Jan Olszewski

Source: Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.

Jan Olszewski
Warsaw I
Personal details
Born
Jan Ferdynand Olszewski

(1930-08-20)20 August 1930
Movement for the Reconstruction of Poland (1995–2012)
SpouseMarta Miklaszewska
Alma materUniversity of Warsaw
Awards Order of the White Eagle
Cross of Freedom and Solidarity
Signature

Jan Ferdynand Olszewski (Polish:

Movement for the Reconstruction of Poland
.

During his premiership, Olszewski's cabinet worked under new international conditions. At the end of December 1991, the

European Community. For the first time, in official documents, it was mentioned that membership in NATO is part of Polish defence strategy. Negotiations to withdraw Russian armies from Poland started at the end of October 1990, were accelerated. In March 1992, a period of confusion occurred when president Lech Wałęsa presented his conception of new economic and military alliance with former Warsaw Pact during his visit to Germany, which went against the euro Atlantic direction of the government. Olszewski’s government changed the concept of privatization of national corporations. Total stop of privatization led to open conflict with liberal groups in the parliament. On 22 May 1992, Olszewski opposed the signing of a clause in Polish-Russian Treaty of Friendly and Neighbourly Cooperation, which handed over former Russian military bases to international Polish-Russian corporations. Olszewski sent a telegram to Moscow to the president Lech Wałęsa informing of government opposition to the clause. Wałęsa, after a conversation with Boris Yeltsin
changed the controversial clause. However, this did not stop further clashes with the president.

Olszewski's cabinet did not hold a permanent parliamentary majority. Attempts to extend the coalition, first to

vote of no confidence against the government. The following day, the Sejm passed a resolution obligating the Minister of Interior (at the time Antoni Macierewicz), to publish the list of communist secret police collaborators. On 29 May, representative of the Democratic Union, Jan Rokita, presented a vote of no confidence request on the behalf of 65 members of the parliament of the three parties. On 2 June, the final day of coalition negotiations with the Confederation of Independent Poland, Macierewicz met with deputy Marshal of that party, informing him that its leader, Leszek Moczulski
, was on the list of collaborators which will be presented to the Sejm the following day.

The cabinet was recalled by the Sejm in voting after the midnight of 5 June 1992, few hours after publishing the list. Olszewski supported the decision of Macierewicz, proposing to establish an independent commission to verify the validity of the published documents. The Sejm did not debate this proposal. Wałęsa pressured on the Sejm to speed up the vote of no confidence, sending his own request. On 5 June 1992, 00:00 AM, after a vote of no confidence was approved, with 273 in favour and 119 against, Olszewski was forced to resign as Prime Minister and his cabinet was immediately replaced in an event known as the nightshift ("Nocna zmiana"). After Olszewski's dismissal, Wałęsa designated Waldemar Pawlak as the new Prime Minister. Olszewski's premiership was the second shortest in the history of the Third Republic.

Early life and World War II

Born in Warsaw on 20 August 1930,[1] Olszewski originated from a working-class family employed in the railway industry who were strongly connected to the Polish Socialist Party.[2] Olszewski was related to Stefan Aleksander Okrzeja, a Polish socialist nationalist from the turn of the 20th century who was executed by Russian authorities in 1905 for leading insurgent activities.[3] Despite Olszewski's active preference to right-wing politics later in life, he considered himself sympathetic to socialist causes during his early formative years.[4]

During

Polish Scouting Association. According to biographical information published at footnote five, Olszewski participated in the Warsaw Uprising in 1944.[5][6]

Political career: 1954–1992

Communist era: 1954–1989

See also:
1989 Polish legislative election

In the immediate post-war years, Olszewski graduated from secondary school in 1949, later going on to study law at the

Armia Krajowa soldiers who faced persecution from communist authorities for anti-state activities.[7]

One of the first openly published articles of its kind to break the official silence on the Armia Krajowa, Olszewski argued that its veterans deserved a positive historical assessment in the struggle against Nazi Germany, describing all subsequent prosecutions of its ranks as being politically motivated.[8] Despite the government's initial toleration of Po prostu's critiques, authorities moved in to forcibly close down the publication's offices in October 1956, citing it of presenting a false view of political and economic realities, spreading "disbeliefs" about socialism and proclaiming "bourgeois concepts".[9] For his part, Olszewski faced a publication ban beginning in 1957.[5] The forcible closure and censoring of Po prostu led Olszewski to become quickly disillusioned with the communist order. As a response, from 1956 to 1962, Olszewski was a member of the Crooked Circle Club, a Warsaw-based underground discussion group composed of intellectuals critical of the regime.[10] During the 1960s, Olszewski became a leading defence attorney in political trials. Among others, he defended writer and journalist Melchior Wańkowicz, activist Jacek Kuroń, historian Karol Modzelewski and poet Janusz Szpotański.[11] His professional activity was banned again in 1968 after the March student protests.[5]

However, Olszewski returned to practice law in 1970 as

1989 parliamentary elections
.

Post-Communist era: 1989–1991

See also: 1990 Polish presidential election and 1991 Polish parliamentary election

With the fall of the communist regime in 1989, Olszewski was appointed as a member of the

State Tribunal that year, a position he would hold until 1991. In 1990, Olszewski joined the conservative Centre Agreement, whose party membership composed primarily of Wałęsa supporters in that year's presidential election.[15] Following the resignation of Prime Minister Tadeusz Mazowiecki in November 1990 after his first-round defeat in the presidential election, newly elected President Wałęsa sought a new prime minister.[17] Initially, the president turned to Olszewski to take the position, though Olszewski quickly refused the post after numerous disagreements with Wałęsa over conditions the president placed on the prime minister's cabinet.[17] Instead, Wałęsa turned to Jan Krzysztof Bielecki of the Liberal Democratic Congress to form a government.[18] Bielecki's government lasted for the rest of 1991, collapsing in the aftermath of the inconclusive 1991 parliamentary elections
.

While Wałęsa appointed

Center Civic Alliance list (whose Olszewski's Centre Agreement belonged to) to select the next premier.[19] The parties supported Olszewski, a parliamentary outsider and respected lawyer from the Solidarity movement, to unite the various clubs.[20] Grudgingly, Wałęsa, who no longer had a stable working relationship with Olszewski, honoured the coalition agreement and appointed the lawyer as premier on 6 December. Three weeks of selecting the cabinet followed.[21] In the meantime, the original accord behind Olszewski's appointment immediately began to fall apart, as both the Liberal Democratic Congress and the Confederation of Independent Poland withdrew their support from Olszewski over economic and cabinet disagreements.[20] Similarly, the Democratic Union refused to support an administration not committed to rapid economic reform, a concern shared with the Liberal Democrats.[22] Despite the weakened alliance, Olszewski's minority government was accepted by parliament on 23 December 1991.[21]

Prime Minister: 1991–1992

Main article: Cabinet of Jan Olszewski

Foreign and domestic policy

Olszewski (right) defending his government's actions on Andrzej Tadeusz Kijowski's talk show in July 1993

Following the oath of office, Olszewski's government faced difficulties on many fronts. Previously, Olszewski had placed deep criticism on Finance Minister

credit, ease earlier anti-inflation policies, reintroduce price supports for a number of agricultural products, and release more subsidies to the state sector of the Polish economy.[21]

Included in his industrial interventionist policy, the premier also proposed the unification of the nation's economic ministries to coordinate ongoing privatizations, as well as for all industrial and trade policies.

cabinet.[26]

As with the two previous administrations, the Olszewski government's foreign policy continued to steer towards the

defense minister indicated a policy hostile to Russia while Foreign Minister Krzysztof Skubiszewski, a veteran of the previous Mazowiecki and Bielecki governments, pursued efforts of moderation and compromise, balancing relations between the West and Moscow.[28] President Wałęsa, however, sharply disagreed with the prime minister, arguing that foreign policy efforts instead should drive towards building an alternative military alliance with fellow ex-Warsaw Pact states.[29] Wałęsa's proposals coincided with his own security uncertainties over the recent violent collapse of Yugoslavia, the dissolution of the Soviet Union, and from a fear that joining NATO would put Poland in an opposing position to Russia.[29] In response, Olszewski accused Skubiszewski, and by extension Wałęsa, who both advocated cooperation with Russia in regards to troop withdrawals, of "Finlandizing" foreign policy.[29]

Individuals close to the Olszewski government, like

Polish-Russian relations.[29] At the same time, relations with the West financially soured under Olszewski's tenureship. In the face of the premier's attempts to stimulate the economy by proposing to raise the budget deficit, the International Monetary Fund demanded instead a restrictive budget in order to resume lending.[26] Particularly, Western donor states pressured Olszewski to replace Lutowski as finance minister. When Olszewski reshuffled ministers, placing Andrzej Olechowski at the Ministry of Finance, observers believed that the premier had reverted to a hard-line economic reform posture.[26] Yet when the Sejm passed a bill authorizing salary and pension increases, raising the budget deficit by fifty percent, Olechowski fiercely objected and resigned from the cabinet, claiming he did not have "the slightest idea" of how to explain the government's economic reasoning to the IMF.[31]

De-communization and the Parys affair

The conflict between Olszewski and Wałęsa continued to escalate throughout 1992, culminating in a major political crisis by that summer. As premier, Olszewski portrayed himself and his government as staunchly anti-communist, arguing that in the year 1992, Poland continued to remain a communist country. Claiming that communist agents remained in all corridors of economic and political power, Olszewski argued for a purge, particularly of those in the economic sector, whom Olszewski believed were holding back Poland's new capitalist free market and kept workers bound.[15] "The invisible hand [of the market]", Olszewski said, was "simply the hand of the swindler plundering funds from the state treasury".[15] As such, Olszewski argued for increased democratization and de-communinization at all levels of Polish society. Olszewski's drive towards de-communization was also reflected in his cabinet. Jan Parys, Olszewski's defense minister, actively pursued efforts to de-communize the Polish Armed Forces and establish civilian ministerial control.[32] These plans ran in conjunction with Wałęsa's efforts to stake executive control over the defense establishment.[32] Parys and Wałęsa repeatedly clashed over plans to reorganize national security commands, with Parys effectively challenging Wałęsa's role as commander in chief by claiming ministerial rights over the armed forces.[33]

The clash between both men came to a head in April 1992, when, upon learning of a meeting between

coup d'etat on the behalf of Wałęsa and his allies with bribed high-ranking military officials rocked the entire Polish political establishment. To quiet the political storm, Olszewski responded by placing Parys on administrative leave.[36] In response, a parliamentary commission was quickly created in the Sejm to investigate Parys's claims.[37] The commission's findings cleared Wałęsa of wrongdoing and declared Parys's claims as baseless and "unfounded", forcing the defense minister to resign.[37] In the aftermath of the Parys affair, Wałęsa bitterly complained of the Olszewski government's handling of the controversy, declaring the government's civilian leaders of endangering both national security and the professionalism of the military. The relationship between Olszewski and Wałęsa further soured with Olszewski's appointment of Radosław Sikorski as deputy defense minister without presidential consultation, a move interpreted as the premier vying for influence within the armed forces.[38]

Clashes with Wałęsa

The deepening chasm between both men began to interrupt foreign policy. As both men sought to assert control over the economy, the military, and international relations, particularly over-sensitive negotiations to withdraw

Council of Ministers, held precedence in conducting the affairs of state. On the other side, President Wałęsa believed that as the chief executive and head of state he was ultimately responsible for the direction of the republic's affairs. The clash between both offices created a highly charged and disruptive political environment. Despite this instability, Skubiszewski continued to negotiate with his Russian counterparts on financial and business settlements in regards to the pullout of Russian Army units from the country.[41] Skubiszewski's diplomatic efforts to reach a compromise with his Russian colleagues were met with vehement criticism from Olszewski, with many close to the premier believing that any monetary or trade settlements constituted a renewed occupation.[42] Despite the premier's strong objections to the Foreign Ministry's negotiations with their Russian counterparts, President Wałęsa strongly supported such moves for a final agreement. Meetings between Olszewski and Wałęsa in May 1992 displayed the divide between both men, with the premier insisting on removing any article on joint Polish-Russian financial and business deals from the treaty while Wałęsa responded that he intended to visit Russia not "to negotiate any agreement, but to sign it".[43]

Dismissal

By late May, Olszewski's fragile coalition faced collapse. Shortly after returning from

vote of no confidence. Responding to the lustration resolution six days later on 4 June, Interior Minister Antoni Macierewicz released to all parliamentary faction heads a secret list of 64 names of communist-era collaborators drawn from his ministry's archives.[33]

Known as the Macierewicz List, which was quickly leaked to the public, the roster included

SB to keep Poles enslaved. I believe the collaborators of the former communist political police constitute a threat to the security of the free Polish people. The people should know that not coincidentally, just at the moment when we can finally break away from communist ties, there is a sudden move for the government's dismissal.[47]

In the early hours after midnight on 5 June, in an event known as the nocna zmiana ("the nightshift"), the Sejm convened for a

vote of no confidence. Despite Olszewski's public appeals both on television and within the debating chamber, parliament's majority opinion became readily apparent of supporting his dismissal. Aside from the opposition post-communist Democratic Left Alliance, members of the Tadeusz Mazowiecki-oriented Democratic Union, the Liberal Democrats, and other centrist and liberal parties remained unfazed with their loss of confidence with the prime minister. The opposition was joined from the right by the Confederation of Independent Poland, whose members derided the Olszewski government's attempt at radical lustration just before a vote of confidence as outright blackmail.[48]
Facing certain defeat, an emotional Olszewski addressed the Sejm, stating:

"I would like to get out of this place with just one achievement. And as of this moment, I have the belief that I will go out with it. I would like to say when this period finishes when time runs out for me—I admit—a terribly painful time, when in my hometown's streets, I can only move about by car or in the company of guards protecting me from human contact—when my time does finally finish—I can take to the streets of my city freely again, to move about and look people in the eye. And that for you, honourable members is what I wish for after this vote."

The vote of no confidence was approved, with 273 in favour and 119 against. Olszewski was immediately replaced by Wałęsa ally

Constitutional Tribunal ruled 11–1 the Sejm's 28 May lustration resolution singling out alleged communist collaborators as illegal due to it not being a statutory enactment, as well as violating both the dignity of citizens and democratic values.[49] The list produced by former Interior Minister Macierewicz was similarly found to be filled with inaccuracies, forcing the ministry to later apologize to several of those falsely implicated.[49]

Post-Premiership

Parliamentary career: 1992–2005

See also: 1993 Polish parliamentary election, 1995 Polish presidential election, 1997 Polish parliamentary election, and 2000 Polish presidential election
Sejm and Senate Complex
, 1999

Following his dismissal, Olszewski resumed his career as a member of the Sejm. Olszewski departed from the

vote of no confidence against Prime Minister Hanna Suchocka in 1993, believing her economic policies had harmed the state.[53] In the subsequent elections that year, Olszewski lost his seat as the electorate swung to the Democratic Left Alliance (led by Aleksander Kwaśniewski), despite a failed attempt to reunite rightist forces with the Centre Agreement, now headed by Jarosław Kaczyński.[54]

In 1995, Olszewski launched a bid for the presidency in that year's presidential election in order to replace his rival Wałęsa. Campaigning on an anti-communist and patriotic platform, Olszewski garnered 1,225,453 votes, with nearly seven percent of the vote and earned fourth place.[55] However, both he and Wałęsa lost to winning left-wing candidate Aleksander Kwaśniewski from Social Democracy.[56] Later in the same year, in an attempt to consolidate the former premier's relatively strong performance in the presidential ballot, Olszewski and his supporters established the Movement for the Reconstruction of Poland.[57]

Under the new party banner, poll numbers initially gave Olszewski's block a sixteen percent approval rating by the middle of 1996, yet this period was cut short with the creation of Solidarity Electoral Action, a rival conservative alliance led by Marian Krzaklewski.[58] The results of the 1997 parliamentary election garnered Olszewski's party with 5.6 percent of the vote, returning the former premier to the Sejm with six seats.[59] During this period, Olszewski supported Prime Minister Jerzy Buzek's 1997 concordant with the Holy See, reasoning that the Catholic Church was "one of the most important, if not the most important, and certainly the most durable, longest-running and most rooted institution in Polish national life and culture".[60] At the same time, Olszewski also generally supported European integration and the government's efforts for Poland's accession into the European Union, though stressed reservations on the economic conditions of integration, particularly insisting that the national banking sector must remain within domestic hands.[61] However, the Movement became increasingly marginalized due to numerous party splits.[62]

During the 2000 presidential election, Olszewski stood again as a candidate, but withdrew from the race shortly before the vote[63] and later supported the Solidarity Electoral Action candidate Marian Krzaklewski.[64] Olszewski was reelected to the Sejm in 2001, with his party allied with the populist far-right League of Polish Families.[65] However, Olszewski broke with the League shortly after his reelection over policy differences.[66] Prior to Poland's admission into the EU in 2004, Olszewski expressed worry that Poland's accession to the European Union would pave the way for Germans to make property claims regarding land seized during the population expulsions at the end of World War II.[67] The former premier also expressed in 2005 his support for strong security and political relations with the United States within a transatlantic framework, though expressed reservations to stronger ties with Germany until property claims were dealt with.[68]

In 2005, Olszewski, along with his former cabinet ministers

2010 Smolensk air disaster.[5]

Personal life and death

Olszewski was married to Marta Olszewska, a former activist, editor and journalist of Tygodnik Solidarność.[72] On the night of 16 August 2000, Olszewski was involved in a deadly car crash on national road 8 near the village of Marków-Towarzystwo in Masovian Voivodeship, when the car Olszewski was a passenger in collided with a truck. The driver of the car (Olszewski's party treasurer) was killed in the crash, while Olszewski escaped with only minor injuries.[73] In July 2014, Olszewski was made an honorary citizen of Warsaw by Mayor Hanna Gronkiewicz-Waltz for his participation in the Warsaw Uprising as well as citing his moral and social authority in service of the city.[2] Olszewski died after a long illness on 7 February 2019 in a Warsaw hospital.

Legacy

Olszewski remains a controversial figure within Polish politics. Members of the right-wing, particularly

Law and Justice leader Jarosław Kaczyński, have praised the former premier for his anti-communist stances and legal principles. On the twentieth anniversary of the Olszewski government's vote of no confidence in 2012, Kaczyński praised Olszewski for attempting to stop the rapid privatizations of the early 1990s, and having helped steer Poland towards its eventual integration into NATO.[74]

Former Interior Minister

Smolensk disaster would never have transpired".[75]

Politicians on the centre-right have viewed Olszewski more critically. Christian National Union politician Stefan Niesiołowski strongly defended Olszewski during his vote of no confidence in 1992, declaring to the premier's detractors that "you're making a political mistake and Poland won't forget this error".[76] In an interview in 2007, Niesiołowski (now a Civic Platform parliamentarian) regretted his defense of the former prime minister in hindsight, describing Olszewski as "being a poor man who supported a moral lie" with the Macierewicz List, "and was still silent".[77]

Prime Minister Donald Tusk similarly accused Olszewski of misleading information in 2008 during a non-governmental investigation into communist era archives conducted by the former premier, declaring: "I know that in Poland there are politicians who have genuinely strange archives and cannot get used to the idea that they're no longer prime ministers or heads of committees anymore, spending instead a lifetime in these archives, poisoning our public space with their own interpretations of what they have found".[78]

In an opinion poll conducted by

Third Republic, Olszewski was placed at seventh place.[79] A similar poll conducted by Millward Brown later that year positioned Olszewski at sixth place.[80]

References

  1. ISBN 9781134264902
    – via Google Books.
  2. ^
    TVN
    Warszawa. 31 July 2014. Retrieved 20 January 2015.
  3. ^ Michalska, Magdalena (2013). "Premier niezłomny". Nowe Państwo. 94 (12).
  4. ^ a b "PRL według Jana Olszewskiego". Świadkowie historii. Polskie Radio. 11 May 2011.
  5. ^ a b c d e f g "Jan Olszewski - Doradca Prezydenta RP ds. politycznych". President of Poland. Archived from the original on 21 January 2015. Retrieved 19 November 2015.
  6. ^ Laba, p. 209
  7. ^ Ambroziewicz, Jerzy; Namiotkiewicz, Walery; Olszewski, Jan (11 March 1956). "Na spotkanie ludziom z AK". Po Prostu (11).
  8. ^ Rafalska, Dominika (2008). "Reaching Out to Members of the Home Army (Po prostu in 1956)". Dzieje Najnowsze (3): 95–107.
  9. ^ ""Po prostu" zamknięte za niewiarę w socjalizm". PolskieRadio.pl. Polskie Radio. Retrieved 2 October 2013.
  10. ^ Preuße, p. 107
  11. ^ "Jan Olszewski Honorary Citizen of Warsaw". City of Warsaw. Retrieved 21 January 2015.
  12. ^ Ziolkowska-Boehm, pp. 105–109
  13. ^ Lipski, p. 27
  14. New York Times
    . Retrieved 20 January 2015.
  15. ^ a b c d Ost, p. 71
  16. ^ Tismaneanu, p. 129
  17. ^ a b Weiner, p. 80
  18. ^ Wróbel, p. 280
  19. ^ Wróbel, pp. 283-284
  20. ^ a b Weiner, p. 82
  21. ^ a b c d e Wróbel, p. 284
  22. ^ a b Stone, p. 104
  23. ^ Cannon, p. 151
  24. ^ Murawski, Anthony (September 1993). Robert Weissman (ed.). "Market Myths and Polish Realities: An Interview With Jan Olszewski". Multinational Monitor. Washington, DC. Retrieved 11 August 2016.
  25. ^ Stone, p. 104–105
  26. ^ a b c d Stone, p. 105
  27. ^ Spero, p. 80-81
  28. ^ Spero, p. 81
  29. ^ a b c d Spero, p. 82
  30. ^ Wilcz-Grzędzińska, Ewa (24 April 1992). "Nie Głosowałbym na Wałęsę". Tygodnik Solidarność.
  31. ^ Stone, p. 105–106
  32. ^ a b Epstein, p. 113
  33. ^ a b c Millard, p. 58
  34. ^ Betz, pp. 79-80
  35. ^
    New York Times
    . Retrieved 18 February 2014.
  36. ^ a b Simon, p. 82
  37. ^ a b Betz, p. 80
  38. ^ Goldman, p. 233
  39. ^ "Trudno prowadzić politykę zagraniczną niestabilnego wewnętrznie kraju". Gazeta Wyborcza. 9 May 1992.
  40. ^ Cannon, p. 152
  41. ^ Gorska, pp. 53-55
  42. ^ Gorska, p. 55
  43. ^ Gorska, p. 57
  44. ^ Jeffries, p. 504
  45. ^ Gorska, p. 59
  46. ^ Millard, p. 59
  47. ^
    Gazeta.pl
    . Retrieved 4 June 2012.
  48. ^ Adam Słomka (4 June 1992). "9. Wniosek prezesa Rady Ministrów o odwołanie Andrzeja Olechowskiego ze stanowiska ministra finansów. 10. Poselski wniosek o odwołanie Rady Ministrów (druk nr 310). 11. Wniosek prezydenta Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej o natychmiastowe odwołanie Jana Olszewskiego ze stanowiska prezesa Rady Ministrów". Sejm. Retrieved 14 November 2013.
  49. ^ a b Schwartz, p. 68
  50. ^ a b Millard, p. 60
  51. ^ Bugajski, pp. 375-376
  52. ^ Jan Olszewski (31 July 1992). "Sprawozdanie Komisji Nadzwyczajnej o poselskim projekcie ustawy konstytucyjnej o wzajemnych stosunkach między władzą ustawodawczą i wykonawczą Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej (druki nr 126, 403 i 403-A)". Sejm. Retrieved 16 June 2014.
  53. ^ Jan Olszewski (27 May 1993). "Projekt uchwały o wyrażenie wotum nieufności Radzie Ministrów (druk nr 940)". Sejm. Retrieved 16 June 2014.
  54. ^ Millard, pp. 63–71
  55. ^ Millard, pp. 81–83
  56. ^ Millard, p. 82
  57. ^ Szczerbiak, p. 80
  58. ^ Brown, p. 46
  59. ^ Szczerbiak, p. 79
  60. ^ Jan Olszewski (12 December 1997). "Pierwsze czytanie rządowego projektu ustawy o ratyfikacji konkordatu między Stolicą Apostolską i Rzecząpospolitą Polską (druk nr 30)". Sejm. Retrieved 10 November 2013.
  61. ^ Jan Olszewski (19 March 1998). "8. Informacja rządu o stanie przygotowań Polski do integracji z Unią Europejską. 9. Pierwsze czytanie komisyjnego projektu uchwały Sejmu Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej w sprawie członkostwa Polski w Unii Europejskiej (druk nr 223)". Sejm. Retrieved 10 November 2013.
  62. ^ Szczerbiak, pp. 95–96
  63. ^ Millard, p. 41
  64. ^ Millard, p. 46
  65. ^ Pankowski, p. 112
  66. ^ Millard, p. 123
  67. ^ Olszewski, Jan. "4 kadencja, 72 posiedzenie, 4 dzień - Poseł Jan Olszewski". orka2.sejm.gov.pl.
  68. ^ Jan Olszewski (21 January 2005). "Informacja Ministra Spraw Zagranicznych o zadaniach polskiej polityki zagranicznej w 2005 roku". Sejm. Retrieved 10 November 2013.
  69. ^ "Patriotyczny Olszewski". ’’Wprost’’. 1 June 2005. Retrieved 17 June 2014.
  70. ^ "Jan Olszewski". Money.pl. Retrieved 17 June 2014.
  71. ^ "Poprzednie kadencje Trybunału Stanu". State Tribunal. Retrieved 17 June 2014.
  72. ^ "Nowi członkowie Kapituły Orderu Odrodzenia Polski". Wiadomości.wp.pl. Retrieved 6 November 2007.
  73. ^ "Jan Olszewski miał wypadek samochodowy". Inertia.pl. 17 August 2000. Retrieved 15 November 2013.
  74. ^ "Kaczyński: rząd Olszewskiego likwidował sieci oplatające Polskę". Polskie Radio. 4 June 2012. Retrieved 15 November 2013.
  75. ^ "Macierewicz: Gdyby nie obalono Olszewskiego, nie byłoby Smoleńska". Gazeta Wyborcza. 4 June 2012. Retrieved 15 November 2013.
  76. Gazeta.pl
    . Retrieved 17 June 2014.
  77. ^ "Macierewicz i Kaczyńscy to grabarze lustracji". Wirtualna Polska. 4 June 2007. Retrieved 17 June 2014.
  78. ^ "Olszewski: Gangsterskie i bezprawne wywiezienie akt". TVN24. 8 July 2008. Retrieved 17 June 2014.
  79. ^ "Najlepszy premier od upadku komunizmu? Wygrywa Mazowiecki, Kaczyński przed Tuskiem". wyborcza.pl. Gazeta Wyborcza. Retrieved 27 May 2014.
  80. ^ Kalukin, Rafał. "Kto był najlepszym premierem III RP?". polska.newsweek.pl. Newsweek Polska. Retrieved 8 September 2014.

Works cited

Political offices
Preceded by Prime Minister of Poland
1991–1992 		Succeeded by
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Jan_Olszewski&oldid=1219093720"