Corneliu Zelea Codreanu
Căpitanul Corneliu Zelea Codreanu | |
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Captain of the Iron Guard | |
In office 24 June 1927 – May 1938 | |
Succeeded by | Horia Sima (as "Commander") |
Member of the Assembly of Deputies | |
In office August 1932 – November 1933 | |
Personal details | |
Born | Corneliu Zelinski 13 September 1899 Extrajudicial execution |
Resting place | Jilava, Ilfov County, Romania (1938–1940) Green House, Bucharest, Romania (1940–?) Unknown (present) |
Political party | National-Christian Defense League (1923–1927) Iron Guard (1927–1938) |
Spouse | |
Alma mater | Alexandru Ioan Cuza University Grenoble Alpes University |
Occupation | Politician |
Profession | Lawyer |
Known for | Founder and Leader of the Legionary Movement |
Books | For My Legionaries |
Religion | Romanian Orthodox |
Part of a series on |
Fascism in Romania |
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Part of a series on |
Antisemitism |
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Category |
Corneliu Zelea Codreanu
Codreanu, who began his career in the wake of
During the
Corneliu Zelea Codreanu's views influenced the modern far-right. Groups claiming him as a forerunner include
Biography
Early life
Corneliu Codreanu was born in
Too young for
While the Bolshevik presence decreased overall following the repression of
GCN and National-Christian Defense League
Codreanu studied law in Iași, where he began his political career. Like his father, he became close to A. C. Cuza. Codreanu's fear of Bolshevik insurrection led to his efforts to address industrial workers himself. At the time, Cuza was preaching that the Jewish population was a manifest threat to Romanians, claimed that Jews were threatening the purity of Romanian young women, and began campaigning in favour of racial segregation.[12]
Historian
In late 1919, Codreanu joined the short-lived Garda Conștiinței Naționale (GCN, "Guard of National Conscience"), a group formed by the electrician Constantin Pancu.[6] Pancu had an enormous influence on Codreanu.[16][how?]
Pancu's movement, whose original membership did not exceed 40,
The GCN, in which Codreanu thought he could see the nucleus of nationalist trade unions, became active in crushing strike actions.[7] Their activities did not fail in attracting attention, especially after students who obeyed Codreanu, grouped in the Association of Christian Students, started demanding a Jewish quota for higher education – this gathered popularity for the GCN, and it led to a drastic increase in the frequency and intensity of assaults on all its opponents.[20] In response, Codreanu was expelled from the University of Iași. Although allowed to return when Cuza and others intervened for him (refusing to respect the decision of the University Senate), he was never presented with a diploma after his graduation.[21]
While studying in
When protests organized by Codreanu were met with lack of interest from the new National Liberal government, he and Cuza founded (4 March 1923) a Christian nationalist organization called the National-Christian Defense League.[23] They were joined in 1925 by Ion Moța, translator of the antisemitic hoax known as The Protocols of the Elders of Zion and future ideologue of the Legion.[24] Codreanu was subsequently tasked with organizing the League at a national level, and became especially preoccupied with its youth ventures.[25]
With the granting of full rights of
Manciu's killing
Codreanu clashed with Cuza over the League's structure: he demanded that it develop a
Back in Iași, Codreanu created his own system of allegiance within the League, starting with the Frăția de Cruce ("Brotherhood of the Cross", named after a variant of blood brotherhood which requires sermon with a cross).[32] It gathered on 6 May 1924, in the countryside around Iași, starting work on the building of a student centre. This meeting was violently broken up by the authorities on orders from Romanian Police prefect Constantin Manciu.[33] Codreanu and several others were allegedly beaten and tormented for several days, until Cuza's intervention on their behalf proved effective.[34]
After an interval of retreating from any political activity, Codreanu took revenge on Manciu, assassinating him and severely wounding some other policemen on 24 October 1924,
Although Codreanu was purposely tried as far away from Iași as
Codreanu's wedding to Elena Ilinoiu in June 1925 in Focșani was the major social event in Romania that year; it was celebrated in lavish, pseudo-royal style and attended by thousands, attracting enormous media attention.
Creation of the Legion of the Archangel Michael
Codreanu returned from Grenoble to take part in the 1926 elections, and ran as a candidate for the town of Focșani. He lost, and, although it had had a considerable success, the League disbanded in the same year.[44] Codreanu gathered former members of the League who had spent time in prison, and put into practice his dream of forming the Legion (November 1927, just days after the fall of a new Averescu cabinet, which had continued to support now-rival Cuza).[45] Codreanu claimed to have had a vision of the Archangel Michael who told him he had been chosen by God to be Romania's saviour.[37] From the beginning, a commitment to the values of the Eastern Orthodox Church was core to the message of the Legion, and Codreanu's alleged vision was a centrepiece of his message.[37]
Based on the Frăția de Cruce, Codreanu designed the Legion as a selective and autarkic group, paying allegiance to him and no other, and soon expanded it into a replicating network of political cells called "nests" (cuiburi).[46] Frăția endured as the Legion's most secretive and highest body, which requested from its members that they undergo a rite of passage, during which they swore allegiance to the "Captain", as Codreanu was now known.[17]
According to American historian Barbara Jelavich, the movement "at first supported no set ideology, but instead emphasized the moral regeneration of the individual", while expressing a commitment to the Romanian Orthodox Church.[47] The Legion introduced Orthodox rituals as part of its political rallies,[48] while Codreanu made his public appearances dressed in folk costume[49] — a traditionalist pose adopted at the time only by him and the National Peasant Party's Ion Mihalache.[50] Throughout its existence, the Legion maintained strong links with members of the Romanian Orthodox clergy,[51] and its members fused politics with an original interpretation of Romanian Orthodox messages — including claims that the Romanian kin was expecting its national salvation, in a religious sense.[52]
Such a mystical focus, Jelavich noted, was in tandem with a marked preoccupation for violence and self-sacrifice, "but only if the [acts of terror] were committed for the good of the cause and subsequently expiated."
Despite its apparent lack of political messages, the movement was immediately noted for its antisemitism, for arguing that Romania was faced with a "
He began openly calling for the destruction of Jews,
Codreanu's message was among the most radical forms of Romanian antisemitism, and contrasted with the generally more moderate antisemitic views of Cuza's former associate, the prominent historian
In 1936, Codreanu published an essay entitled "The Resurrection of the Race", where he wrote
I will under underline this once again: we are not up against a few pathetic individuals who have landed here by chance and who now seek protection and shelter. We are up against a fully-fledged Jewish state, an entire army which has come here with its sights set on conquest. The movement of the Jewish population and its penetration into Romania are being carried out in accordance with precise plans. In all probability, the 'Great Jewish Council' is planning the creation of a new Palestine on a strip of land, starting out on the Baltic Sea, embraces a part of Poland and Czechoslovakia and half of Romania right across to the Black Sea...
The worse thing that Jews and politicians have done to us, the greatest danger that they have exposed our people to, is not the way they are seizing the riches and possessions of our country, destroying the Romanian middle class, the way they swamp our schools and liberal professions, or the pernicious influence they are having on our whole political life, although these already constitute mortal dangers for a people. The greatest danger they pose to the people is rather that they are undermining us racially, that they are destroying the racial, Romano-Dacian structure of our people and call into being a type of human being that is nothing, but a racial wreck."[72]
From early on, the movement registered significant gains among the
By then also an
First outlawing and parliamentary mandate
After more than two years of stagnation, Codreanu felt it necessary to amend the purpose of the movement: he and the leadership of the movement started touring rural regions, addressing the churchgoing illiterate population with the rhetoric of
The Legion also attempted to assassinate government officials and journalists, including
Having been boosted by the
Codreanu quickly became noted for exposing corruption of ministers and other politicians on a case-by-case basis (although several of his political adversaries at the time described him as "bland and incompetent").[86]
Clash with Duca and truce with Tătărescu
The authorities became increasingly concerned with the revolutionary potential of the Legion, and minor clashes in 1932 between the two introduced what became, from 1933, almost a decade of major political violence. The situation degenerated after Codreanu expressed his full support for
Due to Duca's killing, Codreanu was forced into hiding, awaiting calm and delegating leadership to General Gheorghe Cantacuzino-Grănicerul, who later assumed partial guilt for the assassination.[94] Legionnaire Mihai Stelescu, who would become Codreanu's adversary as head of the splinter group Crusade of Romanianism, alleged that Codreanu had been given refuge by a cousin of Magda Lupescu, Carol's mistress, implying that the Guard was becoming corrupt.[95] Despite Codreanu's attacks on the elite, at his trial in 1934 a number of respected politicians like Gheorghe I. Brătianu, Alexandru Vaida-Voevod and Constantin Argetoianu testified for Codreanu as character witnesses.[96] Codreanu was again acquitted.
As Duca had alleged, the Iron Guard did have some links to the Nazi Party's foreign office under Alfred Rosenberg, but in 1933–34 the main local beneficiary of financial support from Rosenberg was Codreanu's rival Octavian Goga, who lacked Codreanu's mass following and thus was more biddable.[97] A further issue for the Nazis was concern over Codreanu's statements that Romania had too many minorities for its own good, which led to fears that Codreanu might persecute the volksdeutsch minority if he came to power.[97] Though limited, the connections between the NSDAP and the Iron Guard added to the Legion's appeal as the Iron Guard was associated in the public mind with the apparently dynamic and successful society of Nazi Germany.[97]
Some time after the start of
1937 was marked by the deaths and ostentatious funerals of Ion Moța (by then, the movement's vice president) and Vasile Marin, who had volunteered on Francisco Franco's side in the Spanish Civil War and had been killed in the battle at Majadahonda.[101] Codreanu also published his autobiographical and ideological essay Pentru legionari ("For the Legionnaires" or "For My Legionnaires").[102]
It was during this period that the Guard came to be financed by Nicolae Malaxa (otherwise known as a prominent collaborator of Carol),[103] and became interested in reforming itself to reach an even wider audience: Codreanu created a meritocratic inner structure of ranks, established a wide range of philanthropic ventures, again voiced themes which appealed to the industrial workers, and created Corpul Muncitoresc Legionar, a Legion branch which grouped members of the working class.[104] King Carol met difficulties in preserving his rule after being faced with a decline in the appeal of the more traditional parties, and, as Tătărescu's term approached its end, Carol made an offer to Codreanu, demanding leadership of the Legion in exchange for a Legionary cabinet; this offer was promptly refused.[105]
"Everything for the Country" Party
After the consequent ban on paramilitary groups, the Legion was restyled into a political party, running in elections as Totul Pentru Țară ("Everything for the Country", acronym TPȚ). Shortly afterwards, Codreanu went on record stating his contempt for Romania's alliances in
In the
The Legion was excluded from political coalitions by nominally fascist King Carol, who preferred newly-formed subservient movements and the revived National-Christian Defense League.
The new government alliance, unified as the National Christian Party, gave itself a blue-shirted paramilitary corps that borrowed heavily from the Legion — the Lăncieri[111] — and initiated an official campaign of persecution of Jews, attempting to win back the interest the public had in the Iron Guard.[112] After much violence, Codreanu was approached by Goga and agreed to have his party withdraw from campaigning in the scheduled elections of 1938,[113] believing that, in any event, the regime had no viable solution and would wear itself out — while attempting to profit from the king's authoritarianism by showing his willingness to integrate any possible one-party system.[114]
Clash with King Carol and 1938 trials
Codreanu's designs were overturned by Carol, who deposed Goga, introducing his own dictatorship after his attempts to form a national government. The system relied instead on the new Constitution of 1938, the financial backing received from large business, and the winning over of several more or less traditional politicians, such as Nicolae Iorga and the Internal Affairs Minister Armand Călinescu (see National Renaissance Front). The ban on the Guard was again tightly enforced, with Călinescu ordering all public places known to have harboured Legion meetings to be closed down (including several restaurants in Bucharest).[115] Members of the movement were placed under close surveillance or arrested in cases where they did not abide by the new legislation, while civil servants risked arrest if they were caught spreading Iron Guard propaganda.[4]
The official and semi-official press began attacking Codreanu. He was thus virulently criticized by the magazine
Upon being informed of the indictment, Codreanu urged his followers not to take any action if he was going to be sentenced to less than six months in prison, stressing that he wanted to give an example of dignity; however, he also ordered a group of Legionnaires to defend him in case of an attack by the authorities.
Codreanu was tried for slander and sentenced to six months in jail, before the authorities indicted him for treason, sedition, and for the crimes of politically organizing underage students, issuing orders inciting to violence, maintaining links with foreign organizations, and organizing fire practices.[4][119] Of the people to give evidence in his favour at the trial, the best-known was General Ion Antonescu, who would later become Conducător and Premier of Romania.[4]
The two trials were marked by irregularities, and Codreanu accused the judges and prosecutors of conducting it in a "
Prison sentence
Codreanu was eventually sentenced to ten years of hard labour in the salt mines.[4][120] According to historian Ilarion Țiu, the trial and verdict were received with general apathy, and the only political faction believed to have organized a public rally in connection with it was the outlawed Romanian Communist Party, some of whose members gathered in front of the tribunal to express support for the conviction.[4] The Legionary Movement itself grew disorganized, and provincial bodies of the Legion came to exercise control over the centre, which had been weakened by the arrests.[4] As the political establishment's main branches welcomed the news of Codreanu's sentencing, the Iron Guard organized a retaliation attack targeting the National Peasant Party's Virgil Madgearu, who had become known for expressing his opposition to the movement's extremism (Madgearu managed to escape the violence unharmed).[4]
Codreanu was moved from Jilava to Doftana Prison, where, despite the sentence, he was not required to perform any form of physical work.[4] The conditions of his detention improved, and he was allowed to regularly communicate with his family and subordinates.[4] At the time, he rejected all possibility of an escape, and ordered the Legion to refrain from violent acts.[4] A provisional leadership team was also organized, consisting of Ion Antoniu, Ion Belgae, Radu Mironovici, Iordache Nicoară, and Horia Sima.[121] However, the provisional leadership, against Codreanu's wishes, announced that he was faring badly in prison and threatened further retaliation, to the point where the prison staff increased security as a means to prevent a potential break-in.[4]
In the autumn, following the successful Nazi German expansion into
Death
On 30 November, it was announced that Codreanu, the Nicadori and the Decemviri had been shot after trying to flee custody the previous night.
Legacy
Lifetime influence and Legionary power
According to Adrian Cioroianu, Codreanu was "the most successful political and at the same time anti-political model of interwar Romania".[13] The Legion was described by British researcher Norman Davies as "one of Europe's more violent fascist movements."[124] Stanley G. Payne argued that the Iron Guard was "probably the most unusual mass movement of interwar Europe", and noted that part of this was owed to Codreanu being "a sort of religious mystic";[75] British historian James Mayall saw the Legion as "the most singular of the lesser fascist movements".[56]
The
According to American journalist R. G. Waldeck, who was present in Romania in 1940–1941, the violent killing of Codreanu only served to cement his popularity and arouse interest in his cause. She wrote: "To the Rumanian people the Capitano [sic, Căpitanul] remained a saint and a martyr and the apostle of a better Rumania. Even skeptical ones who did not agree with him in political matters still grew dreamy-eyed remembering Codreanu."[129] Historiographer Lucian Boia notes that Codreanu, his rival Carol II, and military leader Ion Antonescu were each in turn perceived as "savior" figures by the Romanian public, and that, unlike other such examples of popular men, they all preached authoritarianism.[130] Cioroianu also writes that Codreanu's death "whether or not paradoxically, would increase the personage's charisma and would turn him straight into a legend."[131] Attitudes similar to those described by Waldeck were relatively widespread among Romanian youths, many of whom came to join the Iron Guard out of admiration for the deceased Codreanu while still in middle or high school.[132]
Under the leadership of
Codreanu's wife Elena withdrew from the public eye after her husband's killing, but, after the
Codreanu and modern-day political discourse
The movement was eventually toppled from power by Antonescu as a consequence of the
Codreanu had an enduring influence in
In parallel, Codreanu is seen as a hero by representatives of the maverick
After the
In the early 2000s,
In a poll of the Romanian public conducted by
Cultural references
Late in the 1930s, Codreanu's supporters began publishing books praising his virtues, among which are
In November 1940, the Legionary journalist Ovid Țopa, publishing in the Guard's newspaper
The Legionary leader was portrayed in a poem by his follower Radu Gyr, who notably spoke of Codreanu's death as a prelude to his resurrection.[162] In contrast, Codreanu's schoolmate Petre Pandrea, who spent part of his life as a Romanian Communist Party affiliate, left an unflattering memoir of their encounters, used as a preferential source in texts on Codreanu published during the communist period.[163] Despite his earlier confrontation with the Iron Guard, the leftist poet Tudor Arghezi is thought by some to have deplored Codreanu's killing, and to have alluded to it in his poem version of the Făt-Frumos stories.[164] Mircea Eliade, whose early Legionary sympathies became a notorious topic of outrage, was indicated by his disciple Ioan Petru Culianu to have based Eugen Cucoanes, the main character in his novella Un om mare ("A Big Man"), on Codreanu.[143] This hypothesis was commented upon by literary critics Matei Călinescu and Mircea Iorgulescu, the latter of whom argued that there was too-little evidence to support it.[143] The neofascist Claudio Mutti claimed that Codreanu inspired the character Ieronim Thanase in Eliade's Nouăsprăzece trandafiri ("Nineteen Roses") story, a view rejected by Călinescu.[143]
Notes
- ^ Although "Zelea" is in fact a surname, not a middle name, dictionary entries generally refer to Codreanu as "Codreanu, Corneliu Zelea".
- ^ At the time of Corneliu's birth, his father was legally known as "Ion Zelinsky" (alternate spellings "Zelinschi", "Zilinschi", or "Zelinski"). When registering his son's birth on 14 September 1899, Ion declared the child's name to be "Corneliu Codreanu", and his own name to be "Ion Codreanu". According to the margin of the birth certificate, on 17 March 1902, having changed the family name to "Zelea-Codreanu", Ion amended Corneliu Codreanu's birth certificate through a verbal process to add "Zelea". See: Arhivele Naționale din Iași, Registru stăreĭ civile pentru nascuțĭ, no. 1104/1899.
- ^ "Registru stăreĭ civile pentru nascuțĭ, no. 1104/1899". Arhivele Naționale din Iași. 14 September 1899.
- ^ a b Hugh Seton-Watson, The East European Revolution, Frederick A. Prager, New York, 1961, p. 206
- Humanitas, Bucharest, 1993, in Ornea, p. 198)
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z aa ab ac (in Romanian) Ilarion Țiu, "Relațiile regimului autoritar al lui Carol al II-lea cu opoziția. Studiu de caz: arestarea conducerii Mișcării Legionare"[permanent dead link], in Revista Erasmus Archived 23 February 2008 at the Wayback Machine, 14/2003–2005, at the University of Bucharest Faculty of History; retrieved 13 February 2008
- ^ Ornea, p. 286
- ^ a b Barbu, pp. 196-197; Veiga, pp. 49–50
- ^ a b Barbu, p. 197; Veiga, pp. 48–49
- ^ a b Veiga, pp. 48–49, 54
- ^ Veiga, pp. 51, 68
- ^ Veiga, pp. 41, 47
- ^ Veiga, p. 47
- ^ a b c Barbu, p. 196
- ^ a b c Cioroianu, p. 16
- ^ Catherwood, p. 104
- ^ Final Report, pp. 35, 44, 45
- S2CID 144944383.
- ^ a b c Barbu, p. 197
- ^ a b Veiga, pp. 49–50
- ^ Veiga, pp. 46–47
- ^ Veiga, p. 52
- ^ Cioroianu, p. 17; Ornea, p. 288; Veiga, pp. 52, 55
- ^ Ornea, p. 287
- ^ Ornea, p. 287; Veiga, p. 74
- ^ Catherwood, p. 105; Veiga, p. 75
- ^ Final Report, p. 44
- ^ Ornea, p. 287; Veiga, pp. 62–64, 76
- ^ Final Report, p. 46
- ^ Ornea, p. 287; Veiga, p. 77
- ^ Final Report, pp. 44–45; Brustein, p. 158; Sedgwick, p. 113
- ^ Final Report, p. 45; Ornea, pp. 287–288
- ^ a b Yavetz, Zvi "An Eyewitness Note: Reflections on the Rumanian Iron Guard" pp. 597–610 from Journal of Contemporary History, Volume 26, Issue 4, September 1991 p. 601.
- ^ Barbu, p. 197; Veiga, pp. 82–83
- ^ Veiga, p. 78
- ^ Ornea, p. 288; Scurtu, p. 41
- ^ Scurtu, p. 41; Veiga, p. 80
- ^ a b c d e Scurtu, p. 41
- ^ a b c d Crampton, Richard Eastern Europe in the Twentieth Century-And After, London: Routledge, 1997 p. 114.
- ^ Andrei, in Scurtu, p. 41
- ^ Ornea, p. 288; Scurtu, p. 42
- ^ Scurtu, p. 42; Veiga, p. 80
- ^ Ornea, p. 289; Veiga, p. 80
- ^ Bucur, Maria "Romania" pp. 57–78 from Women, Gender and Fascism in Europe, 1919–1945 edited by Kevin Passmore, New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 2003 pp. 73–74.
- ^ a b Bucur, Maria "Romania" pp. 57–78 from Women, Gender and Fascism in Europe, 1919–1945 edited by Kevin Passmore, New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 2003 p. 74.
- ^ Ornea, pp. 289–290
- ^ Veiga, pp. 92–93
- ^ Barbu, p. 197; Benedict, p. 457; Ornea, p. 290; Jelavich, p. 206; Veiga, pp. 107–110
- ^ a b Jelavich, p. 205
- ^ Barbu, p. 200; Mayall, p. 141
- ^ Barbu, p. 200; Benedict, p. 456
- ^ Benedict, p. 456
- ^ Catherwood, pp. 104, 107
- ^ Final Report, pp. 46–47; Mayall, p. 141; Payne, p. 116
- ^ Jelavich, p. 205; Mayall, p. 142
- ^ Mayall, pp. 141–142
- ^ a b Davies, pp. 968–969
- ^ a b c Mayall, p. 141
- ^ Barbu, p. 197; Ornea, pp. 348–376; Payne, p. 116
- ^ Codreanu, in Barbu, p. 197
- ^ Mayall, p. 141; Ornea, pp. 348–353; Payne, p. 116
- ^ Brustein, p. 158; Catherwood, pp. 104–195
- ^ Codreanu, in Final Report, p. 45
- ^ Final Report, pp. 46–47
- ^ Codreanu, in Catherwood, p. 105
- ^ Ancel, Jean "Antonescu and the Jews" pp. 463–479 from The Holocaust and History The Known, the Unknown, the Disputed and the Reexamined edited by Michael Berenbaum and Abraham Peck, Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1999 p. 463.
- ^ Ancel, Jean "Antonescu and the Jews" pp. 463–479 from The Holocaust and History The Known, the Unknown, the Disputed and the Reexamined edited by Michael Berenbaum and Abraham Peck, Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1999 pp. 463–464.
- ^ Ancel, Jean "Antonescu and the Jews" pp. 463–479 from The Holocaust and History The Known, the Unknown, the Disputed and the Reexamined edited by Michael Berenbaum and Abraham Peck, Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1999 p. 464.
- ^ Brustein, p. 158; Catherwood, p. 105
- ^ ISBN 0-415-23046-2
- ^ a b Brustein, p. 158
- ^ Benedict, p. 457
- ^ Final Report, pp. 28–29
- ^ Codreanu, Corneliu "The Resurrection of the Race" pp. 221–222 from Fascism edited by Roger Griffin, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995 p. 221.
- ^ Barbu, pp. 198–200; Cioroianu, p. 17
- ^ Barbu, pp. 198–200; Benedict, pp. 457–458; De Felice, p. 101
- ^ a b c Payne, p. 116
- ^ Barbu, p. 199
- ^ Tismăneanu, p. 65
- ^ Benedict, p. 457; Payne, p. 116
- ^ Ornea, pp. 291–295
- ^ Veiga, p. 108
- ^ a b Veiga, pp. 113–116
- ^ Ornea, p. 291
- ^ Ornea, p. 294
- ^ a b Ornea, p. 295
- ^ Veiga, pp. 140–147
- ^ a b Ornea, p. 296
- ^ a b Barbu, p. 198
- ^ Veiga, pp. 251–255
- ^ Veiga, pp. 229, 230
- ^ Jelavich, p. 206; Veiga, pp. 196–197
- ^ Jelavich, p. 206
- ^ Ornea, p. 298; Veiga, pp. 197–198
- ^ Ornea, pp. 244, 298; Veiga, p. 201
- ^ Veiga, pp. 197, 200
- ^ Stelescu, 1935, in Ornea, pp. 298–299
- ^ Yavetz, Zvi "An Eyewitness Note: Reflections on the Rumanian Iron Guard" pp. 597–610 from Journal of Contemporary History, Volume 26, Issue 4, September 1991 p. 602.
- ^ a b c Yavetz, Zvi "An Eyewitness Note: Reflections on the Rumanian Iron Guard" pp. 597–610 from Journal of Contemporary History, Volume 26, Issue 4, September 1991 p. 606.
- ^ Ornea, pp. 302–305
- ^ Ornea, pp. 305, 307; Pop, p. 47; Veiga, p. 233
- ^ Pop, pp. 46–47
- ^ Ornea, pp. 309–311
- ^ Final Report, pp. 35, 45
- ^ Veiga, p. 222
- ^ Veiga, pp. 216–222, 224–226
- ^ Veiga, pp. 233–234
- ^ Benedict, p. 457; Cioroianu, p. 17
- ^ Final Report, p. 35
- ^ Final Report, pp. 39–40; Brustein, p. 159; Cioroianu, p. 17; Jelavich, p. 206; Ornea, p. 312
- ^ Final Report, p. 39; Brustein, p. 159; Cioroianu, p. 17; Ornea, pp. 312–313; Veiga, pp. 234–236
- ^ Cioroianu, p. 17; Jelavich, p. 206; Ornea, pp. 312–313; Veiga, pp. 234–236
- ^ Veiga, p. 224
- ^ Final Report, pp. 40–42; Veiga, pp. 245–247; Sedgwick, p. 114
- ^ Final Report, p. 43; Veiga, pp. 246–247
- ^ Ornea, pp. 313, 314; Veiga, p. 247
- ^ Ornea, p. 314
- ^ Codreanu, in Ornea, p. 315
- ^ Ornea, p. 316
- ^ Iorga, in Ornea, p. 316
- ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved 12 September 2023.
- ^ Jelavich, p. 207; Ornea, p. 317; Veiga, p. 250, 255–256
- ^ Clark, Roland (2015). Holy Legionary Youth: Fascist Activism in Interwar Romania. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. p. 219.
- ^ Ornea, pp. 314, 320; Veiga, pp. 256–257
- ^ Barbu, p. 198; Jelavich, p. 207; Ornea, pp. 320–321; Sedgwick, p. 115; Veiga, p. 257
- ^ a b c d Davies, p. 968
- ^ Ornea, pp. 320–321; Sedgwick, p. 115; Veiga, p. 257
- ^ a b c Payne, p. 117
- ^ De Felice, pp. 101–102
- ^ Veiga, pp. 315–330
- ^ Waldeck, in Benedict, p. 457
- ^ Boia, pp. 316–317
- ^ Cioroianu, p. 54
- ^ Final Report, p. 110
- ^ Final Report, pp. 46, 110; Ornea, pp. 339–341; Veiga, 292–295
- ^ Final Report, pp. 110–111; Ornea, pp. 333–334
- ^ Ornea, pp. 333–334
- ^ a b c (in Romanian) Daniel Focșa, "Mariana Drăgescu și Escadrila Albă (V)", in Ziarul Financiar, 8 June 2007
- ^ Ornea, pp. 329–330, 346–348; Veiga, pp. 291, 302–304, 308–309
- ISBN 0-691-00540-0
- ^ Sedgwick, p. 114
- ^ Evola, in Sedgwick, p. 114
- ^ De Felice, p. 101
- ^ Sedgwick, p. 185
- ^ 22, Nr.636, May–June 2002
- ISBN 0-7146-5065-X
- ^ ISBN 0-7391-2118-9
- ISBN 0-7656-0634-8
- ^ Davies, p. 969
- ^ Final Report, p. 365
- ^ Dilema Veche, Vol. III, Nr. 127, June 2006; retrieved 11 February 2008
- ^ (in Romanian) Mediafax, "Zelea Codreanu, comemorat de legionari", in Adevărul, 28 November 2005; retrieved 11 February 2008
- ^ 22, Nr. 844, May 2006 (retrieved 11 February 2008)
- ^ Radio Free Europe, OMRI Daily Digest, 13 December 2004; retrieved 11 February 2008
- ^ Tismăneanu, p. 255
- ^ (in Romanian) Top 100 Mari Români Archived 23 October 2006 at the Wayback Machine, at the Mari Români site Archived 20 February 2008 at the Wayback Machine of the Romanian Television; retrieved 11 February 2008
- ^ Final Report, p. 48
- ^ a b Cioroianu, p. 435
- ^ Cioroianu, p. 435; Tismăneanu, p. 255
- ^ a b Boia, p. 320
- ^ Ornea, p. 381
- ^ Cioran, 1940, in Ornea, p. 197
- ^ Ornea, passim (listed together pp. 376–386)
- ^ Final Report, p. 47
- ^ Veiga, p. 68
- ^ Pop, p. 47
References
- Final Report of the ISBN 973-681-989-2
- Zeev Barbu, "Romania: The Iron Guard", in ISBN 0-415-24358-0
- Ruth Benedict, "The History as It Appears to Rumanians", in ISBN 1-57181-215-6
- ISBN 973-50-0055-5
- William Brustein, Roots of Hate: Anti-Semitism in Europe Before the Holocaust, ISBN 0-521-77478-0
- ISBN 0-7425-0090-X
- ISBN 973-669-175-6
- ISBN 0-19-820171-0
- ISBN 0-87855-619-2
- ISBN 0-521-27459-1
- James Mayall, "Fascism and Racism", in Terence Ball (ed.), The Cambridge History of Twentieth-Century Political Thought, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2003, p. 123–150. ISBN 0-521-56354-2
- Editura Fundației Culturale Române, Bucharest, 1995
- ISBN 0-299-08064-1
- Grigore Traian Pop, "Cînd disidenta se pedepsește cu moartea. Un asasinat ritual: Mihail Stelescu", in Dosarele Istoriei, 6/IV (1999)
- Ioan Scurtu, "De la bomba din Senat la atentatul din Gara Sinaia", in Dosarele Istoriei, 6/IV (1999)
- Mark Sedgwick, Against the Modern World: Traditionalism and the Secret Intellectual History of the Twentieth Century, Oxford University Press US, New York, 2004. ISBN 0-19-515297-2
- ISBN 973-681-899-3
- Francisco Veiga, Istoria Gărzii de Fier, 1919–1941: Mistica ultranaționalismului , Humanitas, Bucharest, 1993
Further reading
- Hoover Institution Press, Stanford, 1970
- Codreanu, For My Legionaries
External links
- Corneliu Zelea Codreanu, A Few Remarks on Democracy, at the University of Pittsburgh Center for International Studies
- (in Italian) Biography of Codreanu at Olokaustos.org
- (in Romanian) Codreanu's letter to Iorga, at the University of Bucharest