Eric Louw
Eric Hendrik Louw | |
---|---|
J. G. Strijdom | |
Preceded by | Nicolaas Havenga |
Succeeded by | Tom Naudé |
Personal details | |
Born | Jacobsdal, Orange Free State | 21 November 1890
Died | 24 June 1968 Cape Town, South Africa | (aged 77)
Nationality | South African |
Political party | National Party |
Alma mater | Rhodes University |
Occupation | Lawyer |
Eric Hendrik Louw (21 November 1890 – 24 June 1968) was a South African diplomat and politician. He served as the Minister of Finance from 1954 to 1956, and as the Minister of Foreign Affairs from 1955 to 1963.
Early life
He was born in
Louw became active in protesting against Jewish immigration to South Africa, depicting the East European Jewish immigrants as scheming and dishonest merchants who were driving the Afrikaner families into poverty.[3] Like many other Afrikaner nationalists at the time, he saw die volk ("the people" as the Afrikaners liked to call Afrikanerdom) as under threat from a number of perceived enemies.[1] Throughout his life, opposition to Jewish immigration was the leitmotiv of his career.[4] A very short man who appeared to have a Napoleon complex, Louw was intensely ambitious and saw himself as a future prime minister.[5] His picture of die volk as under threat from the Jewish immigrants was at least in part a gambit to build a following to allow him to be prime minister.[5]
Politician and diplomat
In 1924 he was elected to the
After he had represented his country in Italy, France and Portugal and had been South Africa's first representative to the League of Nations, he returned to South Africa for political reasons. During his time in Paris, despite his belief in white supremacy, Louw was cordial enough when speaking to black French people at various balls and parties, apparently out of a desire not to create an incident which would cause unfavorable coverage of South Africa in the French press.[7] Like all the other South African diplomats in Europe, Louw objected very strongly to the recruitment of black Africans into the French Army.[8] Most of Louw's time in Paris was spent lobbying fruitlessly against the French concept of la force noire ("the black force"), arguing that the French Army should not be arming Africans. As the South African minister-plenipotentiary in Paris, Louw advocated very strongly against accepting Jewish refugees into South Africa. Louw was in close contact with Stefanus Gie, the very pro-Nazi South African minister-plenipotentiary in Berlin, who shared his antisemitism.[9]
In January 1936, Louw submitted to the South African prime minister General J. B. M. Hertzog a "Memorandum on European Emigration To South Africa" that was co-signed by himself; Gie; te Water; Wilhelm Heymans, the minister-plenipotentiary in Rome; and Hermann van Broekhuizen, the minister-plenipotentiary in The Hague.[9] The memo is more commonly known as the "te Water Memorandum" as te Water was the best known South African diplomat in the world at the time, but in fact Louw wrote most of the memo.[9] The memo warned that South Africa was on the verge of receiving a massive number of European Jews, which the document stated were of "...a type in question that does not inspire confidence. Can South Africa without detriment and even danger to its national interests continue to allow its commerce and related vocations to be fed by recruits of this type from overseas?"[10] The memo ended with the warning that continuing Jewish immigration would affect "the future racial, social and economic structures of White South Africa", and advised ending Jewish immigration at once.[11]
In 1938 he was again elected Member of Parliament for Beaufort West for the
During the
In 1945, when a Johannesburg Jewish group stated it was willing to pay the costs to send a delegation of South African MPs to inspect the newly liberated concentration camps of Buchenwald and Dachau, Louw was vehemently opposed to such a tour.[17] Louw suggested that the newsreels and photographs of starving concentration camp survivors were "fake" propaganda designed to discredit Nazi Germany, making such a tour unnecessary in his viewpoint. Louw also argued that the money offered by the Jewish group be better spent republishing Emily Hobhouse's 1927 book War Without Glamour, which he argued documented the horror of the concentration camps that the British created during the Second Boer War to hold Boer civilians, which he argued was the "real" genocide.[18]
In early 1948, Louw wrote a pamphlet for the National Party entitled Die Kommunistiese Gevaar in Afrikaans and The Communist Danger in English for the coming elections of that year.
Minister
When the National Party won the general election in 1948, he was an obvious choice for the cabinet, firstly as Minister of Economic Affairs, then, from 1955, as Minister of Finance and from 1957 as Minister of Foreign Affairs. He was best known as South Africa's representative at the UN, Commonwealth and other overseas conferences. Between 1948 and 1962 he represented South Africa at the UN on eight occasions. Previously, South African prime ministers had acted as their own foreign ministers, and Louw was the first South African foreign minister in his own right.[20] Through Louw could be charming when he wanted to be, he was well known as a combative man with an explosive temper who was widely disliked within the South African diplomatic corps.[21] Louw was told by the prime minister J. G. Strijdom to "breathe fire and enthusiasm" into the foreign ministry, which he proceeded to do.[21] The historians' James Barber and John Barratt wrote: "For the first time, there was a foreign minister and a forceful one, responsible for foreign affairs, who was backed by an expanding department staffed by able men".[21]
Louw attached an especial importance to relations with the United States.[21] By the time he became foreign minister, American investment was growing at the expense of British investment as the principal source of foreign capital, which was welcomed by the Afrikaner nationalists as a way to reduce British influence in South Africa.[22] Louw was very concerned by criticism of South Africa within the United States and one of his first acts was to increase the budget for the foreign ministry's information service, which was responsible for South Africa's image abroad.[21] Louw also hired six Madison Avenue advertising agencies to run ad campaigns depicting South Africa as a benevolent society whose apartheid system worked for the mutual benefit of both blacks and whites.[23] Louw also hired the Films of the Nation Inc, a maker of short educational films to make a series of documentaries that portrayed South Africa as a happy nation.[23] To apply pressure on Capitol Hill, Louw hired the lobbying firms of Dow, Lohnes & Albertson and Krock-Erwin Associates to lobby both houses of the United States Congress for South Africa.[23]
Noboth Mokgatle, a black South African anti-apartheid activist described Louw as having a "fascist frame of mind" as he was one of the leaders of the extreme right-wing National Party committed to upholding white supremacy in South Africa.[7] Mokgate recalled that Louw was utterly against black South Africans being recruited into the South African Army, ostensibly because Louw claimed that blacks were uncapable of being soldiers, but in reality because he did not want black men to have access to guns.[7] Louw paid a visit to the Belgian Congo (the modern Democratic Republic of the Congo) and at the airport in Leopoldville (modern Kinshasa) was greeted by an all-black honor guard of the Force Publique.[7] Mokgate used the photograph of Louw inspecting the honor guard in Leopoldville in one of his speeches, saying "Look at the cheat and hypocritic Eric Louw".[7] Mokgate added: "You Europeans have allowed yourselves to be misled by him...This picture in the newspapers is an admission he has been telling you lies".[7] Mokgate argued that if blacks were competent to serve in the Force Publique, then there was no reason why black men should be excluded from the South African Army.[24] Louw's anti-Semitism made his elevation to the cabinet a matter of much concern to the South African Jewish community who unsuccessfully lobbied to have Louw kept out of the cabinet.[25]
At the
Louw had a major impact on Canadian relations when he met with the Prime Minister of Canada John Diefenbaker at the 1957 and 1958 Commonwealth conferences. Diefenbaker had asked Louw to give some voting privileges to coloured people (under apartheid, "colored people" were a legal category consisting of people of mixed race descent-the term "coloured people" did not refer to black people). Louw refused as he maintained that Canada did not even allow their Native population the right to vote. Louw was only partially correct; since 1876, non-status Canadian Indians who lived off the reservations had been allowed to vote and hold office, but status Indians who lived on the reservations were disfranchised. In the 1958 Canadian federal election this was an election issue, and Diefenbaker passed the Canadian Bill of Rights and modified the Citizenship and Indian Act to give full citizenship to status Indians in Canada. These laws were changed in 1959. These changes made it harder for Canada to say no to the forcing the expulsion/withdrawal of South Africa from the Commonwealth.
On 30 October 1958, the American delegation at the United Nations for first time ever voted for a general assembly resolution condemning apartheid.[30] Louw was extremely unhappy about the American vote and vented his fury at the American ambassador to South Africa, Henry Byroade.[30] Louw charged that it was only because of domestic pressure from African American groups that led to the American vote for the resolution, an accusation that Byroade did not attempt to deny.[30] Byroade told Louw that it could "hardly be denied that our problems at home had made people more aware of and think about racial problems than in the years of the recent past".[30]
As Minister of Foreign Affairs he assisted Prime Minister Verwoerd at the historic
In October 1961, while at the United Nations, Louw was involved in a violent debate on the floor of the UN General Assembly with the delegations from a number of black African nations about the merits of apartheid.
A motion to censure Louw issued by the Liberian ambassador Henry Ford Cooper passed on the floor of the general assembly, and Louw took much umbrage over the fact that Arieh Eshel, the Israeli ambassador to the UN, had voted for the motion to censure him.[35] Cooper's motion censuring Louw stated that he had given a speech that was "offensive, fictitious and erroneous" on the floor of the UN General Assembly.[13] Press coverage of the censure vote was sympatathic towards Louw. Time magazine in its edition of 20 October 1961 condemned the censure of Louw as "...an alarming display of emotionalism and political immaturity" by "Africa's new nations".[34]
In a speech on South African radio, Louw implicitly criticized the South African Jewish community for Israel's vote to censure him, saying that he hoped that those "South Africans who have racial and religious ties to Israel" should "disapprove of the hostile and ungraceful" actions of Israel.[35] Louw's speech with its implication that South African Jews had a duty to criticise Israel and if they did not that they must have dual loyalties threw the South African Jewish community into a state of panic.[35] Simha Pratt, the Israeli ambassador to Pretoria, reported "I saw before me panicky people, gripped by fear and without a backbone" as dozens upon dozens of South African Jews arrived at his office to tell him that Israel's vote at the UN had made life very difficult for them and that Israel must not criticise apartheid as Louw was an anti-Semite who always looking for any chance to lash out at the Jewish community.[35] On 31 December 1963 he relinquished his post as Minister of Foreign Affairs.
Honours and awards
He was awarded an honorary doctorate by the University of Pretoria in 1962. He was similarly honoured by the University of the Orange Free State in 1963. In 1965 a bronze bust of him by Hennie Potgieter was unveiled at Beaufort West in a school which bore his name until it was amalgamated with Niko Brummer Primary School in 1994. A high school in the town of Musina in Limpopo also bears his name.[36]
Death
Louw died on June 24, 1968, in Cape Town.[37]
Books and articles
- Borstelmann, Thomas (2009). The Cold War and the Color Line American Race Relations in the Global Arena. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. ISBN 9780674028548.
- Bloomberg, Charles (1989). Christian Nationalism and the Rise of the Afrikaner Broederbond in South Africa, 1918-48. London: Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 9781349106943.
- Wheeler, Tom (2005). History of the South African Department of Foreign Affairs 1927-1993. Johannesburg: South African Institute of International Affairs.
- Furlong, Patrick (2004). "The Berlin Connection". In Matthew Feldman, Roger Griffin (ed.). Fascism Critical Concepts in Political Science. London: Routelege. pp. 359–382. ISBN 9780415290197.
- Graham Fry, Michael (1999). "Agents and Structures: The Dominions and the Czechoslovak Crisis, September 1938". In Igor Lukes; Erik Goldstein (eds.). The Munich Crisis, 1938 Prelude to World War II. London: Frank Cass. pp. 293–341. ISBN 0-7146-8056-7.
- Grundy, Kenneth (2020). Confrontation and Accommodation in Southern Africa. Los Angeles: University of California Press. ISBN 978-0520370579.
- Mokgatle, Noboth (1971). The Autobiography of an Unknown South African. Los Angeles: University of California Press. ISBN 9780520361881.
- Muller, C.F. (1986). Five Hundred Years: A History of South Africa. Washington, D.C: Academica. ISBN 0868742716.
- Nixon, Ron (2016). Selling Apartheid: South Africa's Global Propaganda War. New York: Pluto Press. ISBN 978-0745399140.
- Osada, Masako (2002). Sanctions and Honorary Whites: Diplomatic Policies and Economic Realities in Relations Between Japan and South Africa. Westport: Greenwood Publishing Group. ISBN 0313318778.
- Shain, Milton (1996). "South Africa". In David Wyman and Charles H. Rosenzveig (ed.). The World Reacts to the Holocaust. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press. pp. 670–692. ISBN 9780801849695.
- Shain, Milton (2015). A Perfect Storm: Antisemitism in South Africa 1930–1948. Cape Town: Jonathan Ball Publishers. ISBN 978-1-86842-701-7.
- Shimoni, Gideon (2003). Community and Conscience The Jews in Apartheid South Africa. Waltham: Brandeis University Press". ISBN 9781584653295.
- Stultz, Newell Maynard (1974). Afrikaner Politics in South Africa, 1934-1948. Los Angeles: University of California Press.
- Yap, Melanie; Leong Man, Dianne (1996). Colour, Confusion and Concessions The History of the Chinese in South Africa. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press. ISBN 9789622094246.
References
- ^ a b Shain 1996, p. 27.
- ^ Shain 1996, p. 27-28.
- ^ a b Shain 1996, p. 28.
- ^ Shain 1996, p. 29.
- ^ a b Shain 1996, p. 28-29.
- ^ a b c Wheeler 2005, p. 21.
- ^ a b c d e f Mokgatle 1971, p. 291.
- ^ Graham Fry 1999, p. 295.
- ^ a b c Shain 2015, p. 66.
- ^ Shain 2015, p. 66-67.
- ^ Shain 2015, p. 67.
- ^ a b c Furlong 2004, p. 369.
- ^ a b Shinder, Colin (11 November 2021). "'Apartheid state'? Israel stood against racist South Africa in '61". The Jewish Chronicle. Retrieved 11 July 2022.
- ^ Bloomberg 1989, p. 168.
- ^ Bloomberg 1989, p. 168-169.
- ^ Bloomberg 1989, p. 169.
- ^ Shain 1996, p. 276.
- ^ Shain 1996, p. 276-277.
- ^ a b c d e f g Stultz 1974, p. 122.
- ^ Nixon 2016, p. 42.
- ^ a b c d e Nixon 2016, p. 14.
- ^ Nixon 2016, p. 14-15.
- ^ a b c Nixon 2016, p. 15.
- ^ Mokgatle 1971, p. 291-292.
- ^ a b Shimoni 2003, p. 46-47.
- ^ a b c d Grundy 2020, p. 234.
- ^ Osada 2002, p. 181.
- ^ Osada 2002, p. 160-163 & 182.
- ^ Yap & Leong Man 1996, p. 73.
- ^ a b c d Borstelmann 2009, p. 124.
- ^ Muller 1986, p. 501-502.
- ^ a b Muller 1986, p. 504.
- ^ Muller 1986, p. 503.
- ^ a b c d e f g "World Double Standard". Time. 20 October 1961. Retrieved 12 July 2022.
- ^ a b c d Shimoni 2003, p. 47.
- ^ "Hoërskool Eric Louw Musina Limpopo province". Archived from the original on 5 October 2011. Retrieved 16 October 2008.
- Newspapers.com.