41] With that, Ivașcu relaxed the censorship mechanisms, but the editorial staff still followed customary rules and censored themselves.[126] Moreover, Ivașcu made it his goal to promote awareness of Romanian grammar, employing the services of linguists Alexandru Graur, Theodor Hristea, Ștefan Badea, and Alexandru Niculescu, who wrote special columns for the correction of vulgarisms.[91]
Returning to his work in literary history, Ivașcu recovered a reassessed, unorthodox,
Other academics gave his volume poor reviews, in particular for its political content. Ivașcu took an "ultra-orthodox" nationalist stand on Romanian language history, downplaying the contribution of Slavs;[130] his work did not differentiate at all between religious and lay literature, formulating the claim that all ancient texts could be understood as "cultural instruments" and therefore secular in their purpose.[131] Historian Florin Constantiniu found fault with Ivașcu's views on Romanian social history, which suggested that boyardom was already insignificant in the 17th century, and that its degeneration was recorded first-hand by Miron Costin: "Even if we were to admit that boyardom 'was living through its last moments', it could not have been aware of this supposedly looming demise".[132]
Among the critics,
Final years and death
Living a withdrawn life from 1976, Ivașcu was described by Niculescu as a figure of the "
Ivașcu and Florica Georgescu-Condurachi had one daughter, Voichița,
By then, the România Literară group had been subject to a clampdown and the full reintroduction of censorship; Lumea was also made to resume the party line.[103] At around that time, writer Corneliu Vadim Tudor reported to the Securitate, accusing Ivașcu himself of "ideological subversion".[145] In early 1985, România Literară hosted a piece by Vadim Tudor himself, lampooning Lovinescu. Upon reading this, the latter noted in her diary: "The neo-proletkult crowd are invading [that magazine] in droves, and Ivașcu is giving up ground."[146] Some Romanian officials openly took Ivașcu's side. Macovescu, his friend at the UZP, addressed him a letter intended for publication on his 70th birthday. He noted there that Ivașcu had been made to endure "terrifying torments" by "those who believed that the new world [of communism] was their own profitable business."[147] Around 1986, România Literară had spearheaded a campaign against the more radical forms of national-communism; Ivașcu allowed the magazine to feature an article by the more liberal communist, Gogu Rădulescu, which ridiculed the nationalists. The nationalists' reply was handled in a brochure by Iosif Constantin Drăgan, who argued that Ivașcu was responding to foreign handlers.[148] It also featured letters from someone calling himself "Calafeteanu", who claimed to have known Ivașcu since his youth, and who detailed various other accusations. As noted by critic and diarist Mircea Zaciu, the letters were most likely forged by Drăgan.[149]
Late in life, Ivașcu was tasked by the regime with editing the work of philosophers Gabriel Liiceanu and Andrei Pleșu, both of them disciples of Constantin Noica, the former political prisoner. His work was another participation in censorship: his cuts in Pleșu's text were preserved by Liiceanu as illustrations of a "pathology of culture" under communism. Ivașcu had erased all visible hint that Noica had spent time in prison.[150] In 1992, poet and literary historian Marin Mincu similarly accused Ivașcu of silencing the more overt forms of opposition to Ceaușescu, including Mincu's own. Mincu sparked some controversy by recounting that, around 1987, Ivașcu would only tolerate anticommunists if they were "greenlit from Paris".[151]
As recounted by his attending physician Mihai Voiculescu, Ivașcu became fatally ill with
Legacy
Upon hearing the news of Ivașcu's death, Lovinescu recorded her feelings: "That's getting to be a catastrophe: they'll now use this to their advantage, by naming another director—and liquidating the team of [regime] critics at România Literară."[155] However, already in July 1988, Ivașcu's colleagues on that editorial staff were taking steps toward political independence. A Securitate note on the period reported that Manolescu and Iorgulescu, together with Ion Bogdan Lefter and other writers, were seeking to commit the magazine to pure aestheticism and "reduce the political content", "as the late director would have wanted it".[156] Liberalization efforts were rendered moot by the Revolution. In early 1990, Voichița Ivașcu signed off parts of her father's book collection to the Central University Library, which had been set ablaze during the revolutionary street battles.[157] Alongside Blandiana, Dinescu, Manolescu, Geo Bogza, Gabriel Dimisianu, Marin Sorescu and others, she also signed her name to an open letter asking the Attorney General not to prosecute Gogu Rădulescu, whom they described as a protector of the "distinguished intellectuals, some of them dissidents".[158] Returning to Romania some years after these events, she donated many other of her father's belongings to the Pârvan Centennial Museum of Bârlad.[6]
The Revolution also allowed Ivașcu's work to be critically reassessed. In July 1990, journalist Bedros Horasangian included Ivașcu among the "great masters of the trade"—with Brunea-Fox, Cocea, Mircea Grigorescu, Tudor Teodorescu-Braniște, and Ion Vinea. He noted that history would eventually show Ivașcu's cultural magazines, however tinged by "official propaganda", as "nuclei which coagulated Romanian spirituality in its quest for survival."[159] This view was contrasted by the anti-communist polemicist Paul Goma. In 1999, Goma called Manolescu a disciple of "Ivașcu, [who was] a prison snitch, a brigadier at Glasul Patriei, that organ of the Securitate [...] which forced survivors of prisons to crucify themselves on its shameful, lamentable pages".[160] In his 2008 book of memoirs, Dimisianu, who had served as România Literară's chief editor from 1990,[121] made a conscious effort to restore Ivașcu's good standing in cultural memory. As Dimisianu argues, "only saints can be said to have done only good things".[161] In a 2015 retrospective, Ceaușescu opponent Gabriel Andreescu proposed that it was "not at all surprising" for Ivașcu, Manolescu, and others to have "taken at one time or another the pill of compromises." This is because "culture is, by definition, 'creation that is shared', and therefore creation that is built, that is fashioned, by and through communication."[162] Belu Zilber's posthumous memoirs of life in prison were ultimately published in 1991. As acknowledged by editor G. Brătescu, some of the passages relating to Ivașcu had to be cut out from the printed version, in order to avert bitter controversies.[163]
Notes
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n (in Romanian) George Ivașcu, profile at the V. A. Urechea County Library, Galați
- ^ a b "Partea I B: Dispozițiuni și publicațiuni care nu au caracter normativ: Deciziuni. Ministerul Informațiilor", in Monitorul Oficial, Issue 112/1947, p. 3980
- ^ Butnaru, pp. 253, 255
- ISBN 973-8294-72-X
- ^ Nicolae Carandino, De la o zi la alta, p. 267. Bucharest: Cartea Românească, 1979
- ^ a b c Butnaru, p. 253
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r (in Romanian) Pavel Țugui, "George Ivașcu, cronicar de război, la ziarul Vremea (1941-1944). I", in România Literară, Issue 17/2013
- ^ M. C., "La aniversare. Profesorul Gavril Istrate la 90 de ani", in Buletinul Institutului de Filologie Română A. Philippide, Issue 1/2004, pp. 10–12
- ^ a b c d (in Romanian) Constantin Coroiu, "Un creator de mari publicații", in Cultura, Issue 30, July 2006
- ^ Butnaru, p. 255; Iorga, p. 2; Netea, pp. 133, 169
- ^ a b Iorga, pp. 2–3
- ^ Raluca Nicoleta Spiridon, Mihaela Toader, "Sub lupa Securității. Ștefan Baciu – un destin al exilului românesc (1918-1993)", in Caietele CNSAS, Issue 2/2010, p. 162
- ^ Iorga, p. 2
- ^ Pop, pp. 4–5
- ^ a b c d e (in Romanian) Andrei Udișteanu, Alexandra Olivotto, "Cum să te lepezi de copil în fața 'conducătorului iubit'", in Evenimentul Zilei, 13 April 2011
- ^ a b c Aurel Ciurunga, "Interviul nostru. Cu Mircea Mancaș prin Iașul de-acum 50 de ani", in Convorbiri Literare, Vol. XV, Issue 4, April 1984, p. 4
- ^ Pop, p. 4
- ISBN 978-973-703-080-1; Pop, p. 4
- ^ Donici, p. 305
- ^ Boia, pp. 87–88, 145, 215
- ^ T. Petrescu, pp. 191, 194
- ^ T. Petrescu, pp. 194–195
- ^ T. Petrescu, pp. 191–194
- ^ T. Petrescu, pp. 193–194
- ^ Pop, p. 5
- ^ T. Petrescu, p. 192
- ^ Boia, p. 145
- ^ Neagoe, pp. 32, 33
- ^ (in Romanian) Marin Iancu, "Al. Piru și Jurnalul Literar", in Cultura, Issue 444, November 2013
- ^ (in Romanian) Nicolae Mecu, "Contradicția lui Călinescu", in Cultura, Issue 215, March 2009
- ^ Boia, p. 215
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- ^ Neagoe, p. 36; Florentina Răcătăianu, "Cercul literar de la Sibiu. De la Corydon la Euphorion", in Studia Universitas Babeș-Bolyai Ephemerides, Vol. LII, Issue 1, 2007, p. 154
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- ISBN 978-973-50-2773-5
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- ISBN 973-28-0177-8
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- ^ "Presa mondială", in Revista Fundațiilor Regale, Issue 10/1946, p. 187
- ISBN 973-669-175-6
- ^ a b c d Boia, p. 318
- ^ "Partea I B: Dispozițiuni și publicațiuni care nu au caracter normativ: Decrete regale. Ministerul Artelor", in Monitorul Oficial, Issue 192/1947, p. 7544
- ^ a b Martinescu, p. 50
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- ^ Boia, p. 318; Butnaru, p. 255; Șerbulescu, pp. 94, 95
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- ISBN 0-8156-0930-2
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- ^ Paul Aretzu, "Jurnalul propriei regăsiri", in Vatra, Vol. XXV, Issues 447–448, June–July 2008, p. 140
- ISBN 973-9224-63-6
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- ^ ISBN 978-90-272-3455-1
- ISBN 978-1-78238-051-1
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- ISBN 978-973-726-469-5
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- ISBN 973-21-0561-5
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- ^ Negrici, pp. 181, 187, 208–209, 213–214
- ^ Negrici, pp. 181, 187
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- ^ Liviu Leonte, "Jurnal de lectură. O antologie a deminității", in Contemporanul, Issue 3/1978, p. 10
- ISBN 2-7384-8386-0
- ^ Baruțu T. Arghezi, "Micii artiști mari", in Gazeta Literară, Vol. XII, Issue 24, June 1965, p. 6
- ISBN 9789736110689
- ISBN 978-1-107-02053-5
- ^ Lovinescu (2002), p. 13
- ^ Butnaru, pp. 254–255
- ^ Zaciu, p. 86
- ^ Zaciu, pp. 86–88
- ISBN 963-9116-89-0
- ^ Cronicar, "Revista revistelor. 'Cazul' Mincu", in România Literară, Issue 19/1992, p. 24
- ^ George Motroc, Mihai Voiculescu, "Clubul Ideea Europeană: 'Medicina e o meserie apostolică. Dacă nu ai vocație de apostol, nu ai ce căuta în ea'", in Contemporanul, Vol. XXIV, Issue 3, March 2013, p. 21
- ^ Paler, p. 11
- ^ Artur Silvestri, "Portretul unui cronicar", in Luceafărul, Vol. XXXI, Issue 27, July 1988, p. 6
- ^ Lovinescu (2002), p. 304
- ^ Magdalena Răduță, "«Ils sont tous mes fils!» L'institution du parrainage littéraire et la génération 80", in Studia Universitas Babeș-Bolyai Philologia, Vol. LVII, Issue 2, 2010, pp. 69–70
- ^ "Donații pentru B.C.U.", in Magazin Istoric, February 1990, p. 48
- ^ Andreescu, p. 115
- ^ Bedros Horasangian, "Accente. Gazete și gazetari", in Revista 22, Issue 28, July 1990, p. 4
- ^ Paul Goma, "Primim. D-ale Manolescului...", in Jurnalul Literar, Vol. X, Issues 7–9, April–May 1999, p. 1
- ^ (in Romanian) Constantina Raveca Buleu, "Lecțiile critice ale memoriei", in Apostrof, Issue 7/2009
- ^ Andreescu, p. 15
- ISBN 973-50-0425-9
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