Walter Hallstein
His Excellency Walter Hallstein | |
---|---|
President of the European Commission | |
In office 7 January 1958 – 30 June 1967 | |
First Vice-President | Sicco Mansholt |
Preceded by | Position established |
Succeeded by | Jean Rey |
State Secretary at the Federal Foreign Office | |
In office 2 April 1951 – 7 January 1958 | |
Preceded by | Position established |
Succeeded by | Hilger van Scherpenberg |
Member of the Bundestag | |
In office 28 September 1969 – 19 November 1972 | |
Constituency | Neuwied |
Personal details | |
Born | Walther [ Christian Democratic Union |
Alma mater | Friedrich Wilhelm University |
Military service | |
Allegiance | Nazi Germany |
Branch/service | Wehrmacht |
Years of service | 1942–1945 |
Rank | Oberleutnant |
Battles/wars | World War II
|
Walter Hallstein (17 November 1901 – 29 March 1982) was a German academic, diplomat and statesman who was the first president of the Commission of the European Economic Community and one of the founding fathers of the European Union.
Hallstein began his academic career in the 1920s Weimar Republic and became Germany's youngest law professor in 1930, at the age of 29. During World War II he served as a First Lieutenant in the German Army in France. Captured by American troops in 1944, he spent the rest of the war in a prisoner-of-war camp in the United States, where he organised a "camp university" for his fellow soldiers. After the war he returned to Germany and continued his academic career; he became rector of the University of Frankfurt in 1946 and spent a year as a visiting professor at Georgetown University from 1948. In 1950 he was recruited to a diplomatic career, becoming the leading civil servant at the German Foreign Office, where he gave his name to the Hallstein Doctrine, West Germany's policy of isolating East Germany diplomatically.
A keen advocate of a
Hallstein left office following a clash with the
Early life and pre-war academic career
Walter Hallstein was born on 17 November 1901 in Mainz, Germany.[a] After primary school in Darmstadt he attended a classical school[b] in Mainz from 1913 until his matriculation (Abitur) in 1920.[7]
From 1920 Hallstein studied law in
In 1935, Hallstein attempted to start a military career alongside his academic duties.[17] In 1936, he managed to integrate a voluntary military service in an artillery unit.[17] In the years between 1936 and 1939, he attended several military courses[18] and was made a reserve officer.[17]
Hallstein was a member of several nominally Nazi professional organizations,
Soldier and prisoner of war (1942–1945)
In 1942 Hallstein was called up; he served in an artillery regiment[10] of the Wehrmacht in Northern France with the rank of first lieutenant (Oberleutnant).[12][h] In early 1944, Hallstein's name was submitted by the
As a German prisoner of war (POW) in the United States, Hallstein started a "camp university",[11] where he held law courses for the prisoners.[23] As part of the Sunflower Project, a project to re-educate German POWs, he attended an "administrative school" at Fort Getty, where teaching included the principles of the Constitution of the United States.[23] Hallstein remained a prisoner of war from June 1944 to mid-1945.[23]
Post-war academic career (1945–1950)
In November 1945 Hallstein returned to Germany,[24] where he campaigned for Frankfurt University to be re-opened. Turning down an offer from Ludwig Erhard to be deputy minister at the Bavarian Ministry of Economics,[10] he became a professor at Frankfurt University on 1 February 1946, and in April he was elected its rector, a position he retained until 1948. He was president of the South German Rectors' Conference, which he founded.[25] From 1948 to 1949, he spent a year as visiting professor at Georgetown University in Washington D.C.[11][23]
Hallstein was co-founder of the German national UNESCO committee and was its president from 1949 to 1950.[24][26]
Diplomatic career (1950–1957)
Foreign affairs at the Chancellery (1950–1951)
Against the background of the
Konrad Adenauer, the German Chancellor, called Hallstein to Bonn, at the suggestion of Wilhelm Röpke,[30] and in June 1950 he appointed him to head the German delegation at the Schuman Plan negotiations in Paris,[11] which were to lead to the formation of the European Coal and Steel Community.[24]
State Secretary at the Foreign Office (1951–1958)
Following a change in the
Hallstein also played an important part in promoting West Germany's goals of regaining
- On 26 May 1952, the Treaty of Bonn was signed by the United States, United Kingdom, France, and West Germany; on ratification, it would largely restore sovereignty to the Federal Republic of Germany (de facto West Germany, but not including West Berlin, which retained a special status).
- On 27 May 1952, the
However, the Treaty of Paris failed to obtain the necessary approval of the French Parliament. Instead, a solution involving the Western European Union (WEU) was agreed, and West Germany was to become a member of NATO.[40] The efforts to resolve the issues culminated, in 1954, in a series of conferences in London and Paris. The German side was represented by Adenauer, the German chancellor, together with the top civil servants at the German Foreign Office: Hallstein, his colleague Blankenhorn, and his deputy, Grewe.[40] Hallstein helped negotiate various treaties at the London
After the ratification of the
Once the major foreign policy objectives were in hand, Hallstein set about restoring Germany's diplomatic service[24] and re-organizing the Foreign Office, based on the findings of the Maltzan Report, a report commissioned by Hallstein on 26 June 1952 and produced a month later by Vollrath Freiherr von Maltzan, a former diplomat, at that time on loan from the Ministry of Economics.[41]
There was criticism of a lack of information and consultation and an atmosphere of secrecy, possible resulting from Adenauer's distrust of the old hands at the Foreign Office, the
On 6 June 1955, Adenauer, who had until then been Foreign Minister as well as Chancellor, appointed
Hallstein was involved in discussions with the French concerning the return of the coal-rich
Hallstein Doctrine
In 1955, Germany had in large measure regained its sovereignty and become integrated into western defence-organizations, the WEU and NATO; European integration had progressed, with the establishment of the ECSC; the Saar question was to be resolved by the referendum in October 1955. In all of these matters, Hallstein had played a major role.[45] Some of the main issues of German foreign policy were now German re-unification and the relations of West Germany (the Federal Republic of Germany) with its eastern neighbours, including East Germany (the German Democratic Republic). Being more involved in Western European integration, Hallstein delegated much of this work to his deputy, Wilhelm Grewe.[46] But in this area particularly, German foreign policy became associated with the name Hallstein. In 1955, Hallstein and Grewe accompanied Adenauer as members of a delegation to Moscow, where the establishment of diplomatic relations between Bonn and Moscow was agreed.[47] It was on the flight back from Moscow that the policy that was later to become known as the Hallstein Doctrine was fleshed out,[48] though the Foreign Office had already devised and practised elements of the policy.[49] The idea behind the Hallstein Doctrine came from Hallstein's deputy, Wilhelm Grewe.[50] The doctrine would become one of the major elements of West German foreign policy from September 1955 – until official recognition of the German Democratic Republic in October 1969.[51]
Based on the
No official text of the so-called "doctrine" was made public, but it was explained publicly in a radio interview[51] by its main architect, Wilhelm Grewe. Adenauer also explained the outlines of the policy in a statement to the German parliament on 22 September 1955.[54] It meant that the Federal German government would regard it as an "
European integration and the Rome treaties
Members of the German government had different positions on European integration. Hallstein and his team at the Foreign Office advocated a federal solution with a form of "constitutional integration" broadly based on the European Coal and Steel Community, with the scope gradually increasing to include additional sectors, and with true parliamentary representation of the European populace.[55] Hallstein contended that institutional integration was in the interests of a successful German export industry.[56] Ludwig Erhard and the Ministry of Economics argued for a looser "functional integration" and advocated intergovernmental economic co-operation. Erhard opposed
In 1955 the foreign ministers of the European Coal and Steel Community met at the Messina Conference, among other things to nominate a member of the High Authority of the European Coal and Steel Community and to appoint its new president and vice-presidents for the period ending 10 February 1957. The conference, which was held from 1 to 3 June 1955 in the Italian city of Messina, Sicily, would lead to the signing of the Treaty of Rome in 1957. Shortly before the conference, Adenauer had given up his double post as Foreign Minister and, since Brentano had not yet been sworn in, Hallstein led the German delegation.[k] The agenda included discussion of an action programme to relaunch
On 6 September 1955, shortly before Adenauer's trip to Moscow, Hallstein, standing in for Brentano, attended the Noordwijk Conference of foreign ministers convened to evaluate progress made by the Spaak Committee.[60] On 9 November 1955, Hallstein reported the results to the West German Cabinet, where the Ministry of Economics and the
In July 1956, Britain had made proposals for the
Another cause of disagreement was the inclusion of
On 25 March 1957, the six countries Belgium, France, Germany, Italy, Luxemburg, and Netherlands signed the
Choosing the President of the Commission
There had been previous suggestions of Hallstein becoming president of the European Court,[68] but now he was put forward as the German candidate for the president of the commission, though the Belgian Minister of Economics, Rey and the Netherlands Agriculture Minister, Mansholt were regarded as the strongest contenders for the position.[69] The conference of foreign ministers on 20 December 1957 could not reach a decision, so when the Treaties of Rome took effect on 1 January 1958, the position had not been filled. At the conference of foreign ministers on 6 and 7 January 1958, however, Hallstein was finally chosen as the first president of the EEC Commission.[69] Hallstein's selection for this position at the head of a major European organization, a decade after the end of World War II, was a major achievement for Germany.[69]
President of the Commission of the European Economic Community (1958–1967)
Laying the foundations of the EEC
Barely a decade after the end of World War II, the German Walter Hallstein was unanimously elected the first president of the Commission of the European Economic Community (now the European Commission) in Brussels.[70] He was elected on 7 January 1958,[71] and he was to remain in the position until 1967.[11]
Hallstein famously described his role as "a kind of European prime minister" and regarded national sovereignty as a "doctrine of yesteryear."[3] Though Hallstein's personal vision of a federal Europe was clear, the EEC treaty left many questions open. Opinions were divided, for instance, on whether a common market could succeed without a common economic policy, on enlargement of the European Union – in particular whether Britain should join – and whether the final goal should be a political union in the sense of a "United States of Europe".[75]
Differing interests and traditions in the member states and differences of opinion among the politicians meant that consensus was difficult. The disagreements that had preceded the creation of the EEC continued after it was established, and these were reflected within the commission. For instance, the
Britain had at first been against the formation of the EEC, preferring a looser free trade area, and later proposed a larger free trade area that would include the EEC and other European countries. The German government, German industry, and – especially – the Economics Minister, Ludwig Erhard, wanted Britain to be part of an integrated Europe. Hallstein opposed the idea of a wider free trade area at this time, advocating first achieving a greater degree of integration among a smaller number of countries.[77] Discussions on the possibility of a wider trade area, avoiding the tariff wall between the EEC and the EFTA countries, continued, but in the middle of preparations for the negotiations the French government, on instructions from de Gaulle, withdrew. This unilateral action by the French in November 1958 displeased the other EEC members and effectively ended the negotiations. German politicians like Erhard felt that Hallstein and his commission had not done enough to promote the wider free trade area.[75]
The six countries of the EEC had decided on a customs union: they agreed to remove tariffs between one another within a period of twelve years, and to erect a common tariff barrier between themselves and other countries. Seven of the excluded European countries (United Kingdom, Sweden, Denmark, Norway, Switzerland, Austria, and Portugal) responded with an alternative free trade area, EFTA, which also removed tariff barriers between each other, but did not insist on a tariff barrier with other countries. The EFTA convention was signed in January 1960 and was to come into force in May 1960.[78] On 3 March 1960, Hallstein announced a plan for accelerating the implementation of the common market, which commentators regarded as sabotaging hopes of a joint free trade area that included the EEC and EFTA. This invoked the displeasure, not only of the EFTA countries, but also of the Economics Ministry under Erhard.[79] Commentators talked of Hallstein's "religious zeal".[79]
In 1961
It was in 1961 that de Gaulle proposed the Fouchet Plan, a plan for an intergovernmental "union of states", as an alternative to the European Communities. There was little support from the other European countries, and negotiations were abandoned on 17 April 1962.[85]
While Hallstein had a decidedly federal vision for Europe, and regarded the commission as a quasi-federal organ,[86] de Gaulle's vision was of a confederation.[87] From the beginning, Hallstein did not believe that de Gaulle's approach of cooperation between sovereign nation states would be able to realize his vision of a powerful Europe that could play its proper part on the world stage.[86]
De Gaulle also envisaged a pooling of sovereignty in certain areas, such as external defence, harmonization of industrial production and foreign trade, currency, exploitation of resources in overseas territories, and cultural and scientific development,
The
A second attempt by de Gaulle to establish a closer political union in Europe that would be independent of the United States was the Franco-German bilateral treaty on political cooperation. This treaty between France and Germany, which was signed on 22 January 1963, was criticized by other countries as being incompatible with the EEC and NATO treaties. Hallstein and other members of the commission also criticized the treaty, and this angered de Gaulle.[75]
When the treaty was ratified by West Germany,
Further attempts by de Gaulle at military cooperation with Germany to the exclusion of America were rebuffed by Erhard (now Federal Chancellor) and his foreign minister Gerhard Schröder.[85] Britain's application for membership of the EEC was vetoed by de Gaulle in 1963, which also further antagonized the other participants.[85]
Confrontation with de Gaulle
De Gaulle took a confrontational course on the Common Agricultural Policy, and on 21 October 1964, the French Minister of Information, Alain Peyrefitte announced that France would leave the EEC if the European Agricultural market were not implemented in the agreed form by 15 December 1964.[90] On 1 December 1964, Erhard, now head of government in Germany, announced that Germany would accede to French demands for a common wheat price, and on 15 December the Council of Ministers laid down common grain prices from 1 July 1967 and instructed the commission to submit proposals for financing the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) by 1 July 1965.[90]
Differences between France and the Commission – and especially between de Gaulle and Hallstein – were exacerbated when France held the rotating six-month Presidency of the council, from January to June 1965.[91]
The
On 24 March 1965, Hallstein presented the commission's proposals for financing the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) to the European Parliament. It was proposed that customs duties collected at EEC borders would go to the community budget and that the Common Agricultural Market would be implemented as scheduled on 1 July 1967 – but the customs union for industrial products would also be implemented at the same time, two and a half years earlier than provided for in the Rome Treaty.[93] The proposals would have allowed the Community to develop its own financial resources independently of the member states and given more budgetary powers to the European Parliament.[91] From 1 January 1966, voting in the
Since the legislation would increase not only the commission's powers, but also the Parliament's, Hallstein had the support of the Parliament, which had long been campaigning for more powers. Before the proposals were presented to the Council, they became public, and Hallstein then presented them to the European Parliament on 24 March, a week before presenting them to the council. When Hallstein put forward his proposals, the council was already concerned.[94] France rejected the idea of the increased powers for the European Parliament and of the Community having its own independent revenues, insisting that what had been agreed by the Council regarding the financing of the common agricultural policy be implemented by 30 June 1965.[95] He accused Hallstein of acting as if he were a head of state. [91] France was particularly concerned about protecting the CAP because – under a majority system – it could be challenged by the other members.[91]
After discussions between France and Germany, a compromise was at first reached, postponing implementation of the agricultural levies until 1970, [96] but at the Council meeting of 28 June the Netherlands foreign minister, Joseph Luns, and his Italian counterpart, Amintore Fanfani, insisted that all of the commission's proposals should be discussed as a package.[96] German diplomats supported this position, and the German Bundestag passed a resolution stating that the commission's proposals did not go far enough; Germany did not want to agree to the plans for agricultural financing without being assured that France would not hinder a general reduction in tariffs in the Kennedy Round.[97]
The Committee of Permanent Representatives of the foreign ministers produced a report recommending a compromise by making both the agricultural levies and the customs duties available to be used for Community purposes but not centralizing the process; however, Hallstein refused to broker this deal, and suggested employing the common practice of "stopping the clock" until the issue could be resolved.[97]
Under pressure from
Empty Chair Crisis
A few days later, on de Gaulle's instructions, France ceased participation in all meetings of the Council of Ministers and the Council of Permanent Representatives that dealt with any new decisions. Participation in many working groups ceased, and the French Permanent Representative to the EU, Jean-Marc Boegner was recalled, together with 18 high-ranking civil servants and diplomats.[98][99]
In an attempt to resolve the situation, Hallstein, together with Marjolin, the (French) vice-president of the commission, drew up a new plan, continuing the provisional arrangement for agricultural finances until 1 January 1970. This proposal was presented to the council on 22 June 1965.[100]
De Gaulle, however, remained confrontational toward Hallstein and the Brussels "technocrats". In September 1965, he publicly declared his opposition to majority voting and the political role of the commission.[100] Since a treaty change required unanimity, there was stalemate,[101] and there was no provision in the treaties to cover such a boycott of the normal running of the Community.[100] At least in Hallstein's eyes, it was a breach of treaty obligations, and he was unprepared for such a scenario.[102]
On 20 October 1965 Couve de Murville, in the National Assembly, pushed for a revision of the treaties; this was opposed by the other five member states. At the Council meeting of 25 to 26 October they passed a resolution stating that a solution "must be found within the provisions of the existing treaties".[103][100] As a compromise, however, they offered the possibility of an extraordinary meeting of the council to discuss "the general situation of the Community" – without the Commission being invited.[104]
Following the French presidential elections on 5 and 19 December 1965, de Gaulle accepted this offer. In the negotiations on 17/18 January 1966, the French foreign minister, Couve de Murville, dropped the more extreme of France's demands.[105]
In January 1966, the six foreign ministers agreed to suggest to the Commission that the Permanent Representatives of the ministers should be consulted before making any major proposals and not to publish such proposals before they had been dealt with by the Council of Ministers. The other five took note of – but did not formally accept – the opinion of the French delegation that for matters of very important national interest, the discussion should continue until a unanimous agreement was reached.[105]
This became known as the
When the "Empty Chair Crisis" was finally resolved, it had lasted from 30 June 1965 to 29 January 1966.[102]
When the French foreign minister Couve de Murville returned to the negotiating table after Hallstein's official term of office in January 1966, he insisted on Hallstein's departure and the nomination of someone else to be the head of the new commission, which would in future be the commission shared by all three communities when the EEC, the ECSC, and Euratom were merged.[108]
Since there was no agreement on a replacement for Hallstein when his term ended on 8 January 1966, he remained in office as a caretaker (based on Article 159 of the EEC Treaty). This also meant that the planned merger of the three communities, which was to have taken place on 1 January 1966, was postponed.[109][107]
In view of the confrontation with de Gaulle, there was a proposal that Hallstein should be nominated for a further term but that he should serve for only six months. The German Chancellor,
In this way, the national governments had refused to accept the commission becoming a European executive, blocking Hallstein's vision of a United States of Europe.[111]
Issues behind confrontation with de Gaulle
De Gaulle recognized Hallstein's service to European integration, but attributed it to German patriotism, serving the interests of Germany, enabling Germany to re-attain a respect and status in Europe that it had lost because of Hitler. De Gaulle resented the status that Hallstein, for him a mere technocrat, was accorded by foreign states. [112][113] Hallstein, for his part, was watchful that, as representative of the commission, he was accorded the status normally accorded to a head of state.[114][113] De Gaulle complained of the Commission usurping a political role reserved for governments and of Hallstein usurping a role reserved for heads of government or heads of state; he attacked Hallstein personally saying that Hallstein was trying to turn the EEC into a superstate, with Brussels as its capital; he talked of defending French democracy against an unaccountable and stateless technocracy, "a technocratic Areopagus, stateless and unaccountable" [De Gaulle at a press conference at the Elysée Palace on 9 September 1965.[l]]
In his memoirs, De Gaulle wrote of Hallstein
He was ardently wedded to the thesis of the super-State, and bent all his skilful efforts towards giving the Community the character and appearance of one. He had made Brussels, where he resided, into a sort of capital. There he sat, surrounded with all the trappings of sovereignty, directing his colleagues, allocating jobs among them, controlling several thousand officials who were appointed, promoted and remunerated at his discretion, receiving the credentials of foreign ambassadors, laying claim to high honors on the occasion of his official visits, concerned above all to further the amalgamation of the Six, believing that the pressure of events would bring about what he envisaged.
— De Gaulle, Memoirs of Hope[113]
According to Der Spiegel, De Gaulle's complaints included[116]
- Hallstein's being frequently received by US presidents, although the commission had no foreign relations mandate;
- Hallstein's claim to be a sort of European prime minister;
- the rank of ambassador held by the representatives of the 65 states accredited with the European Commission;
- foreign ambassadors' presentation of their credentials to Hallstein (ambassadors normally present their credentials, signed by the countries head of state to the head of state of the host country);
- the participation of Commission staff in the Kennedy Round negotiations in Geneva, in negotiations with EFTA, and in negotiations with non-European states, in particular South American states.
On the political role of the commission, Hallstein stated in an interview with Der Spiegel
In principle, we have no political competences ... because there is nothing of that nature in the Rome Treaty. But we have political responsibility because we are a political – not an economic – enterprise. The Common Market has the goal of unifying Europe politically.[m]
— Walter Hallstein, [Der Spiegel][117]
The issue that triggered the Empty Chair Crisis was the financing of the common agricultural policy, which was of critical interest to France: from 1962 to 1964, France had received 46 million US dollars from the agricultural fund, eighty-five per cent of all revenue.[117]
The clash between Hallstein and de Gaulle demonstrated a clash between two opposing visions of Europe.[118] The differences included:
- the debate on inclusion of the United Kingdom
- the financing of the Common Agricultural Policy
- the rights of the European Parliament, especially with respect to the budget
- majority voting in the Council of Ministers.
On most of these issues, de Gaulle regarded Hallstein as an opponent. Hallstein's response to de Gaulle's attacks was also somewhat confrontational, comparing de Gaulle's actions with those of Hitler.[n]
Later life (1967–1982)
Hallstein left the Commission at the end of 1967, aged 68.[110]
On 20 January 1968, Hallstein was elected president of the European Movement, a private organization founded in 1948 as the umbrella organization of various organizations in favour of European integration, [120] where he continued to promote his vision of a "United States of Europe".[121] Hallstein retained this office until 1974, when he did not stand for re-election, being followed by Jean Rey, who had also succeeded him as President of the commission.[122][70]
In the run-up to the federal elections in 1969,
As reported by Der Spiegel, Hallstein was later approached by Kohl as a possible candidate to replace Heinrich Lübke as Federal President, but this did not come to fruition. [125] From 1969 to 1972, he was a member of the
Having left the Bundestag in 1972 and the presidency of the European Movement in 1974, Hallstein retired from active political life but continued to write and give talks. He moved from his country house in the Westerwald to Stuttgart, and continued his work as an author.[70]
Hallstein fell ill in early 1980[127] and died in Stuttgart on 29 March 1982, at the age of 80.[11] He was buried, following a state funeral,[128] on 2 April 1982[129] at the Waldfriedhof Cemetery in Stuttgart.[70]
Hallstein remained a bachelor all his life.[129]
Vision of Europe
Central to Hallstein's ideas on Europe was his vision of a federal Europe. He called European integration a "revolutionary endeavour"
Hallstein spoke early in favour of the proposed
In a speech in 1953, in London, Hallstein talked of three "dimensions" of European integration:[134]
- Intensity expressed the degree to which member states give up individual sovereignty to create a supranational community.
- Extensity expressed the size of the community, that is the number of member states.
- Time expressed the order and speed of steps toward complete integration.
He spoke of a trade-off between the different dimensions, for instance: the larger the number of members, the less integration would be possible in a given time. His model included the coexistence of different European organizations of differing sizes and with differing degrees of integration.
Though Hallstein first pursued the goal of economic integration, he stated that this was not an end in itself but was a means of achieving a political union that "pool[ed] all the appropriate functions of the member-states.
The Schuman Plan was the first step, applied to the field of economics; the next step was to be defence; these would then necessarily lead to integration in the related fields of industrial relations and social policy, energy policy and foreign policy.[134]
Hallstein strove for a Europe based on the rule of law ("law in place of force").[139][140] His concept of European union was that of a "community" based on democracy and the rule of law — not a federation (because it was not yet a state), nor a confederation ("because it was endowed with the power of exercising authority directly over every citizen in each of its member states").[139]
A lawyer and an expert in international law, Hallstein saw a strong legal foundation as essential.[141][142] His model of a federal Europe borrowed from the federal structures of Germany, the United States and Switzerland.[142] Hallstein later wrote that the experience of Nazi Germany led him to distrust not only the idea of absolute and inalienable national sovereignty, but also the British idea of a European balance of power.[143] Partly as a result of the Americans' re-education programme, Hallstein developed an interest in the United States Constitution and American history between independence in 1776 and the ratification of the Constitution in 1788, when the United States was a confederation of states. The problems that the United States experienced were, in his view, due partly to the states defending their sovereignty. He rejected the concept of the unitary nation-state favoured by the French, in favour of a federal solution, and concluded that Europe should follow the American path towards a federal solution.[144] However, he wished to retain Europe's diversity and opposed the idea of Europe becoming a "melting pot".[145]
Reception and legacy
People who knew Hallstein described him as someone with keen intellect, an excellent command of language, and high reliability.[146][147][148] But he was also perceived by those who knew him as cold, unapproachable, and excessively intellectual, respected rather than liked.[149] British Prime Minister Edward Heath allegedly said of him "He is just a brain."[5][150] He was also characterized as having a keen sense of duty:[70] Franz Josef Strauss called him one of the last Prussians.[151]
During his lifetime, Walter Hallstein received honorary doctorates from nine European universities, including
He was also awarded numerous other honours and prizes from European governments.[o]
In 1997, the Walter Hallstein Institute for European Constitutional Law at the
Works
The documented total number of publications by Hallstein exceeds 365.[156]
Hallstein's major popular work was Der unvollendete Bundesstaat [The Unfinished Federation], which was first published in 1969:[122]
- Hallstein, Walter (1969). Der unvollendete Bundesstaat. Europäische Erfahrungen und Erkenntnisse. Düsseldorf, Vienna: Econ. ISBN 978-3-430-13897-0.
This book can be seen as Hallstein's political testament.[157] The second German edition was titled simply Die Europäische Gemeinschaft [The European Community]:
- Hallstein, Walter (1973). Die europäische Gemeinschaft. Düsseldorf, Vienna: Econ. ISBN 978-3-430-13898-7.
A later version was published in English with the title Europe in the Making:[158]
- Hallstein, Walter (1972). Europe in the Making. Translated by Charles Roetter. George Allen & Unwin. ISBN 978-0-04-330215-6.
He also wrote a number of academic books and numerous articles, and he gave innumerable speeches. Some of his speeches were published as a book:
- Hallstein, Walter (1979). Europäische Reden. Stuttgart: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt. ISBN 978-3-421-01894-6.
Notes
- ^ a b According to his birth certificate he was named Walther [sic] Peter Hallstein.[4] He was the second of two sons of Anna Hallstein (née Geibel) and Jakob (or Jacob) Hallstein, a senior civil-servant for the railway authority with the rank of Regierungsbaurat.[4][5]
- ^ The Rabanus-Maurus-Gymnasium.[6]
- ^ The topic of Hallstein's doctoral dissertation was life insurance policies in the Treaty of Versailles ("Der Lebensversicherungvertrag im Versailler Vertrag").[6]
- ^ As a wissenschaftlicher Referent.
- ^ Habilitation, a post-doctoral qualification, entitles a person to teach independently and to supervise doctoral dissertations
- ^ The thesis was entitled Die Aktienrechte der Gegenwart [Contemporary Company Law in Different Jurisdictions] and was published in 1931.
- ^ These included the National Socialist Teachers League (Nationalsozialistischer Lehrerbund), the National Socialist Association of Legal Professionals (NS-Rechtswahrerbund ), the National Socialist People's Welfare organization (Nationalsozialistische Volkswohlfahrt), the National Socialist German Lecturers League (Nationalsozialistischer Deutscher Dozentenbund), and the National Socialist Air-Raid Protection Association (Nationalsozialistischer Luftschutzbund). The backdrop to this was the Nazi seizure of control of civil servants' associations and many other professional and civic organizations in what they called Gleichschaltung (synchronization or alignment); so being a member of a professional association entailed membership in a nominally Nazi association.
- ^ He served as an assistant adjutant (Ordonnanzoffizier)
- ^ The date was 15 March 1951.
- ^ a b The two entities officially using the names Federal Republic of Germany and German Democratic Republic were, at this time, generally known in the English-speaking world as West Germany and East Germany, respectively. However, for much of the time, the Federal Republic of Germany claimed to represent the whole of Germany, and this was generally acknowledged by its allies and reflected in the language of international treaties. This should be borne in mind when any of these terms is used, since any term may be taken imply a point of view but it is not possible to avoid all problematic terms. For details, see Hallstein Doctrine.
- Johan Willem Beyen (Netherlands), Gaetano Martino (Italy), Joseph Bech (Luxembourg), Antoine Pinay (France), and Paul-Henri Spaak (Belgium). Joseph Bech chaired the meeting.[56]
- ^ He said (in French) "Or on sait, Dieu sait si on le sait! qu'il y a une conception différente au sujet d'une fédération européenne dans laquelle, suivant les rêves de ceux qui l'ont conçue, les pays perdraient leur personnalité nationale, et où, faute d'un fédérateur, tel qu´a l'Ouest tentèrent de l'être – chacun d'ailleurs à sa façon – César, et ses successeurs, Charlemagne, Orthon, Charles Quint, Napoléon, Hitler, et tel qu´a l'Est s'y essaya Staline, ils seraient régis par quelque aréopage technocratique, apatride, et irresponsable." (as quoted by Edward and Lane [115])
- ^ German: Im Prinzip haben wir keine (politischen) Kompetenzen ... weil davon nichts im Römischen Vertrag steht. Dennoch tragen wir eine politische Verantwortung, weil wir selbst ein politisches Unternehmen sind und kein wirtschaftliches. Der Gemeinsame Markt hat das Ziel, Europa politisch zu einigen.
- ^ Hallstein called de Gaulle's attempts to dismantle the progress achieved on the path to a supranational Europe "the greatest act of destruction in the history of Europe, even of the free world, since Hitler" (German: der größte Zerstörungsakt in der Geschichte Europas, ja der freien Welt, seit den Tagen Hitlers).[119]
- ^ Honours awarded to Halstein included the following:
- 1953: Knight Grand Cross of the Order of Merit of the Italian Republic[152]
- 1953/54: Grand Cross (Grand Merit Cross with Star and Sash) of the Order of Merit of the Federal Republic of Germany[152]
- 1955: Grand Decoration of Honour in Gold with Sash for Services to the Republic of Austria[153]
- 1955: Icelandic Grand Cross of the Order of the Falcon[154]
- 1961
- 1964: Honorary member of the American Society of International Law[155]
- 1968: Order of Merit of the Equestrian Order of the Holy Sepulchre of Jerusalem[123]
- 1968: Grand Cordon of the Order of Leopold[123]
- 1968: Knight Grand Cross of the Order of the Netherlands Lion[123]
- 1969: Robert Schuman Prize[15]
- 1969: Grand Cross of the Pontifical Equestrian Order of St. Sylvester Pope and Martyr (GCSS)[152]
- 1969: Grand Cross of the Brazilian Order of the Southern Cross[152]
- 1969: Grand Cross of the Greek Order of George I[152]
- 1969: Grand Cross of the Argentinian order of merit[152]
- 1971: Honorary citizen of Brussels, the first German since the War to receive such an honour[129]
References
- ^ a b Küsters 2011.
- ^ Urwin 1995, p. 103.
- ^ a b Soetendorp 2014, p. 20.
- ^ a b Piela 2012, p. 27.
- ^ a b Freiberger 2010, p. 208.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i Kilian M 2005, p. 371.
- ^ Piela 2012, p. 28.
- ^ Freiberger 2010, p. 210.
- ^ Piela 2012, p. 29.
- ^ a b c d e f Elvert 2011.
- ^ a b c d e f g h German Historical Museum.
- ^ a b c Freiberger 2010, p. 211.
- ^ Buddrus & Fritzlar 2007, p. 173.
- ^ a b Raehlmann 2012, p. 78.
- ^ a b Rostock University.
- ^ Bitsch 2007, p. 79.
- ^ a b c Schönwald 2017, p. 30.
- ^ a b Buddrus & Fritzlar 2007, p. 174.
- ^ Kitchen 2011, p. 239.
- ^ Gerstenmaier 1981, p. 66.
- ^ Freiberger 2010, p. 214.
- ^ Heiber 1991, p. 360.
- ^ a b c d e Freiberger 2010, p. 225.
- ^ a b c d Kilian M 2005, p. 372.
- ^ Piela 2012, p. 32.
- ^ Piela 2012, p. 34.
- ^ Dettke 1981, pp. 242–243.
- ^ Maulucci 2012, pp. 47–54.
- ^ Maulucci 2012, p. 62.
- ^ Freiberger 2010, p. 216.
- ^ Piela 2010, pp. 2–3.
- ^ Maulucci 2012, p. 112.
- ^ Conze 2010, p. 458.
- ^ Maulucci 2012, pp. 205–206.
- ^ Knoll 2004, p. 91.
- ^ Maulucci 2012, pp. 185, 208.
- ^ Maulucci 2012, p. 203.
- ^ Eden 1952.
- ^ McCauley 2008, p. xv.
- ^ a b c Grewe 1979, pp. 195–217.
- ^ Maulucci 2012, pp. 124–125.
- ^ Maulucci 2012, pp. 182–190.
- ^ Maulucci 2012, pp. 200–202.
- ^ a b c Lahn 1998, p. 25.
- ^ a b Küsters 1998, pp. 72–73.
- ^ Grewe 1998, pp. 39–40.
- ^ Kilian W 2001, p. 13.
- ^ Kilian M 2005, pp. 372–373.
- ^ Kilian W 2001, pp. 19–21.
- ^ Kilian M 2005, p. 372f.
- ^ a b c Wendt 1995.
- ^ Gray 2003, p. 84.
- ^ a b Grewe 1998, pp. 40–42.
- ^ Adenauer 1955.
- ^ Küsters 1998, pp. 63–65.
- ^ a b Küsters 1998, p. 65.
- ^ Küsters 1998, pp. 68–69.
- ^ Maulucci 2012, p. 142.
- ^ Griffiths 1994, pp. 20–40.
- ^ a b Küsters 1998, p. 69.
- ^ a b c Küsters 1998, p. 70.
- ^ a b Küsters 1998, p. 71.
- ^ Küsters 1998, p. 72.
- ^ a b Küsters 1998, pp. 70–72.
- ^ Küsters 1998, pp. 73–74.
- ^ a b c Küsters 1998, p. 74.
- ^ Piela 2010, p. 3.
- ^ Maulucci 2012, p. 195.
- ^ a b c Küsters 1998, p. 75.
- ^ a b c d e f Piela 2010, p. 7.
- ^ German Foreign Office.
- ^ Hallstein 1958.
- ^ Dumoulin 2007, p. 51.
- ^ Groeben 1998, pp. 101–102.
- ^ a b c Groeben 1998, pp. 97–101.
- ^ Groeben 1998, p. 103.
- ^ Groeben 1998, p. 100.
- ^ Sloan 2005, p. 300.
- ^ a b Spiegel 1960.
- ^ Narjes 1998, p. 127.
- ^ Wallace 1998, p. 182.
- ^ Wallace 1998, p. 193.
- ^ Wallace 1998, pp. 193–195.
- ^ Wallace 1998, p. 194.
- ^ a b c d e Loth 1998, p. 139.
- ^ a b Groeben 1998, pp. 96–97.
- ^ a b Loth 1998, pp. 137–138.
- ^ Loth 1998, p. 137.
- ^ Groeben 1998, p. 98.
- ^ a b c d e Loth 1998, p. 140.
- ^ a b c d CVCE 2011.
- ^ a b c Loth 1998, p. 141.
- ^ Loth 1998, p. 142.
- ^ a b Ludlow 2006.
- ^ Loth 1998, pp. 142–143.
- ^ a b Loth 1998, p. 143.
- ^ a b c Loth 1998, p. 144.
- ^ Götz 1998, p. 157.
- ^ Loth 1998, pp. 144–145.
- ^ a b c d Loth 1998, p. 145.
- ^ Groeben 1998, p. 99.
- ^ a b Götz 1998, p. 151.
- ^ van Middelaar 2013.
- ^ Loth 1998, pp. 145–146.
- ^ a b c d Loth 1998, p. 146.
- ^ CVCE 2012.
- ^ a b Spiegel 1967a.
- ^ Spiegel 1966b.
- ^ Geary 2013, p. 65.
- ^ a b Jansen 1998, p. 165.
- ^ Loth 1998, p. 147.
- ^ Loth 1998, p. 148.
- ^ a b c De Gaulle 1971, p. 184.
- ^ Götz 1998, p. 154.
- ^ Edward & Lane 2013, p. 9.
- ^ Spiegel 1966a.
- ^ a b Spiegel 1965b.
- ^ Götz 1998, pp. 151–152.
- ^ Spiegel 1965c.
- ^ Piela 2012, p. 42.
- ^ Jansen 1998, p. 166.
- ^ a b Jansen 1998, p. 167.
- ^ a b c d e Spiegel 1968a.
- ^ a b Jansen 1998, pp. 171–173.
- ^ Spiegel 1968b.
- ^ Jansen 1998, p. 175.
- ^ Kilian M 2005, pp. 376–377.
- ^ Jansen 1998, p. 179.
- ^ a b c d Kilian M 2005, p. 374.
- ^ Hallstein 1951, p. 2.
- ^ a b Küsters 1998, p. 62.
- ^ Küsters 1998, pp. 63–64.
- ^ a b Bärenbrinker 1998, pp. 83–85.
- ^ a b c d Bärenbrinker 1998, pp. 85–86.
- ^ a b Hallstein 1972, p. 22.
- ^ Bärenbrinker 1998, p. 85.
- ^ Piela 2010, p. 12.
- ^ Piela 2010, pp. 11–12.
- ^ a b Hallstein 1972, pp. 30–55.
- ^ Piela 2010, pp. 12–13.
- ^ Hallstein 1972, p. 30.
- ^ a b Bärenbrinker 1998, pp. 87–88.
- ^ Freiberger 2010, p. 215.
- ^ Freiberger 2010, p. 227.
- ^ Hallstein 1972, pp. 15–16.
- ^ Küsters 1998, pp. 60–61.
- ^ Maulucci 2012, p. 186.
- ^ Lahn 1998, pp. 19–23.
- ^ Küsters 1998, p. 60.
- ^ Loch 1968, p. 20.
- ^ Kilian M 2005, pp. 379–380.
- ^ a b c d e f g Buddrus & Fritzlar 2007.
- ^ Austrian Parliament.
- ^ IcelandicPresidency.
- ^ ASIL 1964, p. 311.
- ^ Piela 2012, p. 43.
- ^ Jansen 1998, p. 168.
- ^ Jansen 1998, p. 167–169.
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- Schönwald, Matthias (2017). Walter Hallstein: Ein Wegbereiter Europas [Walter Hallstein: a pioneer of Europe]. ISBN 978-3-17-033164-8.
- Schönwald, Matthias: Walter Hallstein. Aspekte seiner politischen Biographie. In: Christoph E. Palmer (Ed.): Die politischen Kräfte in unserem Werk drängen weiter. Gedenkveranstaltung für Walter Hallstein am 17. November 2001 in Stuttgart. Staatsministerium Baden-Württemberg, Stuttgart 2002, p. 13–30.
- Schönwald, Matthias: Walter Hallstein et les institutions des Communautés Européennes. In: Marie-Thérèse Bitsch (Ed.): Le couple France-Allemagne et les institutions européennes. Une postérité pour le plan Schuman? Bruylant, Bruxelles 2001, p. 151–168.
- Schönwald, Matthias: Walter Hallstein and the "Empty chair" Crisis 1965/66. In: ISBN 3-7890-6980-9, p. 157–172.
- Schönwald, Matthias: "The same – should I say – antenna". Gemeinsamkeiten und Unterschiede im europapolitischen Denken von Jean Monnet und Walter Hallstein (1958–1963). In: Andreas Wilkens (Ed.): Interessen verbinden. Jean Monnet und die europäische Integration der Bundesrepublik Deutschland Bouvier, Bonn 1999, p. 269–298.
- Sloan, S.R. (2005). NATO, the European Union, and the Atlantic community: the transatlantic bargain reconsidered. Rowman & Littlefield. ISBN 978-0-7425-3573-2.
- Spiegel Online (6 April 1960). "EWG-Beschleunigung : Hallsteins Eiserner Vorhang"[EEC Acceleration: Hallstein's Iron Curtain]. Spiegel Online (in German). Retrieved 3 February 2013.
- —— (14 July 1965). "EWG: Krieg und Frieden" [EEC: War and Peace]. Spiegel Online (in German). Retrieved 3 February 2013.
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- —— (17 January 1966). "EWG-KRISE" [EEC Crisis]. Spiegel Online (in German). Retrieved 3 February 2013.
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- Urwin, Derek (1995). The Community of Europe: A History of European Integration Since 1945. Longman. ISBN 9780582231993.
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- Wendt, Hans (1995). "Interview des Ministerialdirektors, Professor Dr. Wilhelm G. Grewe mit dem Chefredakteur des Nordwestdeutschen Rundfunk, Hans Wendt ("Hallstein-Doktrin"), 11. Dezember 1955" [Interview with Professor Wilhelm Grewe, Head of the Political Department. of the Foreign Office of the Federal Republic of Germany, on 11 December 1955: Summary]. 100(0) Schlüsseldokumente zur deutschen Geschichte im 20. Jahrhundert [100(0) key documents on German history of the 20th century] (in German). Bavarian State Library. Retrieved 13 September 2011.
Further reading
- Loth, Wilfried; Wallace, William; Wessels, Wolfgang (1998). Walter Hallstein: The Forgotten European?. New York: St. Martin's Press. ISBN 978-0-312-21293-3.
- Müller, Kay; Walter, Franz (2004). "Der Mann für Verträge: Walter Hallstein" [The Man for Treaties: Walter Hallstein]. Graue Eminenzen der Macht: Küchenkabinette in der deutschen Kanzlerdemokratie von Adenauer bis Schröder [Éminences grises: Kitchen Cabinets in Germany's Chancellor Democracy from Adenauer to Schröder] (in German). Wiesbaden: Springer. pp. 31–34. ISBN 9783531143484.
- Grewe, W.G. (1960). Deutsche Außenpolitik der Nachkriegszeit (in German). Stuttgart: DVA.
- Küsters, Hanns Jürgen (1990). "Der Streit um Kompetenzen und Konzeptionen deutscher Europapolitik" [The Dispute over Competencies and Conceptions of German European Policy]. In Herbst, Ludolf; Bührer, Werner; Sowade, Hanno (eds.). Vom Marshallplan zur EWG.: Die Eingliederung der Bundesrepublik Deutschland in die westliche Welt [From the Marshall Plan to the EEC: The Integration of the Federal Republic of German into the Western World]. Quellen u. Darstellungen zur Zeitgeschichte [Sources and Presentations on Contemporary History] (in German). Vol. 30. Bonn: Oldenbourg Verlag. pp. 335–372. ISBN 978-3-486-55601-8.
External links
- The History of the European Union: The founding fathers of the EU
- Biography of Walter Hallstein at a semi-official French web site (in French)
- Biography of Walter Hallstein at the Konrad-Adenauer Foundation(in German)
- Brief portrait of Walter Hallstein at the official web site for Charlemagne Prize awards
- Walter Hallstein Institute(in German)
- Charlemagne Prize Foundation; includes a list of recipients
- Walter Hallstein (speaker). Founding fathers of the European Union: Walter Hallstein (in German). European Commission. I-072675. Retrieved 18 February 2013.
- Address given by Walter Hallstein: the revival of European integration (Bonn, 14 May 1956)