Bakla

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Baklâ
Filipino
Regions with significant populations
Philippines
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    trans women.[6]

    Bakla are socially and economically integrated into

    katalonan, and other shamans in the indigenous Philippine folk religions. In modern times, a minority group of Filipinos disapprove or reject the baklas, usually on religious grounds allegedly from Christian or Muslim beliefs. The stereotype of a baklâ is a parlorista—a flamboyant, camp cross-dresser who works in a beauty salon; in reality, the bakla thrives in numerous sectors of society, from the lower to the upper levels.[7][8][9]

    Etymology

    In modern

    babaylan.[12][13]

    However, the word itself has been used for centuries, albeit in different contexts. In

    homosexual men were instead called binabaé ("like a woman") or bayogin (also spelled bayugin or bayoguin, "infertile"), during the Spanish colonial period.[14]

    The Tagalog poet Francisco Balagtas used the word bacla in reference to "a temporary lack of resolve", as seen in his popular works Florante at Laura and Orosman at Zafira.[15] This archaic usage is also seen in the 17th-century Tagalog religious epic Casaysayan nang Pasiong Mahal ni Jesucristong Panginoon Natin na Sucat Ipag-alab nang Puso nang Sinomang Babasa ("Story of the Passion of Jesus Christ Our Lord that Surely Shall Ignite the Heart of Whosoever Readeth"), which is chanted during Holy Week. The passage narrating the Agony in the Garden has a verse that reads "Si Cristo'y nabacla" ("Christ was confused").[16]

    By the advent of World War II, the term baklâ had evolved to mean "fearful" or "weakened" in Tagalog, and became a derogatory term for effeminate men.[15] A common euphemism for baklâ during this period was pusong babae (literally "female-hearted"). It was not until the 1990s when more positive discourse on queer and gay identities became more mainstream that baklâ lost its original derogatory connotation.[12][17]

    Other native terms for bakla also exist in other

    Subanen.[22]

    In addition, there are numerous modern neologisms for bakla, especially within swardspeak, with varying levels of acceptance. These include terms like badáf, badíng, beki, judíng, shokì, shoklâ, sward, and vaklúsh, among many others.[23][24]

    Definition

    Baklâ is a

    bisexual men.[15][25][26][27]

    Because the term baklâ specifically denotes effeminacy, it is traditionally not applied to masculine gay men. However, due to increasing globalization and influence from the Western categories of sexual orientation, baklâ has become incorrectly equated with the gay identity and used generally for homosexual men, regardless of the individual's masculinity or femininity in presentation.[15][17]

    Baklâ are often considered the natural "third gender" in Filipino culture.[15][2] This is illustrated in the children's rhyme that begins by listing four distinct genders: "girl, boy, baklâ, tomboy."[17][27] Like in English, the term tomboy (archaic lakin-on or binalaki) refers to masculine (usually lesbian) women, and is understood as the polar opposite of the baklâ.[5]

    Baklâ is also commonly used as a term for

    endonym "pinoy". But it has yet to gain widespread acceptance.[29][30][6][31][32][33][34]

    The difficulty of correlating definitions with western terminology is because of the fundamental difference in the cultural views on homosexuality.

    sex binary. In Philippine context, this would be the binary of the loób (the inner self or spirit, lit. "inside") and labás (the physical form, lit. "outside"). Thus it is similar to the South Asian hijra and the Native American two-spirit. This is contrasted to the other two patterns of homosexuality worldwide, namely age-biased patterns (like pederasty in Ancient Greece) and role-playing patterns (like in certain Middle Eastern and Latin American cultures).[15][35]

    History

    Main articles:
    Philippine shamans
    Itneg potters; the one on the right is a bayok in female attire (c. 1922)[36]

    Homosexual relations in both sexes were common and bore no stigma in

    pre-colonial Philippines. There are numerous accounts of feminized men in early Spanish records.[37] They were described as being dressed as women, worked in traditionally female roles, and were treated as women by the community. They were considered as comparable to biological women aside from their incapability to give birth to children.[38][39] They were even recorded as being married to men.[15][22][39] Some also married women, though this did not preclude homosexual relationships.[37] Generally, these effeminate men were known as bayog (also bayok or bayogin; spelled bayoc or bayoquin in Spanish) in Luzon, and asog in the Visayas islands, both with meanings denoting "infertility" or "impotence".[40]

    Due to their association to the feminine, they were regarded as having greater powers of intercession with the

    Bugis people, the warok of the Javanese people, and the manang bali of the Iban people.[41]

    Shamans were highly respected members of the community as ritual specialists: healing the sick, keeping

    spirit mediums for communicating with ancestral and nature spirits. They were second only to the nobility in the social hierarchy, and could function as a community's interim leader (similar to a regent or interrex) in the absence of the datu.[42][43][44]

    In Historia de las islas e indios de Bisayas (1668), the Spanish historian and missionary Francisco Ignacio Alcina records that the asog became shamans by virtue of being themselves. Unlike female shamans, they neither needed to be chosen nor did they undergo initiation rites. However, not all asog trained to become shamans.[15][22] Castano (1895) states that the people of Bicol would hold a thanksgiving ritual called atang that was "presided" by an "effeminate" priest called an asog. His female counterpart, called a baliana, assisted him and led women in singing the soraki in honor of Gugurang, the supreme deity of Bikol mythology.[45] Regardless, the majority of shamans in most Philippine precolonial cultures were female.[40]

    During the three centuries of Spanish colonization (1565–1898), the Catholic Church introduced harsh measures to suppress both female and asog shamans. In realms and polities absorbed by the Spanish Empire, shamans were maligned and falsely accused as witches and "priests of the devil", and were persecuted violently by the Spanish clergy. The previously high status of the babaylan was thus lost. The role of women and the relative gender egalitarianism of Philippine animistic cultures, in general, became more subdued under the patriarchal culture of the Spanish.[46][47]

    The most strongly affected by this religious shift to Abrahamic religions were the feminized male asog shamans. During the 17th to 18th centuries, Spanish administrators in the Philippines burned people convicted of homosexual relations at the stake and confiscated their possessions, in accordance to a decree by the president of the Real Audiencia, Pedro Hurtado Desquibel. Several instances of such punishments were recorded by the Spanish priest Juan Francisco de San Antonio in his Chronicas de la Apostolica Provincia de San Gregorio (1738–1744).[15][48]

    Asog shamans were leaders of several revolts against Spanish rule from the 17th century to the 18th century. Notable ones include the Tamblot uprising of Bohol in 1621–1622 and the Tapar rebellion in Panay in 1663.[49][50] Later rebellions in the 19th and 20th centuries were also led by male shamans. However, these later shamans (collectively known as the dios-dios, "god pretenders") followed syncretic Folk Catholicism, rather than pre-colonial anito shamanism. Though they still dressed as women in rituals, they were married to women and were unlikely to be homosexual.[37][51]

    Feminized men were also persecuted harshly in the (then recently) Islamized ethnic groups in Mindanao. In Historia de las Islas de Mindanao, Iolo, y sus adyacentes (1667), the Spanish priest Francisco Combés records that their "unnatural crime" was punished by the Muslim peoples in Mindanao with death by burning or drowning, and that their houses and property were also burned as they believed that it was contagious.[15]

    This was followed by American colonization (1898–1946), which though secular, introduced the idea that homosexuality and effeminacy was a "sickness".[17][52] Despite this, the colonization of the Philippines did not fully erase the traditional equivocal views of Filipinos with regards to queer and liminal sexual and gender identities. Though there are still problem areas, Filipino culture as a whole remains relatively accepting of non-heteronormative identities like the baklâ.[17]

    Culture

    Vice Ganda, a popular Filipino comedian, actor, and television personality, self-identifies as a baklâ.[53]

    Beauty pageants

    Baklâ communities are renowned for staging beauty pageants,[7] with Miss Gay Philippines being national in scope. Participants model swimsuits, national costume, and dresses, and showcase their talents, as in female beauty pageants worldwide.

    Swardspeak

    Main article: Swardspeak

    Baklâs have an

    Manila Sound band Hotdog. The title of the song means "You're fabulous, Girl" and uses the swardspeak slang bongga ( "fabulous").[54][55][56]

    Babaeng bakla

    See also: Fag hag

    Heterosexual women who develop deep friendships or almost exclusively associate with the native bakla LGBT subculture are known as babaeng bakla (literally "a woman who is a bakla"). They stereotypically acquire the mannerisms, campy sense of humor, lingo, and fashion sense of the bakla. They are also usually more extroverted and socially dominant. It is commonly perceived as a positive self-identification, and various prominent local celebrities (like Maricel Soriano and Rufa Mae Quinto) openly identify as babaeng bakla.[57][58]

    Legal status

    Main article: LGBT rights in the Philippines
    2018 rally to support the passage of the Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity and Expression (SOGIE) equality bill

    Since independence, noncommercial, homosexual relations between two adults in private have never been criminalized in the Philippines, although sexual conduct or affection that occurs in public may be subject to the "grave scandal" prohibition in Article 200 of the Revised Penal Code (though this is applied to everyone, not only LGBTQ people).[59]

    In December 2004, it was reported that

    Philippine Constitution.[60]

    Same-sex marriage is not recognised in the Philippines, preventing many homosexual men from getting married. Legislation attempting to legalise same-sex marriage in the Philippines has been presented to Congress, but none has passed thus far.[61]

    Religion

    See also: Religion in the Philippines

    The Philippines is predominantly Christian, with over 80% of Filipinos belonging to the Roman Catholic Church.[62] Church doctrine officially tolerates persons with such orientations but condemns homosexual activity as "intrinsically disordered."[63] This condemnation of homosexuality presents a problem for baklâ because of potential discrimination in a Catholic-dominated society. As a result, baklâ youth in particular are at a higher risk for suicide, depression and substance abuse than their heterosexual peers, with risk increasing as parental acceptance decreases.[64]

    While a significant minority, baklâ adherents of

    Evangelical churches and the Iglesia ni Cristo are more fundamentalist
    in doctrine, and thus strongly condemn homosexual acts and suppress such identities within their congregations.

    Non-Christian Filipinos who profess

    Abrahamic Faiths in that homosexual acts are held to be sinful.[21][67] According to the Delhi High Court, Hinduism does not officially condemn homosexuality.[68] As for Buddhism, the Dalai Lama (who is the most influential figure of the Gelug tradition of Tibetan Buddhism) has maintained that homosexuality is "sexual misconduct" for Buddhist followers but does not condemn it for non-believers.[69]

    See also

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    External links

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