Landless Workers' Movement

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Landless Workers' Movement
Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra
FormationJanuary 1984
Legal statusSocial movement
PurposeAgrarian land reform
ServicesLand reform movement, squatting (primary); basic healthcare and education (secondary)
Membership
1,500,000
LeaderJoão Pedro Stédile
Main organ
Núcleo de Base
Parent organization
National Coordination Body
Websitehttps://mst.org.br
MST supporters in Brazil.

The Landless Workers' Movement (Portuguese: Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra, MST) is a social movement in Brazil aimed at land reform. Inspired by Marxism,[1] it is one of the largest such movement[2] in Latin America, with an estimated informal membership of 1.5 million[3] across 23 of Brazil's 26 states.[4]

MST defines its goals as access to the land for poor workers through land reform in Brazil, and activism around social issues that make land ownership more difficult to achieve, such as unequal income distribution, racism, sexism, and media monopolies.[5] MST strives to achieve a self-sustainable way of life for the rural poor.[6]

The MST differs from previous land reform movements in its single-issue focus; land reform for them is a self-justifying cause. The organization maintains that it is legally justified in occupying unproductive land, pointing to the most recent[when?] Constitution of Brazil (1988), which contains a passage saying that land should fulfill a social function (Article 5, XXIII). The MST also notes, based on 1996 census statistics, that 3% of the population owns two-thirds of all arable land in Brazil.[7]

In 1991, MST received the Right Livelihood Award "for winning land for landless families, and helping them to farm it sustainably."[8]

Land reform before the 1988 constitution

Land reform has a long history in Brazil, and the concept pre-dates the MST. In the mid-20th century, Brazilian leftists reached a consensus that the democratization and widespread actual exercise of political rights would require land reform.[9] Brazilian political elites actively opposed land reform initiatives, which they felt threatened their social and political status.[10] As such, political leaders of the rural poor attempted to achieve land reform from below, through grassroots action. MST broke new ground by tackling land reform itself, by "breaking... dependent relations with parties, governments, and other institutions,"[11] and framing the issue in purely political terms, rather than social, ethical, or religious ones.

The first statute to regulate land ownership in Brazil after its

squatter's rights, and favoured the historic concentration of land ownership, which became a hallmark of modern Brazilian social history.[12] The Lei de Terras left in place the colonial practice of favouring of large landholdings created by mammoth land grants to well-placed people, which were usually worked by slaves.[13]

In capitalist terms, continuing the policy favoured economies of scale, given the limited number of land owners, but at the same time, made it difficult for small planters and peasants to obtain the land needed to practice subsistence agriculture and small-scale farming.[14]

The consolidation of land ownership into just a few hands had ties to the advent of

Eric Hobsbawn's 1959 work Primitive Rebels. It was criticized for its unspecific definition of "social movement," but also praised for melding political and religious movements, previously separately examined.[20]
This blend was later the basis for the MST's emergence.

Both messianism and cangaço disappeared in the late 1930s, but in the 1940s and '50s, additional peasant resistance broke out to evictions and land grabbing by powerful ranchers:

These local affairs, however, were repressed or settled locally, and did not give rise to an ideology. Policy makers and scholars across the political spectrum believed that it was, objectively, an economic necessity to permit the end of Brazilian rural society through mechanized

latifundia impeded both economic modernization and democratization.[22]

During the 1960s, various groups attempted land reform through the legal system, beginning with the

cattle ranches.[24] These groups questioned the existing distribution of land ownership through a rational appeal to the social function of property.[clarification needed
]

Despite the efforts of these groups, land ownership continued to concentrate, and both at the time of MST's founding and in the present-day Brazil, has had a highly dynamic and robust agricultural business sector that came, say some,[who?] at the price of extensive dislocation of the rural poor.[25] MST questioned the scope of the benefits from the alleged efficiency of the change, given that since 1850, Brazilian land development had been concerned with the interests of a single class—the rural bourgeoisie.[26] While the MST frames its policies in socio-economic terms, it still points to Canudos and its alleged millenarism[27] to legitimize its existence,[28] and to develop a powerful mystique of its own.[29]

A great deal of the early organizing in the MST came from Catholic communities.

expropriation of estates larger than 600 hectares in areas near federal facilities, such as roads, railroads, reservoirs, and sanitation works; these ideas triggered a strong conservative backlash, and led to Goulart's loss of power.[34] Nevertheless, the Brazilian Catholic hierarchy formally acknowledged the principle in 1980.[35][36]

In Brazilian constitutional history, land reform—understood in terms of public management of natural resources

government bonds rather than cash, previously the only legal practice (Art. 157, §1, as amended by Institutional Act No. 9, 1969).[40]

Land reform and the 1988 constitution

The constitution passed in 1988 required that "property shall serve its social function,"[41] and that the government should "expropriate for the purpose of agrarian reform, rural property that is not performing its social function."[42]

Under Article 186 of the constitution, a social function is performed when rural property simultaneously meets the following requirements:

  • Rational and adequate use.
  • Adequate use of available
    natural resources
    , and preservation of the environment.
  • Compliance with the provisions which regulate labor relations.
  • Development uses which favor the well-being of owners and workers.

Since the criteria are vague and not objectively defined, the social interest principle was seen as a mixed blessing,[who?] but accepted in general. Landowners have lobbied against the principle since 1985 through the landowners' organization, União Democrática Ruralista (Democratic Union of Rural People, or UDR), whose rise and organization parallels that of the MST. Although it avowedly dissolved itself in the early 1990s, some believe it persists in informal regional ties between landowners.[43] UDR lobbying over the constitutional text is believed[who?] to have watered down concrete enforcement of the "social interest" principle.[44]

One Brazilian law handbook argues that land reform, as understood in the 1988 constitution, is a concept made up of various "compromises," on which constitutional law has consistently evaded taking a clear stance, and so one could argue either for or against the MST without leaving the framework of the Constitution.

public-interest litigation,[46] so concrete proceedings for land reform are left to the initiative of the groups concerned, through onerous and time-consuming legal proceedings. Given "the highly problematic and ideologically driven nature of the Brazilian justice system,"[47] all parties have an incentive to resort to more informal methods: "while the large landowners try to evacuate squatters from their land, squatters might use violence to force institutional intervention favoring them with the land expropriation afterwards [...] violence is mandatory for both sides to achieve their goals."[48] These tactics raise controversy about the legality of the MST's actions, since it tries to ensure social justice unilaterally.[49]

The MST identifies rural land it believes to be unproductive and that does not meet its social function, then occupies the land,

National Institute for Colonization and Agrarian Reform (INCRA), determines whether occupied property had indeed been unproductive. The MST's legal activity bases itself on the idea that property rights are in a continuous process of social construction, so litigation and seeking to strike sympathy among the judiciary is essential to MST's legitimacy.[52]

Traditionally, Brazilian courts side with landowners, and file charges against MST members some call "frivolous and bizarre."

Brasilia by MST activists, who were met by police firing rubber bullets and tear gas.[58]

History

Foundation

Monument by Oscar Niemeyer dedicated to the MST.

The smashing of the

latifundia.[60] The re-democratization process in the 1980s, however, allowed grassroots movements to pursue their own interests,[61]
rather than those of the state and the ruling classes. The emergence of the MST fits into this framework.

Between late 1980 and early 1981, over 6,000 landless families established an encampment on land located between three unproductive estates in Brazil's southernmost state of

Araguaia guerrillas
.

Curió enforced the blockade ruthlessly;[65] most of the landless refused his offer of resettlement on the Amazonian frontier, and eventually pressured the military government into expropriating nearby lands for agrarian reform.[66] The Encruzilhada Natalino episode set a pattern. Most of subsequent early development of the MST concerned exactly the areas of southern Brazil where, in the absence of an open frontier, an ideological appeal at an alternate foundation for access to the land—other than formal private property—was developed in response to the growing difficulties agribusiness posed for family farming.[67] The MST also developed what became its chief modus operandi: local organizing around the concrete struggles of a specific demographic group.[68]

The MST was officially founded in January 1984, during a National Encounter of landless workers in Cascavel, Paraná,[69] as Brazil's military dictatorship drew to a close. Its founding was strongly connected to Catholic-based organizations, such as the Pastoral Land Commission, which provided support and infrastructure.[70]

During much of the 1980s, the MST faced political competition from the National Confederacy of Agrarian Workers' (CONTAG), heir to the peasant leagues of the 1960s, who sought land reform strictly through legal means, by favoring trade unionism, and striving to wrestle concessions from bosses for rural workers. But the more aggressive tactics of the MST in striving for access to land gave a political legitimacy that soon outshone CONTAG, which limited itself to trade-unionism in the strictest sense, acting until today as a rural branch of the Central Única dos Trabalhadores (CUT).[71] MST eventually all but monopolized political attention as a spokesman for rural workers.[72]

From the 1980s on, the MST has not maintained a monopoly of land occupations, many of which are carried out by a host of grassroots organizations (dissidents from the MST, trade unions, informal coalitions of land workers). However, the MST is by far the most organized group dealing in occupations, and has enough political leverage to turn occupations into formal expropriations for public purposes. In 1995, only 89 of 198 occupations (45%) were organized by the MST, but these included 20,500 (65%) out of the grand total of 31,400 families involved.[73]

1995–2005 Cardoso government

Brazil has long history of violent land conflict. During the 1990s, the MST emerged as the most prominent land reform movement in Brazil, and in 1995–1999, led a first wave of occupations[74] which resulted in violence. The MST, landowners, and the government accused each other of the killings, maimings, and property damage.

In the notorious

Eldorado de Carajás massacre in 1996, nineteen MST members were gunned down, and another 69 were wounded by police as they blocked a state road in Pará.[75] In 1997 alone, similar confrontations with police and landowners' security details accounted for two dozen internationally acknowledged deaths.[76]

In 2002, the MST occupied the family farm of then-president Fernando Henrique Cardoso[77] in Minas Gerais, a move publicly condemned by Lula, then-leader of the leftist opposition,[78] and other prominent members of the PT.[79][80] The farm was damaged and looted in the occupation, and a combine harvester, tractor, and several pieces of furniture were destroyed.[81] MST members also drank all the alcohol at the farm. Later, 16 MST leaders were charged with theft, vandalism, trespassing, kidnapping, and resisting arrest.[82]

In 2005, two undercover police officers investigating cargo truck robberies near an MST homestead in Pernambuco were attacked. One was shot dead, and the other tortured; MST was suspected to be involved.[83]

Throughout the early 2000s, the MST occupied functioning facilities owned by large corporations, whose activities it considered at odds with the social function of property. On March 8, 2005, the MST invaded a

nursery and a research center in Barra do Ribeiro, 56 km (34.8 mi) from Porto Alegre, both owned by Aracruz Celulose. The MST members held local guards captive while they ripped plants from the ground. MST president João Pedro Stédile commented that MST should oppose not only landowners, but also agrobusinesses that partook in "the project of organization of agriculture by transnational capital allied to capitalist farming"—a model he deemed socially backwards and environmentally harmful.[84] In the words of an anonymous activist: "our struggle is not only to win the land ... we are building a new way of life."[85] The shift had been developing since the movement's 2000 national congress, which focused mainly on the perceived threat of transnational corporations, whether Brazilian or foreign, to both small property in general, and to Brazilian national food sovereignty,[86] especially in the area of intellectual property.[87] In July 2000, this principle was the impetus for MST to mobilize and lead farmers in an attack against a ship loaded with GM maize from Argentina that was docked in Recife.[88] Since 2000, much of the movement's activism consisted in symbolic acts in opposition of multinational corporations, as "a symbol of the intervention politics of the big monopolies operating in Brazil."[89]

A possible reason contributing to the change in strategy might have been the perceived shift in government stances in the late 1990s and early 2000s. The Cardoso government declared that Brazil "had no need" for land reform, that small farms were not competitive, and were unlikely to increase personal

neoliberal discourse."[92]

Cardoso offered lip service to agrarian reform in general, but also described the movement as "a threat to democracy."[93] He compared the MST's demands for subsidized credit, which led to the 1998 occupation of various banks in Paraná, to bank robbery.[94] In a memoir written after he left office, Cardoso expressed sympathy for land reform, stating, "were I not President, I would probably be out marching with them," but also countering, "the image of mobs taking over privately-owned farms would chase away investment, both local and foreign."[95] Although Cardoso himself never branded the MST as terrorists, his Minister of Agricultural Development did, and even hypothesized that the MST invaded Argentina from the north in order to blackmail the Brazilian government into action.[96] In July 1997, Senior General Alberto Cardoso,[97] Cardoso's Chief of Military Household (Chefe da Casa Militar, among other things, a general comptroller over all issues regarding the military and police forces as armed civil servants), expressed concern about participation of MST activists in the then-ongoing police officers' strikes, as a plot to "destabilize" the military.[98]

In terms of concrete measures, Cardoso's government's approach to land reform was divided: while the administration simultaneously acquired land for settlement and increased taxes on unused land, it also forbade public inspection of invaded land—thereby precluding future expropriation, and the disbursement of public funds to people involved in such invasions.[99] Cardoso's main land reform project, supported by a World Bank US$90 million loan, was addressed to individuals who had experience in farming, and a yearly income of up to US$15,000; they were granted a loan of up to US$40,000 if they could associate with other rural producers in order to buy land from a willing landholder.[100] Thus, this programme catered primarily to substantial small farmers, not to the MST's traditional constituency—the rural poor. Cardoso's project, Cédula da Terra ("landcard"), did offer previously landless people the opportunity to buy land from landowners, but in a negotiated process.[101]

In the words of an American scholar, despite its efforts in resettlement, the Cardoso government did not confront the prevailing mode of agricultural production: concentrated, mechanized, latifundia-friendly commodity production—and the resulting injustices.[102] In his own words, what Cardoso could not accept about the MST was what he saw not as a struggle for land reform, but a wider struggle against the capitalist system.[103] Therefore, Cardoso's administration tried to initiate tamer social movements for land reform on purely negotiated terms, such as the Movement of Landless Producers (Movimento dos Agricultores Sem Terra, or MAST), organized on a local basis in the São Paulo State, around the trade union central Syndical Social Democracy (SDS).[104]

By contrast, MST leaders emphasized that their practical activity was a response to the poverty of so many people who had little prospects of productive, continuous work in conventional labor markets. This reality was admitted by President Cardoso in a 1996 interview: "I'm not going to say that my government will be of the excluded, for that it cannot be ... I don't know how many excluded there will be."[105] In 2002, João Pedro Stedile admitted that in plotting the movement's politics, one had to keep in mind "that there are a great many lumpens in the country areas."[106] In Stedile's view, the existence of the large underclass should not be held against the working class character of the movement, because many rural working class had been "absorbed" into the periphery of the urban proletariat.[107] Such a view is shared by some academic authors, who argue that, behind its avowedly "peasant" character, the MST, as far as class politics is concerned, is mostly a semi proletarian movement, consisting of congregations of people trying to eke out a living in the absence of formal wage employment, out of a range of activities across a whole section of the social divisions of labour.[108]

MST somewhat filled the void left by the decline of the organized labor movement in the wake of Cardoso's neoliberal policies.[109] Therefore, the movement took steps to ally with urban struggles, especially those connected to housing.[110] João Pedro Stedile stated that the struggle for land reform would unfold in the countryside, but would be decided in the city, where "political power for structural change" resided.[111]

2005–2010 Lula government and March for Agrarian Reform

The Lula government was seen by the MST as a leftist and therefore friendly government, so MST decided to shun occupations of public buildings in favor of actions against private landed states[clarification needed], in a second wave of occupations starting in 2003.[112] However, the Lula government's increasingly conservative positions, including its low profile on land reform,[113][114] (actually somewhat less than achieved by Cardoso in his first term[115]) impelled the movement to change its stance as early as early 2004, when it again began to occupy public buildings and Banco do Brasil agencies.

In June 2003, the MST occupied the

pesticides.[119] Stedile later called Monsanto one of the ten transnational companies that controlled virtually all international agrarian production and commodity trading.[120] Similarly, in 2006, the MST occupied a research station in Paraná owned by Swiss corporation Syngenta, which had produced GMO contamination near the Iguaçu National Park. After a bitter confrontation over the existence of the station (which included easing of previous restrictions by the Lula government to allow Syngenta to continue GMO research), the premises were transferred to the Paraná state government, and converted into an agroecology research center.[121]

After an exchange of barbs between Lula and Stedile over what Lula saw as an unnecessary radicalization of the movement's demands,

Brasilia. The MST march targeted the U.S. embassy and Brazilian Finance Ministry, rather than President Lula. While thousands of landless carried banners and scythes through the streets, a delegation of 50 held a three-hour meeting with Lula, who donned an MST cap for the cameras. During this session, Lula recommitted to settling 430,000 families by the end of 2006, and to allocating the human and financial resources to accomplish this. He also committed to a range of related reforms, including an increase in the pool of land available for redistribution [Ramos, 2005]. Later, the Lula government would claim to have resettled 381,419 families between 2002 and 2006—a claim disputed by the MST.[123] The movement argued the numbers had been doctored by the inclusion of people already living in areas (national forests and other managed areas of environmental protection, as well as other already existing settlements) where their presence had only been legally acknowledged by the government.[124] The MST also criticised Lula's administration to call mere land redistribution by means of handing out of small plots land as "reform," when it was simply a form of welfarism (assistencialismo) that was unable to change the productive system.[90]

The march was held to demand, among other things, that President Lula implement his own limited agrarian reform plan, rather than spend the project's budget on servicing the national debt [Ramos, 2005]. Several MST leaders met with President

Lula da Silva on May 18, 2005—a meeting that had been resisted by Lula since his taking of office.[125] The leaders presented Lula with 16 demands, including economic reform, greater public spending, and public housing. In interviews with Reuters, many of the leaders said they still regarded Lula as an ally, but demanded that he accelerate his promised land reforms. However, in September of that year, João Pedro Stedile declared that, in terms of land reform, Lula's government was "finished."[126] By the end of Lula's first term, it was clear that the MST had decided to act again as a separate movement, irrespective of the government's agenda.[127] As far as the MST was concerned, the greatest gain it received from the Lula government was the non-criminalization of the movement itself; the tough, anti-occupation measures taken by the Cardoso government were left in abeyance, and not enforced.[128] Attempts to officially define the MST as a "terrorist organization" were also opposed by Workers' Party congresspersons.[129] Nevertheless, the Lula government never acted in tandem with the MST, according to a general pattern of keeping organized social movements outside the fostering of the government's agenda.[130]

However, as stated by a German author, the Lula government year after year proposed a blueprint for land reform that was regularly blocked by regional agrarian elites.[131]

Lula's election to the presidency raised the possibility of active government support for land reform, so conservative media increased their efforts to brand the MST's actions as felonies.

9/11, Brazilian media tended to describe the MST as "terrorists," lumping it together loosely with various historical and mediatic happenings[136] in keeping with an international post-9/11 trends of relegating any political movement against existing globalization to beyond the pale, and outside the boundaries of permissible political discourse.[137]

The MST assumes its activities are continuously surveilled by military intelligence.[138] Various intelligence organs, Brazilian and foreign, assume a relationship between the MST and various terrorist groups.[139] The MST is regarded as a source of "civil unrest."[140]

In late 2005, a parliamentary inquiry commission, where landowner-friendly congressmen held a majority, classified the MST's activities as terrorism, and the MST itself as a criminal organization. However, its report met no support from the PT members of the commission, and a senator ripped it up before TV cameras, saying that those who voted for it were "accomplices of murder, people who use slave labor, [and] who embezzle land illegally."[141] Nevertheless, based on this report, a bill presented to the Chamber of Deputies in 2006 by Congressman Abelardo Lupion (Democrats- Paraná), proposed making "invading others' property with the end of pressuring the government" a terrorist action, and therefore, a heinous crime. A "heinous" crime in Brazilian law is a felony, designated as such in a 1990 Brazilian law, and those accused of committing them are ineligible for pretrial release.[142][143]

In April 2006, the MST took over the farm of Suzano Papel e Celulose, a large maker of paper products, in the state of Bahia, because it had more than six square kilometres devoted to eucalyptus growth.[144] Eucalyptus, a non-native plant, has been blamed for environmental degradation in northeastern Brazil,[145] as well as reducing the availability of land for small agricultural production, called by some as "cornering" producers (encurralados pelo eucalipto).[146] In 2011, Veja described such activities as plain theft of eucalyptus wood, quoting an estimate from the state's military police that 3,000 people earned a living in Southern Bahia from theft of wood.[147]

In 2008, a group of public attorneys from Rio Grande do Sul who were working with the state's military police issued a report, charging the MST with collusion with international terrorist groups. The report was used in state courts, according to Amnesty International, to justify eviction orders carried out by the police with "excessive use of force."[148] The group of attorneys made public a previously classified report by the Council of Public Attorneys of Rio Grande do Sul, and asked the state to ban the MST by declaring it an illegal organization.

The report declared further investigation pointless, "as it was public knowledge that the movement and its leadership were guilty of engaging in organized criminality." The report also proposed that where MST activists could "cause electoral disequilibrium," the activists' right to vote be withdrawn by striking them from the voter registry.[149] Declarations issued at the same time by the State Association of Military Policy Commissioned Officers, in an open Red Scare vein, declared the MST "an organized movement, striving at instituting a totalitarian state in our country."[150]

Between September 27 and October 7, 2009, the MST occupied an orange plantation in Borebi, State of São Paulo, owned by orange juice multinational Cutrale. The corporation claimed to have lost R$1.2 million (roughly US$603,000) in damaged equipment, missing pesticide, destroyed crops, and trees cut by MST activists.[151] In response, the MST declared the farm to be government property that was illegally embezzled by Cutrale, and that the occupation was intended to protest this, while the destruction was done by provocateurs.[152] Such questioning of the legality of existing private property by denouncing landowners as holding land in adverse possession was one of the movement's main political tools.[153] The Cutrale plantation, Fazenda S. Henrique, was occupied by the MST four more times until 2013, and the multinational's property rights over it are being contested in court by the Federal Government, who alleges that the farm lands were set aside as part of a 1910 settlement projects for foreign immigrants, rights over it going afterward astray during the following century.[154]

During the same period, the MST also repeatedly blocked highways[155][156][157][158] and railroads,[159] to create calls for public attention to the plight of landless workers.[160]

2010–present

The MST wholeheartedly declared support for Dilma Rousseff's candidacy, and once elected, she offered the movement very qualified support. In a national broadcast in November 2010, she declared land reform a question "of human rights," that is, a purely humanitarian one.[161] As Lula's chief of staff, she supported economic growth over ecological and land reform concerns.[162] In a radio interview during the campaign, she repeated the old conservative trope that economic growth could make Brazilian land issues recede: "What we are doing is doing away with the real basis for the instabilities of the landless. They are losing reasons to fight."[163] Thus, one author described the MST's endorsement of Rousseff as a choice of the "lesser evil."[164]

State agencies and private individuals continued to violently oppose the movement's activities. On 16 February 2012, eighty families were evicted from an occupation in

sugar mill awash in unpaid debts.[165] According to MST activist Janaina Stronzake, MST assumes that landowners have a hit list of MST leaders. Many have in fact been killed, although some murders were doctored to make them look like accidents.[166] In April 2014, a Global Witness report called Brazil "the most dangerous place to defend rights to land and the environment," with at least 448 people killed between 2002 and 2013 in disputes over environmental rights and access to land.[167] A report for the Catholic Pastoral Land Commission, Land Conflicts in Brazil 2013, estimated that land struggles were involved in 34 murders in Brazil in 2013, and 36 in 2012.[43]

On April 16, 2012, a group of MST activists occupied the headquarters of the

Eldorado dos Carajás massacre.[168] Minister Pepe Vargas [pt] declared ongoing talks between the government and the MST suspended for the duration of the occupation.[169]

Land activists were dissatisfied with the slowing pace of official land reform projects under the Rousseff government. Fewer families were officially settled in 2011 than in the previous 16 years. Government reaction to the occupation sparked widespread accusations from the PT base that Rousseff had sold out.[170] In a 2012 interview, Stedile admitted that the movement had not benefited from the policies of the PT administrations, since the coalition governments of the PT could not act politically on behalf of land reform.[171]

Both political pundits and activists thought Rousseff's first term was a lean period for land reform, and mainstream media called the MST "tamed" by the two consecutive PT administrations, and drained of mass support by steady economic growth and expanding employment—denying the movement its chief raison d'être. In 2013, MST attempted only 110 occupations.

hectares of nationalized land property which remained unused for want of proper peasants."[174]

The PT government's base generally felt that the vested interest of agribusiness in setting development policies during the Lula and Rousseff administrations hampered aggressive policies of expropriation and land reform.[175]

In November 2014, amid the radicalization surrounding Rousseff's reelection, an unannounced visit to Brazil by Venezuelan Minister for Communities and Social Movements

Elias Jaua led to an information exchange agreement in agro-ecology between the MST and the Venezuelan government. The visit and agreement created tension among the conservatives in the Brazilian Congress; Senator and landowner Ronaldo Caiado described it as "an arrangement between a high-placed representative of a foreign government and an unlawful entity, aimed at building a socialist society," and argued for a clearly more conservative stance on land reform, and therefore, less maneuvering room for the MST.[176] The movement described Caiado's reaction as evidence that "conservative sectors are hostile to any form of grassroots participation [in the political process]."[177]

In an even clearer sign of limited room, Rousseff chose Kátia Abreu, the notorious female landowner, to be a member of her second-term cabinet.[178][179] However, some have suggested that the ongoing tension between the MST and the PT, far from signaling an impending end, on the contrary, suggested a reconfiguration of the MST, from a single-issue movement to one with a wider focus on political and social emancipation.[180] Since the 1990s, such a tendency has been expressed in the integration of MST with various other grassroots organizations in a network sponsored by progressive Catholics, the CMP (Central de Movimentos Populares, or Union of Popular Movements),[181] through which the MST developed its collaboration with its urban "sister" organization, the MTST.[182]

Land ownership

Consolidation of land ownership continued unabated. In 2006, according to the property census, the

trade surpluses generated by the agricultural exports, so "the correlation of forces moves against agrarian reform."[184] The resumption of sustained general economic growth in the Lula years might have greatly diminished social demand for land reform, especially among the informally and/or under-employed urban workers, who formed most of the movements' later membership.[185][186] In a 2012 interview, a member of the MST national caucus, Joaquim Pinheiro, declared that the recent increase in welfare spending and employment levels had had a "sobering" influence on Brazilian agrarian activism, but he declared himself in favor of government spending on social programs, adding that the MST feared, however, that people would become "hostages" to such programs.[187] But as of 2006, according to the MST, 150,000 families lived in its encampments, compared to 12,805 families in 1990.[188]

Organizational structure

The MST is organized entirely, from the grassroots level up to the state and national coordinating bodies, into collective units that make decisions through discussion, reflection, and consensus. This non-hierarchical pattern of organization, reflecting liberation theology and Freirean pedagogy, also avoids distinct leadership that can be bought off or assassinated.[189] The basic organizational unit, 10 to 15 families living in an MST encampment settlement,[190][191] is known as a nucleo de base. A nucleo de base addresses the issues faced by member families, and members elect two representatives, one woman and one man, to represent them at settlement/encampment meetings. These representatives attend regional meetings, and elect regional representatives, who then elect the members of the state coordinating body of the MST, a total of 400 members of state bodies—around 20 per state—and 60 members of the national coordinating body, around 2 per state. Every MST family participates in a nucleo de base, roughly 475,000 families, or 1.5 million people. João Pedro Stédile, economist and author of texts on land reform in Brazil, is a member of the MST's national coordinating body.

The MST is not a political party, and has no formal leadership, other than a dispersed group of some 15 leaders, whose public appearances are scarce. This secrecy minimizes the risk of arrest,[192] and also preserves a grassroots, decentralized organizational model. This is regarded as an important strategy by the MST, in that it allows the movement to maintain an ongoing and direct flow of communication between member-families and their representatives. Coordinators are aware of the realities faced by member-families, and are encouraged to discuss important issues with said families. This organizational blueprint seeks, in a way, to empower people politically by having them acting "in the way they see fit, true to local context."[193] To assist with communication between Coordinators and member-families, and as an attempt to democratize the media, the MST produces the Jornal Sem Terra and the MST Informa.

The structure and goals of the MST has led some authors to consider it a large

autonomist Marxist organization.[195]

Ideology

The MST is an ideologically eclectic rural movement of hundreds of thousands of landless peasants (and some who live in small cities), striving for land reform in Brazil. Since its inception, the MST has been inspired by

autonomist Marxist organization.[195]

The landless say they have found institutional support in the Catholic Church's teachings of social justice and equality, as embodied in the activities of Catholic Base Committees (Comissões Eclesiais de Base, or CEBs), which generally advocate liberation theology and anti-hierarchical social relations. This theology, a radicalized re-reading of the existing social doctrine of the Church, became the basis of the MST's ideology and organizational structure.[189] The loss of influence of progressives in the later Catholic Church[when?], however, has reduced the closeness of the relationship between the MST and the Church, as such.[197]

MST's anti-hierarchical stance stems from the influence of Paulo Freire. After working with poor communities in the rural Brazilian state of Pernambuco, Freire observed that aspects of traditional classrooms, such as teachers with more power than students, hindered the potential for success of adults in adult literacy programs. He determined that the students' individual abilities to learn and absorb information were severely impeded by their passive role in the classroom. His teachings encouraged activists to break their passive dependence on oppressive social conditions, and become engaged in active modes of behaving and living. In the mid-1980s, the MST created a new infrastructure for the movement, directly guided by liberation theology and Freirian pedagogy. They did not elect leaders, so as to not create hierarchies, and to prevent corrupt leadership from developing.[189]

The MST has widened the scope of their movement. They have invaded the headquarters of public and multinational institutions, and begun to resist the appearance of fields of

stricto sensu, or rural workers recently evicted from the land, but also the urban jobless and homeless people who want to make a living by working on the land; thus, its affinity with housing reform and other urban movements.[199] The squatters' movement MTST (Movimento dos Trabalhadores Sem teto - Homeless Workers' Movement) is commonly seen as an offshoot of the MST.[200]

Liberation Theology and Mística

As mentioned above, the MST draws ideological inspiration from many conceptual frameworks, both religious and political, with one aspect of this inspiration being the practice of mística. Mística refers to performance or dance conducted in ceremony-like conditions, often with nonverbal components, and carried out with the intention of affirming confidence in desired goals or action.[201] With this in mind, mística can be considered a form of mysticism that exists within a distinctly Latin American context.[201] With regards to the MST, this form of mística underwent a series of changes prior to becoming fully adopted by the organisation as part of its methods and practices. Christian mysticism is often an individual experience, rather than collective and communal, and consequently, the form of mística practiced by the MST differs chiefly in this regard. It is a communal experience (often linked keenly with the emergence of CEBs) that often sees participation from the assembled group, rather than an individual, and this change was brought about by the influence of liberation theology on the MST in the late sixties.[201]

Additionally, as historian Daniela Issa notes, mística is a process by which communities associated with the MST can narrate their own history by reviving a collective memory of the oppressed, often in contexts where censorship and state violence are commonplace.[202] The form of mística associated with the MST also draws on a variety of cultures and origins, with roots in Catholic ritualism, as well as Afro-Brazilian religious practices that had first been introduced after the migration of slavery into Brazil in the 16th century. Not only this, but some contemporary historians have also identified aspects of the MST mística as having originated from Indigenous practices and belief systems.[202] One example of recent demonstrations of mística within the MST is found in the practices of the ceremony at the ten year anniversary of the Eldorado do Carajás massacre. Members engaging in mística carried effigies of the bodies, while singing and chanting, as they converged on a location that symbolised the site of the event.[202]

The MST highly value education, and the organisation is committed to the teachings of Freirian pedagogy, which espouses the process of

conscientisation. This commitment to community education forms another aspect of the group's mixture of influences. Popular education and liberation theology are closely linked with the practice of mística within the MST, as CEB's, and the sense of community generated by popular education often form the site of mística—with many members having overlapping interests and participation in each aspect.[201] Such settlements and communities produced by the encampments of the MST actively encourage and sponsor the practice of mística within CEB's present, as a method of reaffirming commitment and dedication to the goals of the group, these goals often being exclusively linked to the political ambitions and campaigns at the time of practice.[201]

Ideological foundations of MST's later activism

The supposed opposition to capitalist modernity on the part of the movement[203] has led authors to ascertain that the MST activities express, in a way, the decline of a traditional peasantry, and its desire of restoring traditional communal rights.[204] This is what differentiates between the MST and a movement for the preservation of communal rights, such as the Zapatista Army of National Liberation.[205]

However, there are others who assert that instead of expressing the "decline" of the peasantry, the MST, developing as it was in Brazil, a country where agriculture has been tied to commodity production since colonial times, expresses the absence of a proper peasantry,[206] and has, as its social basis, a rural working class that strives to gain a foothold in the field of capitalist production. As remarked by non-specialist foreign onlookers, the MST's tagging of the landless as "rural workers"—i.e. proletarians, in the Marxist sense—appears sometimes more as a purely ideological branding than anything else.[207]

According even to a Leftist scholar like James Petras, the MST is undoubtedly a modernizing social movement, in that its main goal is to convert fallow states into viable units that are able to produce a marketable surplus—"to occupy, resist, and produce," as the movement's own motto goes.[208] It is also not a movement with a clear-cut anti-capitalist stance, as what it seeks is to "create a land reform based on small individual property-owners."[209] As far as its steads are concerned, the movement has adopted a mostly private enterprise-friendly stance: with the monies it has procured, it has financed mechanization, processing enterprises, livestock breeding, as well as granting access to additional credit sources.[210] Some even see the movement's aims as "quite limited," as in practice, it tends to merely provide a chance for some people "to interact with the [ruling] capitalist economy"[211] by means of a kind of "guerrilla capitalism," aimed at ensuring that smaller producers' associations carve a share of the market for agrarian produce against the competition of mammoth agribusiness trusts.[212]

In the view of Marxist authors, like Petras and Veltmeyer, such a stance would reflect the incapacity of a heterogeneous coalition of rural people to engage in a broad, anti-systemic coalition, which would include the urban working classes.[213] Shunning this Marxist paradigm, other authors see in the rhetoric of the MST the reflection of an ideological struggle, not for taking power, but for recognizance, for "reconstituting the diversity of rural Brazil".[214] This struggle for recognizance - despite its being couched in fiery radical rhetoric - is seen by some as "indeed relevant for the democratization of 'rural society', but [it does] not entail political motivations destined to promote ruptures".[215] In even more blunt terms, a recent academic paper asserts that the ideology of the MST, connected as it is in practice with the landlesss' concrete needs for making out a living in the countryside, is above all an edible ideology.[216] A recent German handbook describes the MST as a mere pressure group, unable to exert actual political power.[217] Other authors, however, maintain that the interest of the MST in maximize its members' everyday participation in the running of their own affairs is enough to describe the movement as "socialist" in a broad sense.[218]

Education

According to the MST, it taught over 50,000 landless workers to read and write between 2002 and 2005. It also runs the Popular University of Social Movements (PUSM)

Marxist scholar Florestan Fernandes, the school offers secondary school classes in a variety of fields; its first graduating class (2005) of 53 students received degrees in Specialized Rural Education and Development. With the University of Brasília, the government of Venezuela and the NGO Via Campesina, as well as agreements with federal, state and community colleges, it offers classes in pedagogy, history, and agronomy, and technical subjects at different skill levels.[220] The building was constructed with by brigades of volunteers using soil cement bricks made onsite at the school.[221] The late Oscar Niemeyer designed an auditorium and further sustainable, low environmental impact expansion of the school complex is pending.[222][when?
]

The MST formed its education sector in Rio Grande do Sul in 1986, a year after its first national convention.[223] By 2001, about 150,000 children attended 1,200 primary and secondary schools in its settlements and camps. The schools employ 3,800 teachers, many of them MST-trained. The movement has trained 1,200 educators, who run classes for 25,000 young people and adults. It trains primary-school teachers in most states of Brazil, and partners with international agencies such as UNESCO, UNICEF and the Catholic Church. Seven institutions of higher education in different regions provide degree courses in education for MST teachers.[224] Some call MST communal schools markedly better than their conventional counterparts in rural communities, in both quantitative and qualitative terms.[225]

Media coverage

The role of the MST as a grassroots organization running

charter schools activity has attracted considerable attention from the Brazilian press, much of it accusatory. Veja, Brazil's largest magazine, known for unrestrained hostility [226] to social movements in general[227] published a profile[228] of two MST schools in Rio Grande do Sul and said the MST was "indoctrinating" children between 7 and 14.[229] Children were also shown what the article called propaganda films, which taught that genetically modified (GMO) products contain "poison", and were advised not to eat margarine that might contain GMO soybean. The Brazilian authorities allegedly had no control over MST schools, and according to the profile they did not follow the mandatory national curriculum set out by the Ministry of Education, which calls for "pluralism of ideas" and "tolerance". "Preaching" "Marxism" in MST schools was analogous to preaching radical Islam tenets in madrassas, the article said.[230]

This was just one episode in a long history of mutual very bitter animosity between Veja and the MST. In 1993, the magazine described the MST as "a peasant organization of Leninist character" and charged its leaders and activists with pretending to be homeless.[231] In February 2009 the magazine opposed public support for the "criminal" activities of the movement[232] and the MST charged the magazine a year later with "vandalizing" both journalism and the truth itself.[233] In 2011, a mention of the MST in Veja called it "a criminal mob".[234] In early 2014, after MST tried to invade the STF building, a Veja columnist described said it was "playing leader to a non-existing cause".[235] This journalistic mud-slinging has justified at least two academic monographs wholly dedicated to it alone.[236][237]

Overall the relationship of the mainstream media with the MST has been ambiguous: in the 1990s they tended to support land reform as a goal in general, and presented MST in a sympathetic light. For example, between 1996 and 1997

cameo appearances as themselves praising their fictive colleague's agenda.[239]

The media however tend to disavow what they see as violent methods,[240] especially as the movement gathered strength.[241] It does not outright disavow the movement's struggle for land reform, but Brazilian media moralize: "to deplore the invasion of productive land, the MST's irrationality and lack of responsibility, the ill-using of distributed land parcels and to argue for the existence of alternate peaceful solutions".[242]

Sustainable agriculture

The increased importance of the technicians and experts within the MST has led some sections of the movement to strive to develop and diffuse technology suitable for a model of

genetically modified crops, intends to produce organic, native seed to distribute through MST. Various other experiments in reforestation, taming of native species[clarification needed] and medicinal uses of plans have been carried out in MST settlements.[247] The MST is the largest producer of organic rice in Latin America.[248]

In 2005, the MST partnered with the federal government of Venezuela, and the state government of Paraná, the Federal University of Paraná (UFPR), and the International Via Campesina, an organization that brings together movements involved in the struggle for land from all over the world, to establish the Latin American School of Agroecology. The school, located in an MST agrarian reform project known as the Contestado settlement, signed a protocol of intentions in January[when?] during the fifth World Social Forum.[249]

See also

Notes

  1. ^ Feix, Plínio José (2012). "O Pensamento Marxista no Projeto Político dos Dirigentes do MST" (PDF). Universidade de Campinas (UNICAMP). Archived (PDF) from the original on 16 April 2016. Retrieved 10 November 2017.
  2. ISBN 0-89608-595-3
    , page 146 in 2007
  3. ISBN 978-1-84407-458-7
    , page 185
  4. ISBN 978-0-415-95774-8
    , page 146
  5. ^ "Nossos objetivos". MST page, "Nossos Objetivos | MST - Movimento dos Trabalhadores Sem Terra". Archived from the original on 2 September 2012. Retrieved 1 September 2012.. Retrieved September 1, 2012
  6. ISBN 978-0-415-42031-0
    .
  7. ^ About the MST Archived 2019-06-27 at the Wayback Machine on mstbrazil.org. Accessed September 9, 2006.
  8. ^ "Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais sem Terra (MST)". The Right Livelihood Award. Archived from the original on 24 August 2018. Retrieved 8 January 2020.
  9. ISBN 1-85649-724-0
    , page 148
  10. ISBN 1-903900-73-5
    , pp. 156/157
  11. ^ Bernardo Mançano Fernandes, "The MST and Agrarian Reform in Brazil". Socialism and Democracy online, 51, Vol. 23, No.3, available at [1] Archived 2017-12-15 at the Wayback Machine
  12. ^ Carlos Ignacio Pinto. "A Lei de Terras de 1850". Klepsidra.net. Archived from the original on 29 February 2012. Retrieved 14 August 2012.
  13. ISBN 0-8223-2258-7
    , p. 264
  14. ISBN 978-0-8223-4539-8
    , pages 38 sqq.
  15. ISBN 0-520-05306-0
    , p. 45
  16. ISBN 0-8032-6348-1
    , page 133
  17. ISBN 9788571083301. Archived
    from the original on 21 April 2023.
  18. ^ Sarah R. Sarzynski, History, Identity and the Struggle for Land in Northeastern Brazil, 1955--1985. ProQuest, 2008: page 284
  19. ISBN 0-520-04154-2
    , page 210, footnote 10
  20. ISBN 85-7139-380-X
    , page 125
  21. ISBN 978-0-7190-3550-0
    , pages 188/189
  22. ISBN 978-85-225-0596-8
    , V.1, page 164
  23. ISBN 1-84277-425-5
    , page 342
  24. ISBN 0-520-01878-8
    , page 191
  25. ISBN 0-7425-2631-3
    , page 17
  26. ISBN 85-85701-82-X
    , page 30
  27. ISBN 0-520-20343-7
    , page 65
  28. ISBN 978-85-209-1264-5
    , page 118
  29. ISBN 0-203-96605-8
    , page 154
  30. ISBN 0-935028-90-0
    , page 74
  31. ^ Petras & Veltmeyer, Cardoso's Brazil, 18
  32. ISBN 0-8143-1938-6
    , page 25; Scott Mainwaring, The Catholic Church and politics in Brazil, 1916–1985. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1986, page 55
  33. ISBN 1-55963-766-8
    , page 31
  34. ISBN 85-225-0578-0
    , page 74
  35. ^ the National Conference of Brazilian Bishops (CNBB) issued a document - Church and Land Problems - recognizing and pleading for public acknowledgement of communal rights to the land.
  36. ISBN 85-314-0591-2
    , page 104
  37. ISBN 978-1-84720-398-4
    , page 52
  38. ^ (Article 157, III)
  39. ISBN 978-0-935028-28-7
    , page 266
  40. ^ "Constituição67". www.planalto.gov.br. Archived from the original on 24 October 2015. Retrieved 22 January 2019.
  41. ^ (Article 5, XXIII.)
  42. ^ (Article 184)
  43. ^ Sonia Maria Ribeiro de Souza & Anthonio Thomaz Jr, "O Mst e a Mídia: O Fato e a Notícia". Scripta Nova, Vol. VI, no. 119 (45), 1st. August de 2002, available at [2] Archived 2011-09-28 at the Wayback Machine
  44. ISBN 0-7456-3361-7
    , page 87
  45. ^ Felipe Dutra Asensi, Curso Prático de Argumentação Jurídica, Rio de Janeiro: Elsevier, 2010, Google Books, partially available at [3]
  46. ISBN 978-0-521-84540-3
    , page 224
  47. ISBN 978-0-415-47771-0
    , page 21
  48. ^ Artur Zimerman, "Land and Violence in Brazil: A Fatal Combination". LASA paper, page 9. Available at [4] Archived 2012-04-26 at the Wayback Machine. Retrieved December the 20th.2011
  49. ISBN 978-0-19-955916-9
    , page 168
  50. ISBN 0-7391-0331-8
    , page 311
  51. ^ Jan Rocha and Sue Branford. Cutting the Wire: The story of the landless movement in Brasil. 2002, Latin American Bureau, page 291
  52. ISBN 1-84331-235-2
    , page 134; Peter P. Houtzager, The movement of the landless (MST) and the juridical field in Brazil. Institute of Development Studies, 2005
  53. ^ Wilder Robles-Cameron, D.Phil. Thesis, University of Guelph. Dept. of Sociology & Anthropology, 2007: Peasant mobilization, land reform and agricultural co-operativism in Brazil. page 160. Available at [5] Archived 2016-12-16 at the Wayback Machine
  54. ^ Jayme Benvenuto Lima Jr., ed: Independence of Judges in Brazil. Recife: GAJOP/Bagaço, 2005, page 89. Available at [6] Archived 2015-09-24 at the Wayback Machine. Retrieved December 12, 2011.
  55. ^ In August 1999, State Higher Court Judge Rui Portanova overruled a trial court decision granting a landowner's petition to evict MST from his property, with the following reasoning:

    Before applying a law, the judge must consider the social aspects of the case: the law's repercussions, its legitimacy and the clash of interests in tension. The [MST] are landless workers who want to grow produce in order to feed and enrich Brazil, amid this globalized, starving world... However, Brazil turns her back on them, as the Executive offers money to the banks. The Legislative... wants to make laws to forgive the debts of the large farmers. The press charges the MST with violence. Despite all that, the landless hope to plant and harvest with their hands, and for this they pray and sing. The Federal Constitution and Article 5... offers interpretive space in favor of the MST ... [I]n the terms of paragraph 23 of Article 5 of the Federal Constitution [that landed property must fulfill a social function], I suspended [the eviction.] (Decision #70000092288, Rui Portanova, State Court of Rio Grande do Sul, Porto Alegre)

  56. ^ Mendes condena ações de sem-terra em Pernambuco e São Paulo. G1 newssite, 25 February 2009, available at [7] Archived 2012-10-04 at the Wayback Machine
  57. ^ "MST defende Dirceu e chama STF de 'serviçal à classe dominante' - 22/11/2013 - Poder". Folha de S.Paulo. Archived from the original on 23 January 2019. Retrieved 22 January 2019.
  58. ^ MST tenta invadir STF em Brasília; PM usa bomba para dispersar manifestante. UOL newssite, February 12, 2014, available at [8] Archived 2014-09-03 at the Wayback Machine
  59. ^ Thomas William Merrick, Elza Berquó, National Research Council (U.S.). Committee on Population and Demography. Panel on Fertility Determinants: The determinants of Brazil's recent rapid decline in fertility. Washington D.C.: National Academic Press, 1983, page 133
  60. ISBN 0-472-11006-3
    , pages 67/68
  61. ISBN 1-56639-167-9
    , page 169
  62. ^ Local mobilization of peasants dislocated by dam constructions was one of the primary sources of grassroots rural mobilization in the 1980s in southern Brazil, which gave rise to a national organization, the Movimento dos Atingidos por Barragens (MAB), or "Dam-slighted people's Movement"; cf. Franklin Daniel Rothman and Pamela E. Oliver, "From Local to Global: The Anti-Dam Movement in Southern Brazil". Mobilization: An International Journal, 1999, 4(1), available at [9] Archived 2012-04-04 at the Wayback Machine. Accessed 16 November 2011
  63. ^ "CESNUR 2001 - The Landless Movement (Alcantara)". www.cesnur.org. Archived from the original on 31 October 2018. Retrieved 22 January 2019.
  64. ISBN 0-8020-3907-3
    , pages 140/141
  65. ^ "Da luta há 25 anos, o reencontro em Sarandi | MST - Movimento dos Trabalhadores Sem Terra". Archived from the original on 19 July 2013. Retrieved 21 July 2013.
  66. ISBN 978-0-271-03353-2
    , pages 67/69
  67. ISBN 978-0-7425-5332-3
    , Chapter 10
  68. ISBN 2-84586-173-7
    , page 113
  69. ^ Marlene Grade & Idaleto Malvezzi Aued, "A busca de uma nova forma do agir humano: o MST e seu ato teleológico", Paper presented at the XIth. Congress of Sociedade Brasileira de Economia Política, Vitória, 2006; published at Textos e Debates (UFRR), Federal University of Roraima, Boa Vista-RR, v. I, p. 16-35, 2005.
  70. ISBN 0-8476-8355-9
    , page 94
  71. ^ Cf. The description offered by the Trotskyist review International Viewpoint, in the article by João Machado, "The two souls of the Lula government", March 2003 issue (IV348), available at [10] Archived 2011-10-17 at the Wayback Machine
  72. ^ Mauricio Augusto Font, Transforming Brazil, 89
  73. ^ Lee J. Alston, Gary D. Libecap, Bernardo Mueller, Titles, conflict, and land use, pages 61/62
  74. UNESP professor Bernardo Mançano, interview to Giovana Girardi, available at "Unesp - Universidade Estadual Paulista - Portal". Archived from the original
    on 1 October 2011. Retrieved 10 August 2011.
  75. ^ "Folha Online - Brasil - Ocupações do MST lembram 13 anos do massacre de Eldorado dos Carajás (PA) - 17/04/2009". .folha.uol.com.br. 17 April 2009. Archived from the original on 16 October 2012. Retrieved 14 August 2012.
  76. ISBN 1-4039-6255-3
    , page 164
  77. ^ "www.agp.org | arquivos dos protestos globais: MST action in Brazilian president's farm | 23/2/2002". Nadir.org. Archived from the original on 4 February 2012. Retrieved 14 August 2012.
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  79. ^ "Folha Online - Brasil - Entre petistas, maioria é contra ação de sem-terra - 10/04/2002". .folha.uol.com.br. 1 January 1970. Archived from the original on 4 February 2012. Retrieved 14 August 2012.
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  81. ^ "Folha Online - Brasil - Administrador da fazenda de FHC avalia prejuízo em R$ 100 mil - 26/03/2002". .folha.uol.com.br. 26 March 2002. Archived from the original on 4 February 2012. Retrieved 14 August 2012.
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  87. ISBN 0-203-96605-8
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  90. ^
    ISBN 978-1-4051-9758-8
    , page 259
  91. ISBN 0-8157-0032-6
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  111. ISBN 0-935028-71-4
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  131. ^ Christoph Blepp, Blockaden und Disparitäten?: Über das Entwicklungspotential und dessen Hindernisse in Brasilien. GRIN Verlag, 2011, n;p.g., page 10
  132. ISBN 978-987-574-200-0
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  133. ^ "VEJA on-line". Veja.abril.com.br. Archived from the original on 2 November 2013. Retrieved 14 August 2012.
  134. ^ Police Brutality Observatory site [15] Archived 2009-12-20 at the Wayback Machine. Retrieved October 19, 2014
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  137. ISBN 978-0-465-00494-2
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  140. ISBN 0-312-29456-5
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  141. ^ Relatório de CPI chama invasão de terra de "ato terrorista". Folha de S. Paulo, 29 November 2005. Available at [17] Archived 2012-04-06 at the Wayback Machine
  142. ISBN 1-59213-339-8
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  143. ^ Rafael Litvin Villas Bôas, "Terrorismo à brasileira: a retórica da vez da classe dominante contra o MST". Revista NERA, Ano 11, nº. 13, July-Dec./2008. Available at [18] Archived 2012-04-25 at the Wayback Machine Retrieved December 11, 2011
  144. ^ "Folha Online - Brasil - Pedido do Incra faz PM suspender reintegração de posse na Suzano - 27/04/2006". .folha.uol.com.br. 27 April 2006. Archived from the original on 27 September 2011. Retrieved 14 August 2012.
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    , page 114
  147. ^ Veja, issue 2,216, 11 May 2011
  148. ISBN 978-84-96462-23-6
    , pages 124–125
  149. ISBN 978-85-7430-989-7
    , page 33
  150. ^ Mario Guerreiro, "Ele estava certo e todos estavam errados". Federal University of Santa Catarina paper, n.d.g., available at [20] Archived 2012-04-07 at the Wayback Machine. Accessed December 27, 2011
  151. ^ "Cutrale afirma que MST causou R$1,2 milhão de prejuízo em sua fazenda de laranja". Agencia Brasil newssite, October 14, 2009, [21] Archived 2014-10-19 at the Wayback Machine. Retrieved October 19, 2014
  152. ^ "Carta Capital: Os vencdos não se entregam - Portal Vermelho". Vermelho.org.br. Archived from the original on 14 June 2012. Retrieved 14 August 2012.
  153. ISBN 978-0-521-60735-3
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  154. ^ "MST volta a ocupar fazenda da Cutrale no interior paulista". Agencia Brasil newssite, July 31, 2013, [22] Archived 2014-10-19 at the Wayback Machine. Retrieved October 19, 2014
  155. ^ "Folha Online - Brasil - MST pára estrada na Bahia e acampa em Goiânia para exigir reforma agrária - 02/05/2006". .folha.uol.com.br. 1 January 1970. Archived from the original on 27 September 2011. Retrieved 15 August 2012.
  156. ^ "Folha Online - Brasil - Sem-terra bloqueiam quatro rodovias em Mato Grosso - 23/05/2005". www1.folha.uol.com.br. Archived from the original on 15 December 2018. Retrieved 22 January 2019.
  157. ^ "Folha Online - Brasil - MST interdita rodovia em Pernambuco - 10/03/2005". www1.folha.uol.com.br. Archived from the original on 15 December 2018. Retrieved 22 January 2019.
  158. ^ "Folha Online - Brasil - MST interdita rodovia e inicia duas marchas no PA - 12/04/2004". .folha.uol.com.br. 1 January 1970. Archived from the original on 27 September 2011. Retrieved 15 August 2012.
  159. ^ "Folha Online - Brasil - Depois de parar ferrovia, MST volta a invadir no entorno de BH - 11/06/2004". .folha.uol.com.br. 1 January 1970. Archived from the original on 27 September 2011. Retrieved 15 August 2012.
  160. ^ Lee J. Alston, Gary D. Libecap, and Bernardo Mueller, "Interest Groups, Information Manipulation in the Media, and Public Policy: The Case of the Landless Peasants Movement in Brazil". NBER Working Paper No. 15865, April 2010, page 12. Available at [23] Archived 2015-09-15 at the Wayback Machine. Accessed December 16, 2010.
  161. ^ Genny Petschulat, "Grass-Roots Struggle in the 'Culture of Silence': Collective Dialogue and the Brazilian Landless Movement". University of Tennessee Honors Thesis Projects, 2010, pages 47/48, available at [24] Archived 2012-04-30 at the Wayback Machine. Retrieved November the 19th. 2011
  162. ^ Gustavo de L. T. Oliveira, "Land Regularization in Brazil and the Global Land Grab: A Statemaking Framework for Analysis". International Conference on Global Land Grabbing, 6–8 April 2011, Institute of Development Studies, University of Sussex, p. 12.
  163. ^ Benjamin Dangl, "Why land reform makes sense for Dilma Rousseff". The Guardian, 27th January 2011, available at [25] Archived 2016-12-03 at the Wayback Machine
  164. ISBN 978-0-415-83237-3
    , page 74
  165. ^ "Polícia realiza despejo em acampamento do MST no estado de Alagoas". MST site, "Polícia realiza despejo em acampamento do MST no estado de Alagoas | MST - Movimento dos Trabalhadores Sem Terra". Archived from the original on 3 March 2012. Retrieved 22 February 2012.. Retrieved February the 22nd. 2012
  166. ^ Mª Ángeles Fernández,J. Marcos, eds., Diez encuentros incómodos con América del Sur: Diez entrevistas a diez voces críticas del continente. Hornillo de Cartuja (Granada, Spain): Crac, 2013, page 30 (e-book)
  167. ^ "Sharp rise in environmental and land killings as pressure on planet's resources increases – report". Archived from the original on 20 April 2014. Retrieved 23 April 2014.
  168. ^ "MST invade prédio do Ministério do Desenvolvimento Agrário". Folha.com newssite, April the 16th. 2012, available at [26] Archived 2013-12-30 at the Wayback Machine
  169. ^ "Governo suspende negociações após MST invadir ministério". Folha.com newssite, April the 16th. 2012, available at [27] Archived 2013-12-31 at the Wayback Machine
  170. ^ "Dilma fights accusations of selling out, risks losing party support". Global Post, April 6, 2012, available at [28] Archived 2012-04-14 at the Wayback Machine
  171. ^ Interview, Jornal dos Economistas, no.278, November 2012, pages 6/7
  172. ^ "Em 2013, MST registra o menor número de invasões durante governos do PT". O Globo , January 1, 2014, [29] Archived 2014-01-06 at the Wayback Machine Retrieved January 5, 2014
  173. ^ Século Diário, December 28, 2013, [30] Archived 2013-12-26 at the Wayback Machine. Retrieved December 29, 2013
  174. ^ " 'Agora estão tentando privatizar inclusive o ar', diz João Pedro Stédile" - IG newssite, December 11, 2013, [31] Archived 2013-12-14 at the Wayback Machine. Retrieved December 30, 2013
  175. ^ Armando Boito Jr. & Tatiana Berringer, "BRASIL: CLASSES SOCIAIS, NEODESENVOLVIMENTISMO E POLÍTICA EXTERNA NOS GOVERNOS LULA E DILMA".REVISTA DE SOCIOLOGIA E POLÍTICA V. 21, Nº 47: 31-38 SET. 2013. Available at [32] Archived 2015-04-27 at the Wayback Machine. Retrieved April 19, 2015
  176. ISBN 978-0-415-47771-0
    , page 20
  177. ^ "MST defende acordo de cooperação assinado com ministro venezuelano". Agencia Brasil, Carta Capital, 10 November 2014, available at [33] Archived 2014-11-13 at the Wayback Machine. Retrieved November 13, 2014
  178. ^ "Lil' Miss Deforestation", who had clashed in public with the MST over the issue of slavelabour
  179. ISBN 978-1-4709-2543-7
    , page 216
  180. ISBN 978-0-415-83704-0
    , Chapter 6
  181. ISSN 1415-854X
    (1998): 77-91.
  182. ISBN 978-0-7425-5757-4
    , pages 101/102
  183. ^ Carta Capital, issue 657, July 29, 2011
  184. ^ A. Haroon Akram-Lodhi, Saturnino M. Borras, Cristóbal Kay, Land, poverty and livelihoods in an era of globalization, p. 111
  185. ^ Wendy Muse Sinek, Coalitional Choices and Strategic Challenges: the Landless Movement in Brazil 1975–2000. Center for Latin American Studies working paper, University of California-Berkeley, September 2007, Paper no. 19. Available at [34] Archived 2015-01-21 at the Wayback Machine. Accessed December the 28th. 2011. Pp. 29 sqq.
  186. ^ Haro Brookfield, H. C. Brookfield, Helen Parsons: Family Farms: survival and prospect, p. 169
  187. ^ O Globo, January the 30th. 2012
  188. ^ Armando Boito, Andréia Galvão e Paula Marcelino: "Brasil: o movimento sindical e popular na década de 2000". CLACSO paper, n.d.g., available at [35] Archived 2012-04-25 at the Wayback Machine, page 50. Accessed December the 29th. 2011
  189. ^
    ISBN 978-0-415-98983-1
    .
  190. ^ "encampment" is for a non-legally recognized occupation, "settlement" for one already recognized
  191. ISBN 978-1-84407-458-7
    , page 186
  192. ISBN 0-472-11006-3
    , page 63
  193. ISBN 0-275-97502-9
    , page 25
  194. ^ a b Gelderloos, Peter (2010). Anarchy Works.
  195. ^
    ISBN 978-987-20834-1-0
    .
  196. ISBN 2-84586-173-7
    , page 114
  197. ISBN 2-7637-8075-X
    , page 120
  198. ISBN 1-4039-7228-1
    , pages 156/157
  199. ^ Magda Zanoni & Hugues Lamarche, eds. Agriculture et ruralité au Brésil, page 165
  200. ISBN 978-0-7456-6014-1
    , page 198
  201. ^ a b c d e "Mistica, meaning and popular education in the Brazilian Landless Workers Movement | Popular Education South Africa". www.populareducation.org.za. Retrieved 6 May 2022.
  202. ^
    S2CID 143217568
    .
  203. ^ Jagdish N. Bhagwati,In defense of globalization, 24, which equates MST activism with the late mediaeval and early modern anti-usury laws
  204. ISBN 0-8229-3964-9
    ,page 165
  205. ISBN 0-203-50566-2
    , page 312
  206. ISBN 978-88-16-40840-1
    , page 341
  207. ISBN 0-521-79663-6
    , page 17
  208. ISBN 0-7546-3540-6
    , page 97
  209. ISBN 0-631-22972-8
    , page 346
  210. ISBN 0-203-93597-7
    , page 169
  211. ISBN 978-0-7546-7108-4
    , page xii
  212. ^ Michel DuQuette, Collective Action and Radicalism in Brazil,145
  213. ISBN 0-7146-8319-1
    , page 15
  214. ^ Malcolm K. McNee, "Soundtracking landlessness", IN Idelber Avelar & Christopher Dunn, eds., Brazilian Popular Music and Citizenship. Duke University Press, 2011, page 151
  215. ISBN 978-1-84467-078-9
    , page 156
  216. ^ Wendy Wolford, "Edible Ideology? Survival Strategies in Brazilian Land-Reform Settlements".Geographical Review, Vol. 86, No. 3, July 1996, pp. 457–461
  217. ISBN 978-3-643-10987-3
    , page 140
  218. ISBN 978-1-4422-2948-8
    , page 39
  219. ^ "Universidade Popular dos Movimentos Sociais - EM DESTAQUE". www.universidadepopular.org. Archived from the original on 29 January 2019. Retrieved 22 January 2019.
  220. NGO's Association of Friends of the Florestan Fernandes School site, [36] Archived 2014-08-06 at the Wayback Machine
    . Retrieved August 29, 2014
  221. ^ Cf. América Latina en Movimiento news website, January the 19th. 2005: "MST inaugura Escola Nacional Florestan Fernandes", text available at [37] Archived 2011-07-18 at the Wayback Machine
  222. ^ Rainer Grassmann & Analia Amorim, "Tecnologias construtivas de baixo impacto ambiental, alto valor social e cultural". Undergraduate monograph, abridgment, Faculty of Architecture and Urbanism of the São Paulo University site [38] Archived 2014-10-06 at the Wayback Machine. Retrieved October 5, 2014
  223. ^ Fernandes, Barnard Mancano. The Formation of the MST in Brazil. Editora Vozes, Petropolis 2000, page 78
  224. ^ Jan Rocha and Sue Branford. Cutting the Wire
  225. ISBN 978-1-56549-241-7
    , page 79
  226. ^ A Forbes magazine obituary of the recently deceased Veja boss, media mogul Roberto Civita, described the magazine's content as "filled with bomb-throwers and in clear opposition to the Workers' Party government": Forbes May 27, 2013, [39] Archived 2017-09-08 at the Wayback Machine. Retrieved July 18, 2013
  227. ISBN 85-7478-205-X, page 80; on the derogatory stance taken by Veja on Brazilian mass movements and on the common people in general, see Daniel do Nascimento e Silva, "Identities forged in pain and violence: Nordeste's writing" - Paper Prepared for delivery at the 2010 Congress of the Latin American Studies, Toronto, October 6–9, 2010, available at [40] Archived 2011-07-18 at the Wayback Machine
    ; on the magazine's harsh treatment of all MST issues, see Miguel Carter, "The landless rural workers' movement (MST) and democracy in Brazil", University of Oxford/Center of Brazilian Studies, Working Paper CBS-60-05, available at "Archived copy" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 19 July 2011. Retrieved 27 January 2011.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link), especially footnote 47)
  228. Madrassas
    ". Author Monica Weinberg
  229. ^ based on an MST publication "Education Notebook, no. 8" saying that one of the goals for children who attend the classes is to "develop class and revolutionary conscience".
  230. ^ "VEJA on-line". Veja.abril.com.br. Archived from the original on 17 December 2012. Retrieved 14 August 2012.
  231. ^ Veja, issue 1,286, 6 May 1993
  232. ^ Governo paga ações criminosas do MST, Veja site, 28th. August 2009, available at [41] Archived 2012-10-14 at the Wayback Machine
  233. ^ Como VEJA está depredando o jornalismo e a verdade. MST site, 12th. January 2010, available at "Como VEJA está depredando o jornalismo e a verdade | MST - Movimento dos Trabalhadores Sem Terra". Archived from the original on 1 May 2011. Retrieved 9 April 2011.
  234. ^ Veja, issue 2,222, June 22, 2011
  235. ^ "O MST, líder de uma causa que não existe, tenta invadir o STF na base da porrada! Ou: Como o governo Dilma estimula a bagunça e a violência. Ou: Gilberto Carvalho não vai se demitir? - Reinaldo Azevedo". VEJA.com. Archived from the original on 22 January 2019. Retrieved 22 January 2019.
  236. ^ Diogo de Almeida Moisés, A Revista Veja na Cobertura da Luta de Terras no Brasi. B.A. Monography, Centro Universitário de Belo Horizonte, Communication Sciences Department, 2005, available at "Archived copy" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 16 March 2012. Retrieved 9 April 2011.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link)
  237. ISBN 978-85-7419-453-0
  238. ^ Chris Healy and Stephen Muecke, eds., Cultural Studies Review: Homefronts. The University of Melbourne: V.15, no.1, March 2009, page 158
  239. ISBN 978-0-8204-8114-2
    , page 165
  240. ^ John L. Hammond, "The MST and the Media: Competing Images of the Brazilian Farmworkers' Movement" . Latin American Politics & Society - Volume 46, Number 4, Winter 2004, pp. 61–90
  241. ISBN 978-3-639-19018-2
  242. ^ Alessandra Aldé & Fernando Lattman-Weltman: "O Mst na TV: Sublimação do Político, Moralismo e Crônica Cotidiana do Nosso 'Estado de Natureza'". LPCPOP-Iuperj paper, available at "Archived copy" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 15 April 2012. Retrieved 22 December 2011.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link). Retrieved December 22, 2011
  243. ^ Ana Delgado Alemán, "Towards Inclusive Environmental Governance: a Study of the Expert-Lay Interplay in a Brazilian Social Movement". Doctoral Thesis, the University of Bergen, 2009, available at [42] Archived 2012-04-25 at the Wayback Machine. Accessed November the 16th. 2011
  244. ISBN 978-1-84369-589-9
    , page 33
  245. ISBN 978-1-84407-782-3
    , page 115
  246. ISBN 978-3-89958-245-1
    , page 19
  247. ISBN 978-1-60021-421-9
    , page 218
  248. ^ 1 Million Members, 100 Million Trees: How Brazil’s Socialist Farmers Are Fighting Big Ag, Monthly Review, 15 November 2023
  249. ^ Ian Scoones, "Mobilizing Against GM Crops in India, South Africa and Brazil". Journal of Agrarian Change, Vol 8. issue 2-3, April 2008.

References

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