Raul Hilberg
Raul Hilberg | |
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Born | |
Died | August 4, 2007 | (aged 81)
Nationality | American |
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Academic background | |
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Doctoral advisor | |
Academic work | |
Discipline | |
Institutions | University of Vermont |
Notable works | The Destruction of the European Jews (1961) |
Raul Hilberg (June 2, 1926 – August 4, 2007) was a
Life and career
Hilberg was born in Vienna, Austria, to a Polish-speaking Jewish family.[3] His father, a small-goods salesman, was born in a Galician village, moved to Vienna in his teens, was decorated for bravery on the Russian front in World War I, and married Hilberg's mother who was from Buczacz, now in Ukraine.[4]
The young Hilberg was a loner, pursuing solitary hobbies such as geography, music and
The Hilbergs settled in Brooklyn, New York, where Raul attended Abraham Lincoln High School and Brooklyn College. He intended to make a career in chemistry but found that it did not suit him, and he left his studies to work in a factory. He served in the United States Army from 1944 to 1946.[8] As early as 1942, Hilberg, after reading scattered reports of what would later become known as the Nazi genocide, went so far as to ring Stephen Samuel Wise and ask him what he planned to do with regard to "the complete annihilation of European Jewry". According to Hilberg, Wise hung up.[5]
Hilberg served first in the
Academic career
After returning to civilian life, Hilberg chose to study
Hilberg went on to first complete a
Hilberg decided to write the greater part of his PhD under the supervision of
Hilberg obtained his first academic position at the
The Destruction of the European Jews
![](http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/thumb/f/fd/DestructionEuropeanJews.jpg/200px-DestructionEuropeanJews.jpg)
Hilberg is best known for his influential study of the Holocaust, The Destruction of the European Jews. His approach assumed that the event of the Shoah was not "unique". He said in a late interview:
For me the Holocaust was a vast, single event, but I am never going to use the word unique, because I recognize that when one starts breaking it into pieces, which is my trade, one finds completely recognizable, ordinary ingredients.[21]
His final doctoral supervisor, Professor Fox, worried that the original study was far too long. Hilberg therefore suggested submitting a mere quarter of the research he had written up, and his proposal was accepted. His PhD dissertation was awarded the prestigious Clark F. Ansley prize, which entitled it to be published by Columbia University Press in a print run of 850 copies.[17] However, Hilberg was firm in desiring that the whole work be published, not just the doctoral version. To obtain this, two opinions in favor of full publication were required. Yad Vashem as early as 1958, declined to participate in its projected publication, fearing that it would encounter "hostile criticism".[22] The work was duly submitted to two additional academic authorities in the field, but both judgments were negative, viewing Hilberg's work as polemical: one rejected it as anti-German, the other rejected it as anti-Jewish.[14]
Struggle for publication
Hilberg, unwilling to compromise, submitted the complete manuscript to several major publishing houses over the following six years, without luck.
Resistance to Hilberg's work, the difficulties he encountered in finding a US editor, and subsequent delays with the German edition, owed much to the Cold War atmosphere of the times, according to Norman Finkelstein. Finkelstein observed in a 2007 article for CounterPunch:
It is hard now to remember that the Nazi holocaust was once a taboo subject. During the early years of the Cold War, mention of the Nazi holocaust was seen as undermining the critical U.S.–West German alliance. It was airing the dirty laundry of the barely de-Nazified West German elites and thereby playing into the hands of the Soviet Union, which didn't tire of remembering the crimes of the West German "revanchists."[24]
The German rights to the book were acquired by the German publishing firm Droemer Knaur in 1963. Droemer Knaur, however, after dithering over it for two years, decided against publication, due to the work's documentation of certain episodes of cooperation by Jewish authorities with the executors of the Holocaust – material which the editors said would only play into the hands of the antisemitic right wing in Germany. Hilberg dismissed this fear as "nonsense".[14] Some two decades were to pass before it finally came out in a German edition in 1982, under the imprint of a Berlin publishing house.[25] Hilberg – a lifelong Republican voter, according to both Norman Finkelstein and Michael Neumann[26] – seemed to be somewhat bemused by the prospect of being published under such an imprint, and asked its director, Ulf Wolter, what on earth his massive treatise on the Holocaust had in common with some of the firm's staple themes, socialism and women's rights. Wolter replied succinctly: "Injustice!".[14] In a letter of July 14, 1982, Hilberg had written to Director Ulf Wolter the partner of Werner Olle in the firm Olle & Wolter, "Everything you said to me during this brief visit has impressed me very much and has given me a good feeling about our joint venture. I am glad that you are my publisher in Germany." He spoke about a "second edition" of his work, "solid enough for the next century".[citation needed]
Approach and structure of book
The Destruction of the European Jews provided "the first clear description of (the) incredibly complicated machinery of destruction" (Hannah Arendt) set up under Nazism.[27] For Hilberg there was deep irony in the judgement since Arendt, asked to give an opinion of his manuscript in 1959, had advised against publication.[5] Her judgement influenced the rejection slip he received from Princeton University Press following its submission, thus denying him the prestigious auspices of a mainstream academic publishing house.
With a terse lucidity that ranged, with unsparing meticulousness, over the huge archives of Nazism, Hilberg delineated the history of the mechanisms, political, legal, administrative and organizational, whereby the Holocaust was perpetrated, as it was seen through German eyes, often by the anonymous clerks whose unquestioning dedication to their duties was central to the efficacy of the industrial project of genocide. Hilberg refrained from laying emphasis on the suffering of the victims of the Holocaust or their lives in concentration camps. The Nazi program entailed the destruction of all peoples whose existence was deemed incompatible with the world-historical destiny of a pure master race – and to accomplish this project, they had to develop techniques, muster resources, make bureaucratic decisions, organize fields and camps of extermination and recruit cadres capable of executing the Final Solution. It was enough to find each intricate strand of communication over how to conduct the operation efficiently through the enormous archival paper trail to show how this took place. Thus his discourse probed the bureaucratic means for implementing genocide, to let the implicit horror of the process speak for itself.[28]
In this he differed radically from those who had focused on final responsibilities, as for example in the case of his predecessor Gerald Reitlinger's groundbreaking history of the subject.[29] Because of this layered, departmentalized structure of the bureaucracy overseeing the intricate policies of classifying, mustering and deporting victims, individual functionaries saw their roles as distinct from the actual "perpetration" of the Holocaust. Thus, for these reasons, an administrator, clerk or uniformed guard never referred to himself as a "perpetrator".[16] Hilberg made it clear that such functionaries were quite aware of their involvement in what was a process of destruction.[16] Hilberg's minute documentation constructed a functional analysis of the machinery of genocide, while leaving unaddressed any questions of historical antisemitism, and possible structural elements in Germany's historical-social tradition which might have conduced to the unparalleled industrialization of the European Jewish catastrophe by that country.
Yehuda Bauer, a lifelong adversary and friend of Hilberg, – he had assisted him in finally getting access to Yad Vashem's archives[19] – who often clashed polemically with the man he considered "without fault" over what Bauer saw as the latter's failure to deal with the complex dilemmas of Jews caught up in this machinery, recalls often prodding Hilberg on his exclusive focus on the how of the Holocaust rather than the why. According to Bauer, Hilberg "did not ask the big questions for fear that the answers would be too little"[30] or, as Hilberg says in Lanzmann's film, "I have never begun by asking the big questions, because I was always afraid that I would come up with small answers".
Hilberg's empirical, descriptive approach to the Holocaust, though it exercised a not fully acknowledged but pervasive influence on the far better-known work of Hannah Arendt, Eichmann in Jerusalem, in turn aroused considerable controversy, not least because of its details concerning the cooperation of Jewish councils in the procedures of evacuation to the camps.[b] Hilberg responded graciously to Isaiah Trunk's pathfinding research on the Judenräte, which was critical of Hilberg's assessment of the issue.[31]
Critical reception
Hilberg's study was praised by scholars and the American press.[32][page needed] His findings that all of German society was involved in the "destruction process" drew attention.[32][page needed] Some scholars argued that Hilberg overlooked Nazi ideology and the nature of the regime type.[32][page needed] Hilberg's claim that Jews abetted their own persecutors sparked a debate among Jewish scholars and in Jewish press.[32][page needed] According to a 2021 study, "the reception of Hilberg's work marks a crucial step in the formation of the Holocaust as part of historical consciousness."[32][page needed]
At the time, most historians of the phenomenon subscribed to what would today be called the extreme intentionalist position, where sometime early in his career, Hitler developed a master plan for the genocide of the Jewish people and that everything that happened was the unfolding of the plan. This clashed with the lesson Hilberg had absorbed under Neumann, whose Behemoth: The Structure and Practice of National Socialism (1942/1944) described the Nazi regime as a virtually stateless political order characterized by chronic bureaucratic infighting and turf disputes. The task Hilberg set for himself was to analyze the way the overall policies of genocide were engineered within the otherwise conflicting politics of Nazi factions. It helped that the Americans classifying the huge amount of Nazi documents used, precisely, the categories his future mentor Neumann had employed in his Behemoth study.[33]
Hilberg came to be considered as the foremost representative of what a later generation has called the
It has often been observed that Hilberg's magnum opus begins with an intentionalist thesis but gradually shifts towards a functionalist position. At the time, this approach raised a few eyebrows but only later did it actually attract pointed academic discussion.[d] A further move towards a functionalist interpretation occurred in the revised 1985 edition, in which Hitler is portrayed as a remote figure hardly involved in the machinery of destruction. The terms functionalist and intentionalist were coined in 1981 by Timothy Mason but the debate goes back to 1969 with the publication of Martin Broszat's The Hitler State in 1969 and Karl Schleunes's The Twisted Road to Auschwitz in 1970. Since most of the early functionalist historians were West German, it was often enough for intentionalist historians, especially for those outside Germany, to note that men such as Broszat and Hans Mommsen had spent their adolescence in the Hitler Youth and then to say that their work was an apologia for National Socialism. Hilberg was Jewish and an Austrian who had fled to the United States to escape the Nazis and had no Nazi sympathies, which helps to explain the vehemence of the attacks by intentionalist historians that greeted the revised edition of The Destruction of the European Jews in 1985.
Hilberg's understanding of the relationship between the leadership of Nazi Germany and the implementers of the genocide evolved from an interpretation based on orders to the
As the Nazi regime developed over the years, the whole structure of decision-making was changed. At first there were laws. Then there were decrees implementing laws. Then a law was made saying, "There shall be no laws." Then there were orders and directives that were written down, but still published in ministerial gazettes. Then there was government by announcement; orders appeared in newspapers. Then there were the quiet orders, the orders that were not published, that were within the bureaucracy, that were oral. Finally, there were no orders at all. Everybody knew what he had to do.[36]
In earlier editions of Destruction, in fact, Hilberg discussed an "order" given by Hitler to have Jews killed, while more recent editions do not refer to a direct command. In a 1999 interview with D.D. Guttenplan, Hilberg commented that he "made this change in the interest of precision about the evidence ...". Notwithstanding Hilberg's focus on bureaucratic momentum as an indispensable force behind the Holocaust, he maintained that extermination of Jews was one of Hitler's aims: "The primary notion in Germany is that Hitler did it. As it happens, this is also my notion, but I'm not wedded to it" (qtd. in —Guttenplan 2002, p. 303).
This contradicts the thesis advanced by
What is most contentious about Hilberg's work, the controversial implications of which influenced the decision by Israeli authorities to deny him access to the Yad Vashem's archives, and that this was partly rooted in long-standing attitudes of European Jews, rather than attempts at survival or exploitation. In his own words:
I had to examine the Jewish tradition of trusting God, princes, laws and contracts ... Ultimately I had to ponder the Jewish calculation that the persecutor would not destroy what he could economically exploit. It was precisely this Jewish strategy that dictated accommodation and precluded resistance.[37]
This part of his work was criticized harshly by many Jews as impious, and a defamation of the dead.[38] His master's thesis sponsor persuaded him to remove this idea from his thesis, though he was determined to restore it. Even his father, on reading his manuscript, was disconcerted.[39]
The result of his approach, and the sharp criticism it aroused in certain quarters, was such, as he records in the same book, that:
It has taken me some time to absorb what I should always have known, that in my whole approach to the study of the destruction of the Jews I was pitting myself against the main current of Jewish thought,[10] that in my research and writing I was pursuing not merely another direction but one which was the exact opposite of a signal that pulsated endlessly through the Jewish community... The philistines in my field are everywhere. I am surrounded by the commonplace, platitudes, and clichés.[22]
Public role
Hilberg was the only scholar interviewed for Claude Lanzmann's Shoah that actually made it into the film (interviews of other scholars, such as theologian Richard L. Rubenstein, remained as outtakes; they can be viewed at the U.S. Holocaust Museum). According to Guy Austin Hilberg was "a key influence on Lanzmann" in depicting the logistics of the genocide.[40]
He was a strong supporter of the research of Norman Finkelstein during the latter's unsuccessful attempt to secure tenure; of Finkelstein's book The Holocaust Industry, which Hilberg endorsed "with specific regard" to his demonstration that the money claimed to be owed by Swiss banks to Holocaust survivors was greatly exaggerated;[41] and of his critique of Daniel Goldhagen's Hitler's Willing Executioners.[42] Hilberg also made a posthumous appearance in the 2009 film, American Radical: The Trials of Norman Finkelstein.[43]
In regard to claims that a
Personal life
Hilberg had two children, David and Deborah, by his first wife, Christine Hemenway. After his divorce, in 1980 he married Gwendolyn Montgomery. Deborah moved to Israel when she was 18, acquired dual citizenship, and became a specialist teacher of children with learning disabilities. She has written memorably of her father's approach to rearing in an article composed on the occasion of the publication of the Hebrew translation of The Destruction of the European Jews, in 2012.[44]
Hilberg was not religious, and he considered himself an atheist. In his autobiographical reflections he stated, "The fact is that I have had no God."[45] In a 2001 interview that addressed the issue of Holocaust denial, he said, "I am an atheist. But there is ultimately, if you don't want to surrender to nihilism entirely, the matter of a [historical] record."[46] After his second wife's autonomous decision, 12 years into their marriage, to convert from Episcopalianism to Judaism, in 1993, Hilberg began quietly to attend services at Ohavi Zedek, a Conservative synagogue in Burlington. What he most esteemed, and identified with in his own tradition, was the ideal of the Jew as "pariah". As he put it in a 1965 essay, "Jews are iconoclasts. They will not worship idols... The Jews are the conscience of the world. They are the father figures, stern, critical, and forbidding."[5]
Though a non-smoker, Hilberg died following a recurrence of lung cancer on August 4, 2007, aged 81, in Williston, Vermont.[12]
Works
- Hilberg, Raul (1971). Documents of Destruction: Germany and Jewry, 1933–1945. Chicago: ISBN 978-0-8129-0192-4.
- — (1988). The Holocaust Today. B.G. Rudolph Lectures in Judaic Studies. Syracuse University Press.
- — (1992). Perpetrators, Victims, Bystanders: The Jewish Catastrophe, 1933–1945. Aaron Asher Books. ISBN 0-06-019035-3.
- — (1995). "The Fate of the Jews in the Cities". In Rubenstein, Richard L.; Rubenstein, Betty Rogers; Berenbaum, Michael (eds.). What kind of God? Essays in honor of Richard L. Rubenstein. ISBN 978-0-7618-0036-1.
- — (1996). The Politics of Memory: The Journey of a Holocaust Historian. Chicago: Ivan R. Dee. ISBN 1-56663-428-8.
- — (2000). "The Destruction of the European Jews: Precedents". In ISBN 0-415-15035-3.
- — (2001). Sources of Holocaust Research: An Analysis. Chicago: ISBN 978-1-56663-379-6.
- — (2003) [First published 1961]. ISBN 978-0-300-09592-0.
- — (2019). Pehle, Walter H.; Schlott, René (eds.). The Anatomy of the Holocaust: Selected Works from a Life of Scholarship. New York: Berghahn Books. ISBN 978-1-78920-489-6.
with other authors/editors
- Hilberg, Raul; Browning, Christopher R.; Hays, Peter (2019). German Railroads, Jewish Souls: The Reichsbahn, Bureaucracy, and the Final Solutions. New York: Berghahn Books. ISBN 978-1-78920-276-2.
- Hilberg, Raul; Staron, Stanislav; Kermisz, Josef, eds. (1999) [first published 1979 by ISBN 978-1-56663-230-0.
See also
Notes
- ^ "Streichen Sie das!" – "Stimmt das nicht?", entgegnete ich. Darauf er: "Nein, too much to take – das ist zu viel." (Aly 2002)
- ^ Hilberg counted up to 80 passages in Arendt's book taken verbatim or indirectly from his own work. In reviewing her book, Hugh Trevor-Roper concluded that "behind the whole of Miss Arendt's book stands the overshadowing bulk of Mr. Hilberg's" (Popper 2010).
- mononucleosis, and it changed his life. 'Some people have religious conversion experiences,' Browning said at a memorial service for Hilberg; 'upon reading Hilberg I had a life-changing academic conversion experience'." (Popper 2010)
- ^ "While in the 1960s and 1970s the stream of historical publications grew steadily, there was still almost no scholarly debate on the Holocaust. Hilberg certainly had sparked a stormy controversy, which was particularly vehement in Israel but his interpretation, derived from Franz Neumann, was not discussed profoundly by his fellow historians." (Jäckel 1998, p. 24)
- ^ "The Germans controlled the Jewish leadership, and that leadership in turn controlled the Jewish community. This system was foolproof. Truly, the Jewish communal organizations had become a self-destructive machine" (Hilberg 1973, pp. 122–125).
- ^ "In Amsterdam as in Warsaw, in Berlin as in Budapest, Jewish officials could be trusted to compile the lists of persons and of their property, to secure money from the deportees to defray the expenses of their deportation and extermination, to keep track of vacated apartments, to supply police forces to help seize Jews and get them on trains, until, as a last gesture, they handed over the assets of the Jewish community in good order for final confiscation." (Arendt 1964, p. 118)
Citations
- ^ Joffe 2007; Woo 2007; Wyman 1985.
- ^ Browning 2007, p. 100.
- ^ Snyder 2015, p. 367, n.117.
- ^ Cesarani 2007, p. 517.
- ^ a b c d e f g Popper 2010.
- ^ Roth 2005, p. 58.
- ^ Van den Berghe 1990, p. 110.
- ^ Hilberg 2001, p. 99.
- ^ Trachtenberg 2018, p. 146.
- ^ a b c The Times 2007.
- ^ Bush 2010, p. 664.
- ^ a b Tanner 2007.
- ^ a b Daum & Föhr 2015, p. 380.
- ^ a b c d e Aly 2002.
- ^ Neumann 1942.
- ^ a b c d e Martin 2007.
- ^ a b Berger 2002, p. 148.
- ^ CLMC.
- ^ a b c Berenbaum 2007.
- ^ USHMM.
- ^ Brown 2013, p. 94.
- ^ a b Brown 2013, p. 96.
- ^ Bush 2010, p. 666; James 1995.
- ^ Finkelstein 2007.
- ^ Hilberg 1982.
- ^ Finkelstein 2007; Neumann 2007a.
- ^ Arendt 1964, p. 71.
- ^ Hilberg 1971, p. v.
- ^ Jäckel 1998, p. 23; Reitlinger 1953.
- ^ Bauer 2007.
- ^ Berenbaum 2007; Trunk 1996, p. x.
- ^ a b c d e Bortz 2021.
- ^ Neumann 2007a.
- ^ Berenbaum & Peck 1998, p. 4.
- ^ Berenbaum & Peck 1998, p. 4; Jäckel 1998, pp. 24–25.
- ^ Hilberg 2001, p. 103.
- ^ Hilberg 1996, pp. 126–127.
- ^ Berger 2002, p. 153.
- ^ Brown 2013, p. 95.
- ^ Austin 1996, p. 24.
- ^ Goodman, Hilberg & Shlaim 2007.
- ^ a b Hilberg 2007.
- ^ Ryan 2010, pp. 60–61.
- ^ Hilberg 2012.
- ^ Hilberg 1996, p. 36.
- ^ Guttenplan 2001.
Sources
- Aly, Götz (December 10, 2002). "Geschichte reicht in die Gegenwart. Ein Gespräch mit dem Historiker Raul Hilberg" [History reaches into the present. A conversation with the historian Raul Hilberg]. Neue Zürcher Zeitung (in German).
- Arendt, Hannah (1964) [First published 1963]. Eichmann in Jerusalem. A Report on the Banality of Evil (2nd ed.). Viking Press.
- Austin, Guy (1996). Contemporary French Cinema: An Introduction. ISBN 978-0-719-04611-7.
- Bauer, Yehuda (September 2, 2007). "A human being without fault". Haaretz. Retrieved October 14, 2018.
- Berenbaum, Michael (August 8, 2007). "A Remembrance of Raul Hilberg". Together: The American Gathering of Jewish Holocaust Survivors & Their Descendants. Archived from the original on August 28, 2016.
- ISBN 978-0-253-21529-1.
- Berger, Ronald J. (2002). Fathoming the Holocaust: A Social Problems Approach. ISBN 978-0-202-36611-1.
- "Book of Members, 1780–2010: Chapter B" (PDF). American Academy of Arts and Sciences.
- Bortz, Olof (March 8, 2021). "Early Reactions to Raul Hilberg's History of the Holocaust, 1961–7". Journal of Contemporary History. 56 (3): 745–765. S2CID 233832767.
- Brown, Adam (2013). "Holocaust Historian and His "Thirty-year War": Hilberg's Controversial Persona". Judging 'Privileged' Jews: Holocaust Ethics, Representation, and the 'Grey Zone'. ISBN 978-0-857-45992-3.
- ISBN 978-0-028-65937-4.
- Bush, Jonathan A. (Fall 2010). "Raul Hilberg (1926–2007) In Memoriam". JSTOR 25781010.
- "The Carolyn and Leonard Miller Center for Holocaust Studies". Vermont: University of Vermont.
- S2CID 216137452.
- Daum, Andreas W.; Föhr, Sherry L. (2015). "Biographies". In Daum, Andreas W.; Lehmann, Hartmut; Sheehan, James J. (eds.). The Second Generation: Émigrés from Nazi Germany as Historians. ISBN 978-1-782-38993-4.
- ISBN 978-1-78238-985-9.
- Daum, Andreas. "Refugees from Nazi Germany as Historians: Origins and Migrations, Interests and Identities". In Daum, Lehmann & Sheehan (2016).
- Finkelstein, Norman (August 22, 2007). "Remembering Raul Hilberg". CounterPunch. Archived from the original on September 15, 2007.
- Goodman, Amy; Hilberg, Raul; Shlaim, Avi (May 9, 2007). "It Takes an Enormous Amount of Courage to Speak the Truth When No One Else is Out". Democracy Now!. Pacifica Radio.
- Guttenplan, D. D. (March 12, 2001). "The war on truth". The Guardian. Archived from the original on May 13, 2008. Retrieved December 14, 2007.
- ISBN 978-0-393-34605-3.
- Hilberg, Deborah (December 6, 2012). "My father, the Holocaust scholar; the man whose message Israelis wouldn't hear". Haaretz.
- Hilberg, Raul (1973) [First published 1961]. The Destruction of the European Jews. New Viewpoints.
- Hilberg, Raul (1982). Die Vernichtung der europäischen Juden [The Destruction of the European Jews] (in German). Olle & Wolter.
- Hilberg, Raul (2001). "The Holocaust". In Woodruff, Paul; Wilmer, Harry A. (eds.). Facing Evil: Confronting the Dreadful Power Behind Genocide, Terrorism, and Cruelty. ISBN 978-0-812-69517-5.
- Hilberg, Raul (Winter–Spring 2007). "Is There a New Anti-Semitism? A Conversation with Raul Hilberg". Logos. 8 (1/2).
- "In Memoriam: Raul Hilberg (1926-2007)". Washington, D.C.: United States Holocaust Memorial Museum.
- Jäckel, Eberhard (1998). "The Holocaust: Where We Are, Where We Need to Go". In ISBN 978-0-253-21529-1.
- James, Harold (September 1995). "Schwere moralische Schuld". Die Zeit (in German). Archived from the original on June 12, 2008. Retrieved August 17, 2007.
- Joffe, Lawrence (September 25, 2007). "Obituary: Raul Hilberg". The Guardian. Retrieved January 9, 2010.
- Martin, Douglas (August 7, 2007). "Raul Hilberg: Historian Who Wrote of the Holocaust as a Bureaucracy, Dies". The New York Times.
- ISBN 978-1-61578-012-9.
- Neumann, Michael (August 15, 2007a). "In Memoriam: Raul Hilberg". CounterPunch. Archived from the original on August 22, 2009.
- Neumann, Michael (August 15, 2007b). "Raul Hilberg: 'A Mind of a Different Order'". History News Network.
- Popper, Nathaniel (March 31, 2010). "A Conscious Pariah". The Nation. Retrieved January 9, 2010.
- "Raul Hilberg". The Times. August 8, 2007. p. 48.
- Reitlinger, Gerald (1953). The Final Solution. Vallentine, Mitchell & Co.
- Roth, J. (2005). Ethics During and After the Holocaust: In the Shadow of Birkenau. ISBN 978-0-230-51310-5.
- Ryan, Susan (2010). "American Radical: The Trials of Norman Finkelstein by David Ridgenand Nicolas Rossier". Cinéaste. 36 (2): 60–61. JSTOR 41690886.
- ISBN 978-1-101-90346-9.
- Tanner, Adam (August 7, 2007). "Raul Hilberg, pioneer scholar of Holocaust, dies". Reuters.
- Trachtenberg, Barry (2018). The United States and the Nazi Holocaust: Race, Refuge, and Remembrance. ISBN 978-1-472-56720-8.
- ISBN 978-0-803-29428-8.
- Van den Berghe, Gie (1990). "The Incompleteness of a Masterpiece - Raul Hilberg and The Destruction of European Jews" (PDF). BTNG-RBHC. XX1 (1/2): 110–124.
- Woo, Elaine (August 7, 2007). "Raul Hilberg, 81; scholar was an authority on the Holocaust". Los Angeles Times. Retrieved January 9, 2010.
- Wyman, David (August 11, 1985). "Managing the Death Machine". The New York Times. Retrieved January 9, 2010.
Further reading
- Pacy, James S.; Wertheimer, Alan P., eds. (1995). Perspectives on the Holocaust: Essays in Honor of Raul Hilberg. Boulder: ISBN 978-1-000-30169-4.