Canadian identity

Source: Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.

The maple leaf is the symbol most associated with Canadian identity.

Canadian identity refers to the unique culture, characteristics and condition of being Canadian, as well as the many symbols and expressions that set

United Empire Loyalists to Upper Canada and New Brunswick
, and the ensuing dominance of French and British culture in the gradual development of both an imperial and national identity.

Throughout the 16th, 17th, 18th, and 19th centuries,

Métis
people. Carrying through the 20th century and to the present day, Canadian aboriginal art and culture continues to exert a marked influence on Canadian identity.

Today, Canada is a

national park system, and the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms.[3][4] In 2013, more than 90 per cent of polled Canadians believed that the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms and the national flag were the top symbols of Canadian identity. Next highest were the national anthem, the Royal Canadian Mounted Police, and ice hockey.[5]

The question of Canadian identity was traditionally dominated by two fundamental themes: first, the often conflicted relationship between

mother country". With the gradual loosening of political ties between Canada and the British Empire in the 20th century, immigrants from Europe, Asia, Africa, and the Caribbean have reshaped Canadian identity, a process that continues with the ongoing settlement of large numbers of immigrants from diverse backgrounds, adding to the theme of multiculturalism to the debate.[6][7][8]

Basic models

Sydney March's monument to the United Empire Loyalists in Hamilton, Ontario.

In defining a Canadian identity, some distinctive characteristics that have been emphasized are:

  1. The bicultural nature of Canada; the important ways in which English–French and Protestant-Catholic relations have shaped the Canadian experience since the 1760s.[9]
  2. Canada's distinctive historical experience in resisting revolution and republicanism (in contrast to the United States) leading to a lesser societal emphasis on individualism and more support for
    health care system.[10]
  3. The relationship to the
    British legal system, the toryism associated with the Loyalists, and the pre-1960 French Canadians have given Canada its ongoing collective commitment to "peace, order, and good government".[10]
  4. The social structure of multiple ethnic groups living amongst each other whilst maintaining their identities, producing a "cultural mosaic" as opposed to a "melting pot".[11]
  5. The influence of
    global superpower, have produced in the collective Canadian psyche what Northrop Frye has called the garrison mind or siege mentality, and what novelist Margaret Atwood has argued is the Canadian preoccupation with survival.[12] For Herschel Hardin, because of the remarkable hold of the siege mentality and the concern with survival, Canada in its essentials is "a public enterprise country." According to Hardin, the "fundamental mode of Canadian life" has always been, "the un-American mechanism of redistribution as opposed to the mystic American mechanism of market rule." Most Canadians, in other words, whether on the right or left in politics, expect their governments to be actively involved in the economic and social life of the nation.[13]

Historical development

Introduction

Canada's large geographic size, the presence and survival of a significant number of indigenous peoples, the conquest of one European linguistic population by another, and relatively open

diverse society. The exploration of national character and regional culture is a longstanding subject of inquiry for scholars in both Canada and the United States. Baer et al. argue that "Questions of national character and regional culture have long been of interest to both Canadian and American social scientists. The Canadian literature has focussed largely on historical and structural reasons for regional distinctiveness and the possible role of regionalism in undermining a truly national Canadian character or ethos."[14]

Indigenous people

Young girl from Tla-o-qui-aht First Nations in traditional tree fibre clothing - ca.1916

The indigenous peoples of Canada are divided among a large number of different ethnolinguistic groups, including the

Métis are an indigenous people whose culture and identity was produced by a fusion of First Nations with the French, Irish and Scottish fur trade
society of the north and west.

French settlement and the struggle for francophone identity in Canada

From the founding by

The deportation of the Acadians - 1893 painting, depicting an event in 1755.

Although English settlement began in

deportation of the French-speaking Acadian population, in 1755 in an event known in French to Acadians as Le Grand Dérangement, one of the critical events in the formation of the Canadian identity.[17] During the period of French hegemony over New France the term Canadien referred to the French-speaking inhabitants of Canada.[citation needed
]

The Death of General Wolfe by Benjamin West, whose subject led the British to victory at the Battle of Quebec.

The

Ultramontane movement of Catholicism as playing a pivotal and highly negative role in the development of certain aspects of Québécois identity.[18]

British settlement in Canada: revolution, invasion, and Confederation

The Coming of the Loyalists by Henry Sandham depicts a romanticised image of the Loyalists' arrival in New Brunswick

For its part, the identity of English speaking Canada was profoundly influenced by another pivotal historic event, the American Revolution. American colonists who remained loyal to the Crown and who actively supported the British during the Revolution saw their lands and goods confiscated by the new republic at the end of the war. Some 60,000 people, known in Canada as

United Empire Loyalists fled the United States or were evacuated after the war, coming to Nova Scotia and Quebec where they received land and some assistance from the British government in compensation and recognition for having taken up arms in defence of King George III and British interests. This population formed the nucleus for two modern Canadian provinces—Ontario and New Brunswick—and had a profound demographic, political and economic influence on Nova Scotia, Prince Edward Island and Quebec. Conservative in politics, distrustful or even hostile towards Americans, republicanism, and especially American republicanism,[19] this group of people marked the British of British North America as a distinctly identifiable cultural entity for many generations, and Canadian commentators continue to assert that the legacy of the Loyalists still plays a vital role in English Canadian identity. According to the author and political commentator Richard Gwyn while "[t]he British connection has long vanished...it takes only a short dig down to the sedimentary layer once occupied by the Loyalists to locate the sources of a great many contemporary Canadian convictions and conventions."[20]

Defending Quebec from an American attack - 1860 painting, depicting a 1775 event

Canada was twice invaded by armed forces from the United States during the American Revolution and the War of 1812. The first invasion occurred in 1775, and succeeded in capturing Montreal and other towns in Quebec before being repelled at Quebec City by a combination of British troops and local militiamen. During this invasion, the French-speaking Canadiens assisted both the invaders from the United Colonies and the defending British. The War of 1812 also saw the invasion of American forces into what was then Upper and Lower Canada, and important British victories at Queenston Heights, Lundy's Lane and Crysler's Farm. The British were assisted again by local militia, this time not only the Canadiens, but also the descendants of the Loyalists who had arrived barely a generation earlier. The Americans however captured control of Lake Erie, cutting off what is today western Ontario; they killed Tecumseh and dealt the Indian allies a decisive defeat from which they never recovered. The War of 1812 has been called "in many respects a war of independence for Canada".[21]

The years following the War of 1812 were marked by heavy immigration from Great Britain to the Canadas and, to a lesser degree, the Maritime Provinces, adding new British elements (English, Scottish and Protestant Irish) to the pre-existing English-speaking populations. During the same period immigration of

Catholic Irish brought large numbers of settlers who had no attachment, and often a great hostility, toward Great Britain. The hostility of other groups to the autocratic colonial administrations that were not based on democratic principles of responsible government, principally the French-speaking population of Lower Canada and newly arrived American settlers with no particular ties to Great Britain, were to manifest themselves in the short-lived but symbolically powerful Rebellions of 1837–1838. The term "Canadian", once describing a francophone population, was adopted by English-speaking residents of the Canadas as well, marking the process of converting 'British' immigrants into 'Canadians.'[22]

Fathers of Confederation

The merger of the two

Father of Confederation wrote that the position of Canada West had become "a base vassalage to French-Canadian Priestcraft."[23] For its part, the French Canadians distrusted the growing anti-Catholic 'British' population of Canada West and sought a structure that could provide at least some control over its own affairs through a Provincial legislature founded on principles of responsible government
.

Proclamation of Canadian Confederation (1867)

The

Civil War as a powerful and united nation with little affection for Britain or its neglected colonies strung along its northern border. So great was the perceived threat that even Queen Victoria thought, prior to Confederation, that it would be "impossible" for Britain to retain Canada.[24]

In their search for an early identity,

English Canadians relied heavily on loyalty and attachment to the British Empire, an attitude shaped by the British role in the building of Canada, as evidenced in the lyrics of the informal anthem The Maple Leaf Forever and attitudes of hatred towards French and Irish Canadians. John Ralston Saul sees in the influence of the Orange Order the counterpart of the Ultramontane movement among French Canadians, leading certain groups of English Canadian Protestants to provoke persecution of the Métis and suppress or resist francophone rights.[25]

Early dominion

After Confederation, Canada became caught up in settlement of the west and extending the dominion to the Pacific Ocean.

Manifest Destiny nor the economic attractions of the United States. The construction of the Canadian Pacific Railway
, promised to British Columbia as an inducement to join the new dominion, became a powerful and tangible symbol of the nation's identity, linking the provinces and territories together from east to west in order to counteract the inevitable economic and cultural pull from the south.

The settlement of the west also brought to the fore the tensions between the English and French-speaking populations of Canada. The Red River Rebellion, led by Louis Riel, sought to defend the interests of French-speaking Métis against English-speaking Protestant settlers from Ontario. The controversial execution of Thomas Scott, a Protestant from Ontario, on Riel's orders and the furor that followed divided the new dominion along linguistic and religious lines. While Manitoba was created as a bilingual province in 1870 as a solution to the issue, the tensions remained, and would surface again in the North-West Rebellion in the 1880s, when Riel led another rebellion against Ottawa.

CHILD EMIGRATION TO CANADA The attention of the Dominion Government has been drawn to the fact that the children sent to Canada from England are street waifs and workhouse paupers, and that the professional philanthropists engaged in the work are largely prompted by mercenary and not charitable motives. A demand will be made that parliament should investigate the matter before voting any money to promote this kind of immigration.

The Star, 18 April 1891[26]

From the mid to late 19th century Canada had a policy of assisting immigrants from Europe, including city people and an estimated 100,000 unwanted "

Dutch, and Scandinavians in large numbers before the First World War
.

At the same time, there were concerns regarding immigration from Asian by English Canadians on the Pacific coast. At the time, the Canadian identity did not include non-Europeans. While inexpensive Chinese labour had been needed to complete the transcontinental railway, the completion of the railway led to questions of what to do with the workers who were now no longer needed. Further Chinese immigration was limited and then banned by a series of restrictive and racially motivated

Sikhs from India, who attempted to land in Vancouver
.

20th century

  • War bond posters, 1918
  • Canadian victory bond poster in French. Depicts three French women pulling a plow that had been constructed for horses and men. Lithograph, adapted from a photograph.
    Canadian victory bond poster in French. Depicts three French women pulling a plow that had been constructed for horses and men. Lithograph, adapted from a photograph.
  • The same poster in English, with subtle differences in text. The French version roughly translates as 'All the world can serve' or 'Everyone can serve' and 'Let's buy victory bonds.'
    The same poster in English, with subtle differences in text. The French version roughly translates as 'All the world can serve' or 'Everyone can serve' and 'Let's buy victory bonds.'

The main crisis regarding Canadian identity came in

Ukrainian heritage temporarily stripped of voting rights or incarcerated in camps. The war helped define separate political identities for the two groups, and permanently alienated Quebec and the Conservative Party.[30]

During this period, World War I helped to establish a separate Canadian identity among Anglophoners, especially through the military experiences of the Battle of Vimy Ridge and the Battle of Passchendaele and the intense homefront debates on patriotism.[31] (A similar crisis, though much less intense, erupted in World War II.)

In the 1920s, the Dominion of Canada achieved greater independence from Britain, notably in the Statute of Westminster in 1931. It remained part of the larger Commonwealth but played an independent role in the League of Nations. As Canada became increasingly independent and sovereign, its primary foreign relationship and point of reference gradually moved to the United States, the superpower with whom it shared a long border and major economic, social and cultural relationships.

Join the Team! (Royal Canadian Air Force) - used from 1939 till 1945.

The Statute of Westminster also gave Canada

Royal Arms of Canada), while others were created (for example, the monarch's royal standard
).

In the 1960s, Quebec experienced the

sovereignty-association, which was turned down by 59% of voters. At the patriation of the Canadian constitution
in 1982, the Quebec Premier did not agree to the amendment; this led to two unsuccessful attempts to modify the constitution so it would have the Quebec Cabinet's assent and another referendum on Quebec independence in 1995, which lost by a slim majority of 50.6%.

In 1965, Canada adopted the

international exposition
in Montreal.

Legislative restrictions on immigration that had favoured British and other European immigrants were removed in the 1960s. By the 1970s immigrants increasingly came from

Vietnam. Post-war immigrants of all backgrounds tended to settle in the major urban centres, particularly Toronto, Montreal, and Vancouver
.

During his tenure in the office (1968–1979, 1980–1984), Prime Minister

bilingualism and plans for significant constitutional change. The west, particularly the oil and gas-producing province of Alberta, opposed many of the policies emanating from central Canada, with the National Energy Program
creating considerable antagonism and growing western alienation.

Modern times

As for the role of history in national identity, the books of Pierre Berton and television series like Canada: A People's History have done much to spark the popular interest of Canadians in their history. Some commentators, such as Cohen, criticize the overall lack of attention paid by Canadians to their own history, noting a disturbing trend to ignore the broad history in favour of narrow focus on specific regions or groups.

It isn't just the schools, the museums and the government that fail us. It is also the professional historians, their books and periodicals. As J.L. Granatstein and Michael Bliss have argued, academic historians in Canada have stopped writing political and national history. They prefer to write labour history, women's history, ethnic history, and regional history, among others, often freighted with a sense of grievance or victimhood. This kind of history has its place, of course, but our history has become so specialized, so segmented, and so narrow that we are missing the national story in a country that has one and needs to hear it.[32]

Much of the debate over contemporary Canadian identity is argued in political terms, and defines Canada as a country defined by its government policies, which are thought to reflect deeper cultural values. To the political philosopher Charles Blattberg, Canada should be conceived as a civic or political community, a community of citizens, one that contains many other kinds of communities within it. These include not only communities of ethnic, regional, religious, civic (the provincial and municipal governments) and civil associational sorts, but also national communities. Blattberg thus sees Canada as a multinational country and so asserts that it contains a number of nations within it. Aside from the various aboriginal First Nations, there is also the nation of francophone Quebecers, that of the anglophones who identify with English Canadian culture, and perhaps that of the Acadians.[33]

Total Canadian health care expenditures in 1997 dollars from 1975 to 2009[34]

In keeping with this, it is often asserted that Canadian government policies such as

gun control, leniency in regard to drug use, and most recently legalizing same-sex marriage make their country politically and culturally different from the United States.[35]

In a poll that asked what institutions made Canada feel most proud about their country, number one was health care, number two was the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation, and number three was peacekeeping.[36] In a CBC contest to name "The Greatest Canadian", the three highest ranking in descending order were the social democratic politician and father of medicare Tommy Douglas, the legendary cancer activist Terry Fox, and the Liberal prime minister Pierre Trudeau, responsible for instituting Canada's official policies of bilingualism and multiculturalism, which suggested that their voters valued left-of-centre political leanings and community involvement.

Most of Canada's recent

official bilingualism which required the provision of a number of services in both official languages and, among other things, required that all commercial packaging in Canada be printed in French and English. Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau's first legislative push was to implement the Royal Commission on Bilingualism within the Official Languages Act in 1969. Again, while this bilingualism is a notable feature to outsiders, the plan has been less than warmly embraced by many English Canadians some of whom resent the extra administrative costs and the requirement of many key federal public servants to be fluently bilingual.[37]
Despite the widespread introduction of French-language classes throughout Canada, very few anglophones are truly bilingual outside of Quebec. Pierre Trudeau in regards to uniformity stated:

Uniformity is neither desirable nor possible in a country the size of Canada. We should not even be able to agree upon the kind of Canadian to choose as a model, let alone persuade most people to emulate it. There are few policies potentially more disastrous for Canada than to tell all Canadians that they must be alike. There is no such thing as a model or ideal Canadian. What could be more absurd than the concept of an "all-Canadian" boy or girl? A society which emphasizes uniformity is one which creates intolerance and hate.[38]

In 2013, more than 90 percent of polled Canadians believed that the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms and the national flag were the top symbols of Canadian identity.[39] As Professor Alan Cairns noted about the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms , "the initial federal government premise was on developing a pan-Canadian identity"'.[40] Pierre Trudeau himself later wrote in his Memoirs (1993) that "Canada itself" could now be defined as a "society where all people are equal and where they share some fundamental values based upon freedom", and that all Canadians could identify with the values of liberty and equality.[41]

Migration to Canada

Canada was the home for 'American' British

Loyalists during and following the American Revolution, making much of Canada distinct in its unwillingness to embrace republicanism and populist democracy during the nineteenth century. Canada was also the destination for slaves from America via the Underground Railroad (the 'North Star' as heralded by Martin Luther King Jr.); Canada was the refuge for American Vietnam draft-dodgers
during the turbulent 1960s.

In response to a declining birth rate, Canada has increased the per capita immigration rate to one of the highest in the world.

Outsider perceptions

A very common expression of Canadian identity is to ridicule American ignorance of things Canadian.[42]

During his years with This Hour Has 22 Minutes, comic Rick Mercer produced a recurring segment, Talking to Americans. Petty says, the segment "was extraordinarily popular and was initiated by viewer demand."[42] Mercer would pose as a journalist in an American city and ask passers-by for their opinions on a fabricated Canadian news story. Some of the "stories" for which he solicited comment included the legalization of staplers, the coronation of King Svend, the border dispute between Quebec and Chechnya, the campaign against the Toronto Polar Bear Hunt, and the reconstruction of the historic "Peter Mann's Bridge". During the 2000 election in the United States, Mercer successfully staged a Talking to Americans segment in which presidential candidate George W. Bush gratefully accepted news of his endorsement by Canadian Prime Minister "Jean Poutine".[43][44]

While Canadians may dismiss comments that they do not find appealing or stereotypes that are patently ridiculous, Andrew Cohen believes that there is a value to considering what foreigners have to say: "Looking at Canadians through the eyes of foreigners, we get a sense of how they see us. They say so much about us: that we are nice, hospitable, modest, blind to our achievements. That we are obedient, conservative, deferential, colonial and complex, particularly so. That we are fractious, envious, geographically impossible and politically improbable."[45] Cohen refers in particular to the analyses of the French historian André Siegfried,[46] the Irish born journalist and novelist Brian Moore[47] or the Canadian-born American journalist Andrew H. Malcolm.[48]

French Canadians and identity in English Canada

The Canadian philosopher and writer John Ralston Saul has expressed the view that the French fact in Canada is central to Canadian, and particularly to English Canadian identity:

It cannot be repeated enough that Quebec and, more precisely, francophone Canada is at the very heart of the Canadian mythology. I don't mean that it alone constitutes the heart, which is after all a complex place. But it is at the heart and no multiple set of bypass operations could rescue that mythology if Quebec were to leave. Separation is therefore a threat of death to anglophone Canada's whole sense of itself, of its self-respect, of its role as a constituent part of a nation, of the nature of the relationship between citizens."[49]

Many Canadians believe that the relationship between the English and French languages is a central or defining aspect of the Canadian experience. Canada's Official Languages Commissioner (the federal government official charged with monitoring the two languages) has stated, "[I]n the same way that race is at the core of what it means to be American and at the core of an American experience and class is at the core of British experience, I think that language is at the core of Canadian experience."[50]

Aboriginal Canadians and Canadian identity

Vancouver Airport
.

War of 1812

The War of 1812 is often celebrated in Ontario as a British victory for what would become Canada in 1867. The Canadian government spent $28 million on three years of bicentennial events, exhibits, historic sites, re-enactments, and a new national monument.[55] The official goal was to make Canadians aware that:

  • Canada would not exist had the American invasion of 1812–15 been successful.
  • The end of the war laid the foundation for Confederation and the emergence of Canada as a free and independent nation.
  • Under the Crown, Canada’s society retained its linguistic and ethnic diversity, in contrast to the greater conformity demanded by the American Republic.[56]

In a 2012 poll, 25% of all Canadians ranked their victory in the War of 1812 as the second most important part of their identity after free health care (53%).[57]

Canadian historians in recent decades look at the war as a defeat for the First Nations of Canada, and also for the merchants of Montreal (who lost the fur trade of the Michigan-Minnesota area).[58] The British had a long-standing goal of building a pro-British Indian barrier state in the American Midwest.[59][60] They demanded a neutral Indian state at the peace conference in 1814 but failed to gain any of it because they had lost control of the region in the Battle of Lake Erie and the Battle of the Thames in 1813, where Tecumseh was killed. The British then abandoned their Indian allies south of the lakes. The royal elite of (what is now) Ontario gained much more power in the aftermath and used that power to repel the idea of American republicanism, especially in the areas of southern Ontario settled by American immigrants. Many of those settlers returned to the states and were replaced by immigrants from Britain who were imperial-minded.[61] W. L. Morton says the war was a "stalemate" but the Americans "did win the peace negotiations."[62] Arthur Ray says the war made "matters worse for the native people" as they lost military and political power.[63] Bumsted says the war was a stalemate, but regarding the Indians "was a victory for the American expansionists."[64] Thompson and Randall say "the War of 1812's real losers were the Native peoples who had fought as Britain's ally."[65] On the other hand, the "1812 Great Canadian Victory Party will bring the War of 1812...to life," promised the sponsors of a festival in Toronto in November 2009.[66]

Multiculturalism and identity

Political cartoon on Canada's multicultural identity, from 1911.

Multiculturalism and inter-ethnic relations in Canada is relaxed and tolerant, allowing ethnic or linguistic particularism to exist unquestioned. In metropolitan areas such as Toronto and Vancouver, there is often a strong sense that multiculturalism is a normal and respectable expression of being Canadian. Canada is also considered a mosaic because of the multi-culturalism.

Supporters of Canadian multiculturalism will also argue that cultural appreciation of ethnic and religious diversity promotes a greater willingness to tolerate political differences, and multiculturalism is often cited as one of Canada's significant accomplishments and a key distinguishing element of Canadian identity. Richard Gwyn has suggested that "tolerance" has replaced "loyalty" as the touchstone of Canadian identity.[67]

On the other hand, critics of Canada's multiculturalism argue that the country's "timid" attitude towards the assimilation of immigrants has actually weakened, not strengthened Canada's national identity through factionalism. Columnist and author Richard Gwyn expresses concern that Canada's sense of self may become so weak that it might vanish altogether.[68] The indulgent attitude taken towards cultural differences is perhaps a side effect of the vexed histories of French-English and Aboriginal-settler relations, which have created a need for a civic national identity, as opposed to one based on some homogenous cultural ideal.[citation needed] On the other hand, concerns have been raised of the danger that "ethnic nationalism will trump civic nationalism"[69] and that Canada will leap "from colony to post-national cosmopolitan" without giving Canadians a fair chance of ever finding a centre of gravity or certain sense of Canadian identity.[70][71]

For John Ralston Saul, Canada's approach of not insisting on a single national mythology or identity is not necessarily a sign of the country's weakness, but rather its greatest success,[72] signalling a rejection of or evolution from the European mono-cultural concept of a national identity to something far more "soft" and less complex:

The essential characteristic of the Canadian public mythology is its complexity. To the extent that it denies the illusion of simplicity, it is a reasonable facsimile of reality. That makes it a revolutionary reversal of the standard nation-state myth. To accept our reality—the myth of complexity—is to live out of sync with élites in other countries, particularly those in the business and academic communities.[73]

In January 2007,

Secretary of State for Multiculturalism and Canadian Identity
.

The role of Canadian social policy and identity

"Towards the Dawn!" — a 1930s poster from Saskatchewan promoting the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation

Critics of the idea of a fundamentally "liberal Canada" such as

New Democratic Party. Much of the energy of the early Canadian feminist movement occurred in Manitoba
.

By contrast, the Conservative provincial government of Alberta has frequently quarrelled with federal administrations perceived to be dominated by "eastern liberal elites."[74] Part of this is due to what Albertans feel were federal intrusions on provincial jurisdictions such as the National Energy Program and other attempts to 'interfere' with Albertan oil resources.

Distinctly Canadian

Canada's landscape is noted for its cold climate, particularly in contrast to the rest of North America
  • In 1971, Peter Gzowski of CBC Radio's This Country in the Morning held a competition whose goal was to compose the conclusion to the phrase: "As Canadian as..." The winning entry was "... possible, under the circumstances." It was sent in to the program by Heather Scott.[75]
  • Pierre Berton, a Canadian journalist and novelist, has been attributed with the quote "A Canadian is someone who knows how to make love in a canoe without tipping it", although Berton himself denied that he ever actually said or wrote this.[76]

See also

References

  1. ^ Saul,Reflections of a Siamese Twin p. 8.
  2. .
  3. ^ The Environics Institute (2010). "Focus Canada (Final Report)" (PDF). Queen's University. p. 4 (PDF page 8). Archived from the original (PDF) on February 4, 2016. Retrieved December 12, 2015.
  4. ^ "Exploring Canadian values" (PDF). Nanos Research. October 2016. Archived from the original (PDF) on April 5, 2017. Retrieved February 1, 2017.
  5. ^ "The Daily — Canadian identity, 2013". www.statcan.gc.ca. October 2015. Retrieved 2015-10-01.
  6. ^ John Ralston Saul, Reflections of a Siamese Twin: Canada at the End of the 20th Century, Toronto: Viking Canada, 1997, p. 439
  7. ^ Philip Resnick, The European Roots of Canadian Identity, Peterborough: Broadview Press Ltd, 2005 p. 63
  8. ^ Roy McGregor, Canadians: A Portrait of a Country and Its People, Toronto: Viking Canada, 2007
  9. ^ "Biculturalism", The Canadian Encyclopedia (2010) online
  10. ^ a b Lipset (1990)
  11. ^ Magocsi, (1999)
  12. ^ Margaret Atwood, Survival: A Thematic Guide to Canadian Lieterature, Toronto: House of Anansi Press Limited, p. 32.
  13. ^ The typology is based on George A. Rawlyk, "Politics, Religion, and the Canadian Experience: A Preliminary Probe," in Mark A. Noll, ed. Religion and American Politics: From the Colonial Period to the 1980s. 1990. pp 259-60.
  14. ^ Baer, Grabb, and Johnston, "National character, regional culture, and the values of Canadians and Americans." (1993) p 13.
  15. aboriginal peoples in Canada
    .
  16. ^ Saul, Reflections of a Siamese Twin, p. 161
  17. ^ Saul describes the event as "one of the most disturbing" of Canada's "real tragedies", Saul, Reflections of a Siamese Twin, p. 31
  18. ^ Saul, Reflections of a Siamese Twin, p 32 quote: "The Ultramontanes took French Canada off a relatively normal track of political and social evolution...The infection of healthy nationalism with a sectarianism that can still be felt in the negative nationalists was one of their accomplishments.
  19. ^ see MacGregor, Canadians, at p. 62
  20. ^ Richard Gwyn, John A: The Man Who Made Us, 2007, Random House of Canada Ltd., p. 367
  21. ^ Northrop Frye, Divisions on a Ground: Essays on Canadian Culture, 1982: House of Anansi Press, p. 65.
  22. ^ See for example Susanna Moodie, Roughing It in the Bush, Toronto: McClelland & Stewart Limited, 1970, p. 31: quote: "British mothers of Canadian sons!—learn to feel for their country the same enthusiasm which fills your hearts when thinking of the glory of your own. Teach them to love Canada...make your children proud of the land of their birth."
  23. ^ letter from George Brown, cited in Richard Gwyn, John A: The Man Who Made Us, p. 143.
  24. ^ Prior to Confederation, Queen Victoria remarked on "...the impossibility of our being able to hold Canada, but we must struggle for it; and by far the best solution would be to let it go as an independent kingdom under an English prince." quoted in Stacey, C.P. British Military Policy in the Era of Confederation, CHA Annual Report and Historical Papers 13 (1934), p. 25.
  25. ^ Saul, Reflections of a Siamese Twin p. 32
  26. St Peter Port
    , England.
  27. ^ MacGregor, Canadians, p. 231
  28. ^ "Pioneers Head West". CBC News.
  29. ^ Civilization.ca - Advertising for immigrants to western Canada - Introduction
  30. ^ J. L. Granatstein, Broken promises: A history of conscription in Canada (1977)
  31. ^ Mackenzie (2005)
  32. ^ Cohen, The Unfinished Canadian, p. 84
  33. ^ Blattberg, Shall We Dance? A Patriotic Politics for Canada, Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 2003.
  34. ^ CIHI p.119
  35. .
  36. ^ The Environics Institute (2010). "Focus Canada (Final Report) - Queen's University" (PDF). Queen's University. p. 7. Archived from the original (PDF) on February 4, 2016. Retrieved December 12, 2015.
  37. ^ Sandford F. Borins. The Language of the Skies: The Bilingual Air Traffic Control Conflict in Canada (1983) p. 244
  38. . -Pierre Elliott Trudeau, as cited in The Essential Trudeau, ed. Ron Graham. (pp.16 – 20)
  39. ^ "The Daily — Canadian identity, 2013". www.statcan.gc.ca. Retrieved 2015-10-01.
  40. CBC/Radio-Canada. Archived from the original
    on March 7, 2006. Retrieved March 17, 2006.
  41. .
  42. ^ a b Sheila Petty, et al. Canadian cultural poesis: essays on Canadian culture (2005) p. 58
  43. ^ Jonathan A. Gray, et al. Satire TV: politics and comedy in the post-network era (2009) p 178
  44. ^ John Herd Thompson and Stephen J. Randall, Canada and the United States: ambivalent allies (2002) p. 311
  45. ^ Cohen p. 48
  46. ^ André Siegfried, Canada: An International Power; New and Revised Edition, London: Jonathan Cape, 1949 quoted in Cohen, at pp. 35-37. Siegfried noted, among other things, the stark distinction between the identities of French and English-speaking Canadians.
  47. ^ Brian Moore, Canada. New York: Time-Life Books, 1963, quoted in Cohen, The Unfinished Canadianat pp. 31-33, commenting on the lack of a hero culture in Canada: "There are no heroes in the wilderness. Only fools take risks."
  48. ^ Andrew H. Malcolm, The Canadians: A Probing Yet Affectionate Look at the Land and the People Markham: Fitzhenry & Whiteside Ltd., 1985, quoted in Cohen, The Unfinished Canadian at pp. 44 to 47. "Canadians always seemed to be apologizing for something. It was so ingrained."
  49. ^ Saul, Reflections of a Siamese Twin, p. 293
  50. Hill Times
    , August 31, 2009, p. 14.
  51. ^ Saul, Reflections of a Siamese Twin p. 88.
  52. ^ Saul Reflections of a Siamese Twin at p. 91
  53. ^ Saul, Reflections of a Siamese Twin p. 93
  54. ^ Saul, Reflections of a Siamese Twin p. 41.
  55. ^ Jasper Trautsch, "Review of Whose War of 1812? Competing Memories of the Anglo-American Conflict," Reviews in History (review no. 1387) 2013; Revise 2014, accessed: 10 December 2015
  56. ^ Government of Canada, "The War of 1812, Historical Overview, Did You Know?" Archived 2015-11-20 at the Wayback Machine
  57. ^ Trautsch, "Review of Whose War of 1812? Competing Memories of the Anglo-American Conflict"
  58. ^ "The Indians and the fur merchants of Montreal had lost in the end," says Randall White, Ontario: 1610-1985 p. 75
  59. ^ Dwight L. Smith, "A North American Neutral Indian Zone: Persistence of a British Idea" Northwest Ohio Quarterly 1989 61(2-4): 46-63
  60. ^ Francis M. Carroll (2001). A Good and Wise Measure: The Search for the Canadian-American Boundary, 1783-1842. U of Toronto Press. p. 24.
  61. ^ Fred Landon, Western Ontario and the American Frontier (1941) p. 44; see also Gerald M. Craig, Upper Canada: The Formative Years, 1784-1841 (1963)
  62. ^ Morton, Kingdom of Canada 1969 pp 206-7
  63. ^ Arthur Ray in Craig Brown ed. Illustrated History of Canada (2000) p 102.
  64. ^ J. M. Bumsted, Peoples of Canada (2003) 1:244-45
  65. ^ John Herd Thompson and Stephen J. Randall, Canada and the United States (2008) p. 23
  66. ^ There is no mention of the historians in the announcement of "Great 1812 Canadian Victory Party"
  67. ^ Gwyn, The Man Who Made Us What We Are, p. 365.
  68. ^ Richard Gwyn, Nationalism Without Walls: The Unbearable Lightness of Being Canadian, Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1996
  69. ^ Cohen, The Unfinished Canadianp. 162
  70. ^ Cohen, The Unfinished Canadian pp. 163-164
  71. ^ See also: Resnick, quote: "But let us not make diversity a substitute for broader aspects of national identity or turn multiculturalism into a shibboleth because we are unwilling to reaffirm underlying values that make Canada what it has become. And those values, I repeat again, are largely European in their derivation, on both the English-speaking and French—speaking sides." at p. 64.
  72. ^ Saul, p. 8.
  73. ^ Saul, Reflections of a Siamese Twin, p. 9.
  74. ^ Panizza 2005
  75. ^ "On the origin of an aphorism", PETER GZOWSKI, 24 May 1996, The Globe and Mail, page A15
  76. ^ "#AsCanadianAs 'making love in a canoe'? Not so fast". CBC News, June 21, 2013.

Bibliography

Further reading

External links