Tung Chee-hwa
This poorly sourced must be removed immediately from the article and its talk page, especially if potentially libelous. )Find sources: "Tung Chee-hwa" – news · newspapers · books · scholar · JSTOR (January 2023) |
Succeeded by | Donald Tsang | |
---|---|---|
Vice Chairman of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference | ||
In office 13 March 2005 – 10 March 2023 | ||
Chairman | Jia Qinglin Yu Zhengsheng Wang Yang | |
Member of the Executive Council of Hong Kong | ||
In office 7 October 1992 – 3 June 1996 | ||
Appointed by | Chris Patten | |
Personal details | ||
Born | Shanghai, China | 7 July 1937|
Spouse |
Hanyu Pinyin Dǒng Jiànhuá | |
IPA | [tʊ̀ŋ tɕjɛ̂n.xwǎ] | |
Wu | ||
Romanization | Ton Cie Wa | |
Hakka | ||
Romanization | Dung3 Gien4 Fa2[6] | |
Yue: Cantonese | ||
Yale Romanization | Dúng Gin wàh | |
Jyutping | Dung2 Gin3 Waa4 | |
IPA | [tʊ̌ŋ kīːn wȁː] |
Tung Chee-hwa
Born as the eldest son of Chinese shipping magnate
He was appointed an unofficial member of the
After his resignation, he was appointed vice chairman of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference by the Beijing government and formed the China-United States Exchange Foundation (CUSEF) in 2008 to influence public opinion towards China in the United States. In 2014, he founded a think tank Our Hong Kong Foundation consisting of the membership of numerous leading tycoons. He remains influential in Hong Kong politics and is dubbed as "kingmaker".[7]
Family and early life
Tung was born in
In 1949 during the
All of Tung's children hold American citizenship.[15]
Early business and political career
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He joined his father's business upon his return to Hong Kong in 1969 and gradually took over the leadership of the family enterprise. He took over his family business in 1982 when his father died. However, in 1985, his company was heavily in debt and teetered on the edge of bankruptcy. Henry Fok, a pro-Beijing businessman took initiative and helped Tung's family, with the support of the Beijing government. At the time of the Sino-British negotiation over Hong Kong's sovereignty, Beijing was enforcing the "United Front" strategy to gather the widest possible range of allies together and gradually isolate opponents.
Tung became close to the Communist authorities in Beijing afterward especially with Jiang Zemin, former General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party, who had risen to power surrounded by his "Shanghai clique"; Tung could be associated with them because he was from the nearby city of Ningbo, Zhejiang and had lived and worked in Shanghai for a while.[16]
Tung was a member of the
Under the consensus between the British and Chinese government, Tung, until then remained a low profile in politics, was appointed to the Executive Council of Hong Kong by the last British Governor Chris Patten, the highest advisory body in the colonial government in 1992, before he left the office in 1996 and ran for the first Chief Executive election.[citation needed]
Before the election, he received a warm handshake from Jiang Zemin who crossed a crowded room to single out Tung, which was seen as a sign of him being regarded as Beijing's choice for the Chief Executive. Tung employed three "isms" in his election campaign, namely
Chief Executive
First term
In early 1997, Tung saw his victory in the first Chief Executive election,
The government pledged to focus on three policy areas: housing, the elderly, and education.
After being appointed by the
During Tung's first term the government proposed a number of controversial infrastructure and reformation projects including technology park, a science park, a Chinese medicine centre and the Disney theme park. Tung's decisions were somewhat questioned by the central government, including Jiang Zemin, former General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party.
Questions arose over Tung's decision to grant the Cyberport Project to Richard Li, son of tycoon Li Ka-shing, without the benefit of an open tender.[20][21]
The way in which[22] the Walt Disney Company's land grant for its theme park on a 50-year lease apparently disrupted the market, and for studying the possibility of setting up a casino in Hong Kong. His administration was seen as troubled, particularly during the confusion of the first days of the new airport, the mis-handling of the avian influenza epidemic, declining standards due to education reforms (specifically teaching in the Cantonese "mother tongue" and mandatory English examination for teachers), the right of abode issue,[23] and his disagreement of political views[24] with the popular then Chief Secretary, Anson Chan.[25] Tung's popularity plummeted with the economy, to 47% satisfaction at the end of August 2002.[26]
Second term
Tung Chee Hwa, with nominations from 714 members of the electoral college, was uncontested in the election for a second term, as according to the Chief Executive Election Ordinance, nominations from at least 100 members of the 800-strong
Accountability system
In an attempt to resolve the difficulties in governance, Tung reformed the structure of government substantially starting from his second term in 2002.
Crisis of governance in 2003
The first major move of Tung in his second term was to push for the national security legislation to implement Article 23 of the Hong Kong Basic Law in September 2002. However, the initiative drew a hostile response from the pro-democratic camp, lawyers, journalists, religious leaders and human rights organisations.[30] This stoked public concerns that the freedoms they enjoyed would deteriorate. The sentiment, together with other factors such as the SARS epidemic in early 2003, when the government was criticised for its slow response, strained hospital services and the unexpected death toll, resulted in the largest mass demonstration since the establishment of HKSAR, with an estimated 500,000 people (out of the population of 6,800,000) marching on 1 July 2003. Many demanded Tung to step down.[31]
In response to the protests, the leader of the Liberal Party, James Tien, resigned from the Executive Council on evening 6 July, signifying the withdrawal of the party's support for the bill implementing Article 23. As a result, the government had to postpone and later withdraw the bill from the legislative agenda.[32] On 17 July 2003, Regina Ip, the then Secretary for Security who was responsible for implementing Article 23, resigned for personal reasons. Another Principal Official, Finance Secretary Antony Leung, who earlier suffered from a scandal over his purchase of a luxury vehicle weeks prior to his introduction of a car sales tax, which was dubbed as the Lexusgate scandal, resigned on the same day.[33]
Subsequent developments
During the debate over Hong Kong's constitutional development, Tung was criticised as not reflecting effectively the views of the general population to push for 2007/08 universal suffrage to the People's Republic of China government.[34] Although the primary target of popular opposition was the PRC government, Tung's lack of support for the pro-democratic camp resulted in his low approval ratings.[35]
In late 2003, in an attempt to bring back visitors to Hong Kong, Government agency InvestHK was mandated to sponsor the Harbour Fest music festival in October, organised by the American Chamber of Commerce. The result was a series of poorly attended concerts, HK$100m bill for the taxpayers, with the Government, InvestHK and the American Chamber of Commerce blaming each other for the flop.,[36] EOC chairman to be added.[37]
Tung's cabinet suffered another blow in July 2004 when another Principal Official, the Secretary for Health, Welfare & Food, Dr. Yeoh Eng-kiong, resigned on 7 July to take political responsibility for the government's handling of the SARS outbreak in 2003,[38] after the release of the investigation report of LegCo over the issue.
In late 2004, the Tung administration experienced another embarrassment as the large planned sale of government-owned real estate,
With the subsequent improvement in the economy over 2004, unemployment fell and the long period of deflation[40] ended. This resulted in a decrease in public discontent as the government's popularity improved, and popular support for the democratic movement dwindled with a protest in January attracting a mere few thousand protesters compared to the 1 July protests of 2003 and 2004. However, the popularity of Tung himself remained low compared to his deputies including Donald Tsang and Henry Tang.[41]
Resignation
Tung's reputation suffered further damage when Hu Jintao gave him a humiliating public dressing-down for poor governance in December 2004. Official sources specifically cited the poor handling of the Link REIT listing, the West Kowloon cultural project, the Hung Hom flats episode.[42] Tung himself denied it was a dressing-down, and insisted that he retained the central government's support, although he and the rest of the government were asked to examine their past inadequacies.[43] Hu's words, however, were thinly veiled criticism. Nevertheless, in his January 2005 Policy Address, Tung gave a rather critical verdict on his own performance.
The speculation which was running rife in the weeks in the run-up to his actual resignation, and its intensity, continued to perpetuate the impression of Tung's "weakness" and "confusion".[44] Prior to Tung's resignation, in mid-February Stanley Ho, a tycoon with close ties with Beijing, had already commented on the possible candidates for the next Chief Executive and personally endorsed Donald Tsang.[45] This started rumours that Tung would be nominated to the election of vice chairman of Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC) of the PRC. On the night of 27 February 2005, it was revealed that he and nine other persons would be appointed as new members to the CPPCC. All the local newspapers, except for the three controlled by the PRC government, namely Ta Kung Pao, Wen Wei Po and Hong Kong Commercial Daily, went to the presses preemptively on the morning of 2 March with the headline "Tung Resigns".[46] Tung declined to comment when questioned by journalists waiting at the government headquarters.
On 10 March 2005, Tung assembled a press conference at the Central Government Offices and announced that he had tendered his resignation due to "health problems".[47] After flying to Beijing on 11 March, Tung was elected Vice Chairman of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC) on 12 March 2005, the last day of CPPCC annual meeting.
His resignation sparked a constitutional debate of whether his successor should fill his remaining term of two years, or start a new term of five years.[48] Tung was mostly chosen by the PRC due to his business background as well as owing Beijing for saving him from bankruptcy with a US$100 million loan.[49][verification needed]
Post-Chief Executive
U.S.−China politics
Soon after he resigned as Chief Executive, he was appointed
In 2018, the
Influence in Hong Kong
During the 2012 Chief Executive election, it was reported that one of the two candidates, Leung Chun-ying was Tung's protege and therefore Leung acquired the goodwill of Xi Jinping, then the head of managing the Hong Kong and Macau affairs.[56] Leung, who was seen as the underdog, eventually won in the election over the other pro-Beijing candidate Henry Tang.
In 2014, Tung founded a thinktank
In the
In July 2017, Tung sold his family business Orient Overseas (International) Limited (OOIL) to Chinese state-owned Cosco Shipping in a HK$49.2 billion (US$6.3 billion) deal.[7]
Awards
Tung was awarded a
See also
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External links
- Media related to Tung Chee Hwa at Wikimedia Commons
- Works by or about Tung Chee Hwa at Wikisource
- Corpus of Political Speeches : Free access to political speeches by Tung Chee Hwa and other Chinese politicians, developed by Hong Kong Baptist University Library