Eastern Bloc politics
Eastern Bloc |
---|
Eastern Bloc politics followed the
Once in power, each country's Soviet-controlled Communist Party took permanent control of the administration, political organs, police, societal organizations and economic structures to ensure that no effective opposition could arise and to control socioeconomic and political life therein. Party and social
Background
Creation of the Eastern Bloc
In 1922, the
Red Army and NKVD personnel began to impose the communist system in 1939. They made extensive use of local communists, socialists, and their collaborators to wage a campaign of mass violence and mass deportations to camps in order to "Sovietize" the areas under their occupation. The Soviet invasion of these areas in 1939 created local allies and produced NKVD officers experienced in imposing the communist system. The Soviet Union began planning the transformation of Eastern Europe even before the 1941 Nazi invasion of the USSR. There is evidence that the USSR did not expect to create a communist bloc quickly or easily. Ivan Maiskii, Soviet foreign minister under Stalin, wrote in 1944 that all European nations would eventually become communist states but only after a period of three to four decades.[1]
Central and Eastern European communist leaders generally participated in "national front" coalitions during the 1930s to oppose Nazi expansion. These coalitions were modeled upon those of Spain and France. Historian Tony Judt described the civil war in Spain as “a dry run for the seizure of power in Eastern Europe after 1945.”[1]
These included Eastern
Other states were converted into
Conditions in the Eastern Bloc
Throughout the Eastern Bloc, both in the Soviet Socialist Republic and the rest of the Bloc, Russia was given prominence, and referred to as the naibolee vydajuščajasja nacija (the most prominent nation) and the rukovodjaščij narod (the leading people).[10] The Soviets encouraged the worship of everything Russian and the reproduction of their own Communist structural hierarchies in each of the Bloc states.[10]
The defining characteristic of communism implemented in the Eastern Bloc was the unique symbiosis of the state with society and the economy, resulting in politics and economics losing their distinctive features as autonomous and distinguishable spheres.[18] While over 15 million Eastern Bloc residents migrated westward from 1945 to 1949,[19] emigration was effectively halted in the early 1950s, with the Soviet approach to controlling national movement emulated by most of the rest of the Eastern Bloc.[20] The Soviets mandated expropriation and etatization of private property.[21]
The Soviet-style "replica regimes" that arose in the Bloc not only reproduced Soviet
Seizing control
Early history
The initial issue arising in countries occupied by the Red Army in 1944 and 1945 was the manner in which to transform occupation power into control over domestic development.[24] At first, western countries' willingness to support "antifascist" action and for "democratization" with a socialist element helped Soviet efforts to permit communists in their respective countries to initiate a process of gradual almost imperceptibly slow Sovietization.[24][25] Because communists were relatively small minorities in all countries except Czechoslovakia,[26] they were initially instructed to form coalitions in their respective countries.[25]
At the war's end, concealment of the Kremlin's role was considered crucial to neutralize resistance and to make the regimes appear not only led by local people, but also to resemble "bourgeois democracies".[26] Joseph Stalin had already effectively sealed off outside access to the Soviet Union since 1935 (and until his death), effectively permitting no foreign travel inside the Soviet Union such that outsiders did not know of the political processes that had taken place therein.[27] During this period, and even for 25 years after Stalin's death, the few diplomats and foreign correspondents permitted inside the Soviet Union were usually restricted to within a few miles of Moscow, their phones were tapped, their residences were restricted to foreigner-only locations and they were constantly followed by Soviet authorities.[27] Dissenters who approached such foreigners were arrested.[28] For many years after World War II, even the best informed foreigners did not know the number of arrested or executed Soviet citizens, or how poorly the Soviet economy had performed.[28]
In the other countries of the Bloc, Stalin stated that the Eastern European version of democracy was a mere modification of western "
Socioeconomic reforms
Stalin felt that socioeconomic transformation was indispensable to establish Soviet control, reflecting the Marxist-Leninist view that material bases—the distribution of the means of production—shaped social and political relations.[25] This "sovietization" involved the gradual assimilation of local political, socioeconomic, and cultural patterns into the Soviet model while severing ties with “bourgeois” Western values and traditions.[32] Moscow trained cadres were placed into crucial power positions to fulfill orders regarding sociopolitical transformation.[25] Elimination of the bourgeoisie's social and financial power by expropriation of landed and industrial property was accorded absolute priority.[29] These measures were publicly billed as reforms rather than socioeconomic transformations.[29] Throughout the whole of eastern Europe, except for Czechoslovakia, organizations such as trade unions and associations representing various social, professional and other groups, were erected with only one organization for each category, with competition excluded.[29] Those organizations were managed by communist cadres, though some diversity was permitted initially.[33] Soviet and local concerns formed "joint stock companies" permitting Soviet officials to exercise direct control over important sections of the economy.[30]
Concealment
At first, the Soviet Union concealed its role, with the transformations appearing as a modification of western "
With the initial exception of Czechoslovakia, activities by political parties had to adhere to "Bloc politics", with parties eventually having to accept membership in an "antifascist" "bloc" obliging them to act only in mutual "consensus".[33] Moscow cadres in key positions would refuse via veto to provide consensus for opposed changes, while those who opposed communist proposed changes were accused of insubordination to Soviet authorities, frequently followed by harsh punishment.[33] When such measures did not produce the desired effect, occupation officers would directly intervene.[33] Accordingly, elections—which had been promised to the Western allies—did not offer a difference in policy choices.[26]
Bloc politics eventually forced purported bourgeois politicians and parties to choose between unconditional political surrender and outright rejection.[34] If they chose the former, they would alienate their followers and marginalize themselves, while the latter case led to defamation as deviators from the "anti-fascist democratic consensus" and "traitors" to the people, followed by ensuing isolation, prosecution, and liquidation.[34]
Consequently, the bloc system permitted the Soviet Union to exercise Eastern Bloc domestic control indirectly.[26] "Bourgeois" politicians willing to follow communist bloc leadership and to support socioeconomic reforms were recruited to further the illusion of classical democracy.[26] Similar non-communist officials were put in place in some administration positions, while a reliable communist cadre worked behind the scenes to control the apparatus and decision-making process.[26] Crucial departments such as those responsible for personnel, education, general police, secret police, and youth, were strictly communist run.[26] From the outset, the multiparty system established by Soviet occupation authorities was planned to be temporary.[34] Two kinds of alliances were envisaged: permanent "natural" alliances with related social forces such as peasants willing to submit to communist vanguard parties and temporary accords with bourgeois parties necessary for temporary objectives.[26] Parties, such as Social Democrats, were seen as belonging to the permanent natural category, but would be eventually expected to undergo transformations.[26] Moscow cadres distinguished "progressive forces" from "reactionary elements", and rendered both powerless through self-emasculation or future self-sacrifice.[34] Such procedures were repeated continuously until communists had gained unlimited power, while only politicians who were unconditionally supportive of Soviet policy remained.[34]
Political systems
"People's democracy"
Despite the initial institutional design of communism implemented by
Vestiges of "bourgeois democracy"
Vestigial democratic institutions were never entirely destroyed, resulting in facade of representative institutions. The highest organs of state power rubber-stamped decisions made by ruling parties. So little attention was paid to them that some of those serving in the highest organs of state power were actually dead and officials would sometimes openly state that they would seat members who had lost elections.[38] Constitutions were promulgated but never enforced.[37] Government institutions practiced democratic centralism, where subordinate organs of the party and state unconditionally supported the decisions of senior party leaders.[39] Decisions of consequence were made by the ruling communist parties, which were not political parties in the western sense, but apparatuses for totalitarian control of the state and society.[38] They did not represent sectional interests, they imposed them.[38] The highest organs of state power were elected, but their meetings occurred only a few days per year and they served only to create legitimacy for politburo decisions.[38]
Ruling parties
Non-Soviet Eastern Bloc Communist Parties held congresses every five years, not long after the Soviet Communist Party had held its congress, to elect central committees and endorse new party programs, though "central committees could call emergency" congresses.[39] Attendance at party congresses was frequently given as a reward for long service.[39] Parties also sometimes held national conferences to address specific issues.[39]
The
The
The Communist Party was at the center of the political system in the Eastern Bloc, with its leading role being absolute political rule with virtually no political discussion.[43] Most of the parties in non-Soviet Eastern Bloc countries differed from the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in that they were technically coalitions.[43] Only in Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia and Romania (and only after 1965) did the parties use the word "communist" in their name.[43] The ruling parties in the Eastern Bloc included:
While, in some states, other parties were allowed to exist, frequently their only substantial function was to legitimize the existence of a national front or some similar umbrella organization.[39] The organization of the party was based on the "territorial-production" principle, meaning that the lowest level unit could be based either in an area or in a place of work.[39] The next highest level was territorial, into districts, towns, regions and states.[39] Each level had its own committees, bureau and secretariat.[39]
Purges and show trials
In accordance with Soviet directives, "building communism" in the Eastern Bloc included liquidation of class enemies and constant vigilance against counterrevolutionaries, especially within the Communist parties themselves.
Nine copies of reports, confessions and other documents in all countries' purges were circulated to Soviet and other Eastern Bloc leaders.[49] In Poland, when the local leadership resisted Soviet pressure for show trials, the Soviets demanded the construction of more prisons, including one containing a special wing for high-ranking party members.[50] The intensity of the purges varied by country, with thorough purges in places with a relatively popular party in Czechoslovakia and Bulgaria, and less thorough purges in places where the party was initially less well-established, such as Poland, Romania and East Germany.[51]
Any member with a western connection was immediately vulnerable, which included large numbers of people who had spent years in exile in the West during the Nazi-occupation of Czechoslovakia and Hungary.[49] Many veterans of the Spanish Civil War were imprisoned or killed because they were tainted by their western experiences.[49] Persons with western wives also were the targets of persecution.[49] In addition to connections with Tito or Yugoslavia, persons who had previously belonged to non-communist parties merged in the Bloc politics process were also at risk, as were members from a non-working-class background.[49]
In addition to rank-and-file member purges, prominent communists were purged, with some subjected to public
The Soviets directed show trial methods, including a procedure in which confessions and "evidence" from leading witnesses could be extracted by any means, including threatening to torture the witnesses’ wives and children.[50] The higher ranking the party member, generally the more harsh the torture that was inflicted upon him.[50] For the show trial of Hungarian Interior Minister János Kádár, who one year earlier attempted to force a confession of László Rajk in his show trial, regarding "Vladimir" the questioner of Kádár:[50]
Vladimir had but one argument: blows. They had begun to beat Kádár. They had smeared his body with mercury to prevent his pores from breathing. He had been writhing on the floor when a newcomer had arrived. The newcomer was Vladimir’s father, Mihály Farkas. Kádár was raised from the ground. Vladimir stepped close. Two henchmen pried Kádár’s teeth apart, and the colonel, negligently, as if this were the most natural thing in the world, urinated into his mouth.
After this trial, Kádár later rose to General Secretary of the ruling Hungarian Working People's Party when Imre Nagy was executed. Once in the interrogation room, the inquisitors made no pretense about attempting to seek real evidence, making it clear that their only task was to extract a confession that would be used to convince other people of the defendant's guilt.[50] Many dedicated party members accepted the argument that they could perform one last service to the party by allowing themselves to be convicted of crimes that they had not committed.[50] Even after the party reneged on a deal that was supposed to have spared László Rajk, Rajk allegedly yelled just before his execution "long live the party!"[51] For those not executed, degradation and humiliation continued for years in prison or labor camps.[50]
The evidence was often not just non-existent but absurd, with Hungarian
Some of the notable
show trials in the Eastern Bloc after 1944 | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
|
Administrative structures
Initially, communist parties were small in all countries except Czechoslovakia, such that there existed an acute shortage of politically "trustworthy" persons for administration, police and other professions.[52] Accordingly, "politically unreliable" non-communists initially filled such roles.[52] Those not obedient to communist authorities were ousted, while Moscow cadres started a large-scale party programs to train personnel who would meet political requirements.[52]
In addition, throughout the Eastern Bloc, armies appeared in Soviet-style uniforms studying military manuals copied from the Red Army.[53] The party dominated the armed forces, with party members comprising almost every rank above captain.[38]
Two lists were often kept by the party structure: the cadre and the nomenklatura lists. The latter contained every post in each country that was important to the smooth application of party policy, including military posts, administrative positions, directors of local enterprises, social organization administrators, newspapers, etc.[54] In Czechoslovakia, the nomenklatura lists were thought to contain 100,000 post listings, while the number estimated in Poland was 2-3 times that figure.[54] The names of those that the party considered to be trustworthy enough to secure a nomenklatura post were compiled on the cadre list.[54] One did not have to be a party member to be on the cadre list, but any sign of unconventional behavior would mean exclusion from the list.[54] The considerable amount of information disseminated to the party from police or trusted observers ensured that the cadre lists were timely and comprehensive.[54] The end result was that anyone aspiring to have an influential or rewarding job had to conform to party dictates.[54]
De-Stalinization
Some relaxation of Soviet control occurred after Stalin's death in 1953 and the subsequent
As with
The cult of personality intensified around Hoxha, who became increasingly paranoid about foreign intrigue and conspiracy.[56] Hoxha tolerated no dissent and thousands of Albanians were executed, sent to state labor camps or exiled to remote areas for work.[58] After a purge in the military and the economic bureaucracy, in 1976, Albania implemented a rigidly Marxist-Leninist constitution that not only made the party the leading force in state and society, but also limited private property and forbade foreign loans.[59] Isolating itself completely from the rest of the world, Albania embarked on a massive defense program, including the amassing of a huge arsenal of weapons and the construction of more than 700,000 concrete military bunkers for a country with only 3 million citizens.[56]
Political repression
While the initial institution of communism destroyed most of the prior institutional and organizational diversity of the Eastern Bloc countries,[60] communist structures existed in different manifestations of strength that also varied over time.[61] In such Communist systems, centralized and unelected state apparatuses, command economies, and scarcity or absence of independent civil associations specifically combined to tightly restrict the repertoire of action for those looking to defend their interests or press demands on the government.[62] These features did not evolve, but rather were intentionally imposed over a relatively short span of time.[62]
As in the Soviet Union, culture was subordinated to political needs and creativity was secondary to
While institutional changes creating some freedoms occurred, a change toward effective constitutionalism could not occur without the collapse of the communist political regimes.[61] Market-oriented reforms could not work without functioning markets.[37] Such systems' subordination of society was not so much the result of recurrent state triumphs over rival groups as it was intermittent state triumphs combined with state-imposed structures that broke requisite links and occupied the social space necessary for rival groups to initially form.[63]
Political dissent
Communist regimes in the Eastern Bloc viewed even marginal groups of opposition intellectuals as a potential threat because of the bases underlying Communist power therein.[64] The central pillar on which the monopoly power of the Communist elite was based was the belief of the administrative classes—mid-level leadership cadres in the party apparatus, industry, security organs, education and state administration—in the legitimacy of the Communist Party.[64] The perceived danger posed by dissidence and opposition was less that of the possible mobilization of broad open protest movements undermining a regime than that political nonconformism would undermine the reliability of the administrative classes responsible for carrying the party leadership's directives.[64]
Accordingly, the suppression of dissidence and opposition was viewed as a central prerequisite for the security of Communist power, though the enormous expense at which the population in certain countries were kept under secret surveillance may not have been rational.
Post-totalitarian phase repression varied across Eastern Bloc countries according to the degree of internal coherence and the social anchoring of the Communist elites in each country.[66] Trial by jury was replaced by a tribunal of a professional judge and two lay assessors that were dependable party actors.[67] The features of such Communist systems combined to structure the social and political environment to raise the cost of open protest, often to a prohibitive level.[63] While resistance existed, it occurred mainly in the form of individual measures predicated on acceptance of the system as a whole that paradoxically often further atrophied the avenues of collective redress against the state, such as workers intentionally wasting time on the job or stealing state resources.[63]
Class categories
Citizens were classified by socialist origin and class, with the standard categories being:
Broad social purges
In addition to party purges, more widespread social
These social purges constituted generalized episodes of terror intended to be seen as such in order to establish order and control.
This was achieved by a simple device: a factory, a local government department, a professional organization was given a quota of people to be weeded out, which might mean sacking, sending to the mines or handing over to the security police as class enemies under the accusation of whatever happened to be the fashionable crime. The steering committee of the organization, or the man responsible for personnel matters, knew that if they did not comply they would themselves be the victims. So they did comply, telling everybody that they saved ninety-eight good people by selecting two sacrificial lambs who were anyhow ‘not much good’, were spoiling things for everybody by working too hard, drinking too much or too little, were odd because they refused to sleep with the right person, or simply, and this was always a safe argument, were Jews.
In Budapest,
Civil society groups
As with the party purges, any institution with western connections was particularly vulnerable.[69] Eastern Bloc branches of organizations with western contacts, such as the boy scouts, the girl guides and the international federation of professional and business women, were closed.[69] Churches were subjected to attack, including the Uniate church in the Ukraine and Romania, Protestants in Bulgaria and the Roman Catholic Church in Hungary.[69] People that constituted former "class enemies" because of their social upbringing were at risk, as well as those with prior memberships in non-communist parties.[70]
While the purges quelled outward manifestations of dissatisfaction, they also caused severe economic dislocations.[72] Large construction projects were launched with insufficient capital such that unpaid prisoners were required to serve in place of modern equipment.[72] Disruption of the trained administrative and management elites also caused harm.[72] So many workers were dismissed from established professions that they had to be replaced by hastily trained younger workers that did not possess questionable class origins.[72] A Czechoslovakian noted:[72]
The highly qualified professional people are laying roads, building bridges and operating machines, and the dumb clots—whose fathers used to dig, sweep or bricklay—are on top, telling the others where to lay the roads, what to produce and how to spend the country’s money. The consequence is the roads look like plowed fields, we make things we can’t sell and the bridges can’t be used for traffic…. Then they wonder why the economy is going downhill like a ten-ton lorry with the brakes off.
The purges often coincided with the introduction of the first Five Year Plans in the non-Soviet members of the Eastern Bloc.
In addition, sizable resources were employed in the purge, such as in Hungary, where almost one million adults were employed to record, control, indoctrinate, spy on and sometimes kill targets of the purge.[72] Unlike the repressions under Nazi occupation, no ongoing war existed that could bring an end to the tribulations of the Eastern Bloc, and morale severely suffered as a consequence.[74] Because the party later had to admit the mistakes of much that occurred during the purges after Stalin's death, the purges also destroyed the moral base upon which the party operated.[74] In doing so, the party abrogated its prior Leninist claim to moral infallibility for the working class.[74]
Secret police
Eastern Bloc secret police organizations were formed on
The police served to deter opposition to party directives, and contain it should it appear.
KGB and the formation of the Stasi
During party purges, the secret police became so entrenched within the party that they became their own elite within the elite of the party.
All information acquired worldwide by the intelligence and security services in the Eastern bloc was stored in the Soviet computer SOUD (System of Joint Acquisition of Enemy Data).[80] The SOUD became a valuable KGB asset for the Stasi.[80] Stasi engineers had actually created the system using stolen and illegally obtained Western technology, but the Soviets insisted that it be based in Moscow.[80]
Stasi operations
The Stasi employed 120,000 full-time agents and an official estimate of 100,000 informants to monitor a country that possessed only 16 million inhabitants.[81] Between 1950 and 1989, the Stasi employed a total of 274,000 persons.[82] In terms of total inoffizielle Mitarbeiter (IMs) Stasi informants, by 1995, 174,000 had been identified, which approximated 2.5% of East Germany's population between the ages of 18 and 60.[82] While these calculations were from official records, because many such records were destroyed, there were likely closer to 500,000 Stasi informers.[82] A former Stasi colonel estimated that the figure could be as high as 2 million if occasional informants were included.[82]
The result was a society in which residents often did not know whom to trust, and in which few attempted to share their private thoughts with anyone but close friends or colleagues.
Full-time officers were posted to all major industrial plants and one tenant in every apartment building was designated as a watchdog reporting to an area representative of the Volkspolizei (Vopo).[83] Spies reported every relative or friend that stayed the night at another's apartment.[83] Tiny holes were bored in apartment and hotel room walls through which Stasi agents filmed citizens with special video cameras.[83] Similarly, schools, universities, and hospitals were extensively infiltrated.[83]
Political offenses usually came under broad crimes such as "Treasonable Relaying of Information", "Treasonable Agent Activity" and "Interference in Activities of the State or Society."
The Stasi also focused upon the allies of the ruling communist Socialist Unity Party of Germany.[86] For example, during the Soviet-backed forced merger of the SED, the Stasi arrested 5,000 Social Democratic Party of Germany members that disapproved of the merger.[86] 400 died from a mix of executions, malnutrition or disappearing.[86] 200 of them were later sentenced to a total of 10,000 years jail time.[86] Until 1950, all such sentences were pronounced by Soviet military tribunals in trials that lasted no more than ten minutes each.[86]
While the Stasi had only 4,000 members in 1953, it grew considerably over the years to 52,707 in 1973.
Mielke then issued Richtlinie 1/76, a standard operating procedure manual outlining surveillance of the population down to the last detail.[88] Stasi Division M employed officers at every post office to surreptitiously open all letters and parcels sent to, or received from, a non-communist country.[89] Writing samples were taken from letters that could be used to match with writing on any dissident pamphlets.[90] Those questioned by the Stasi were forced to put special cloths under the arms that were later stored in sealed and numbered cans in a massive warehouse for later use by bloodhounds in the event of a manhunt.[89] The Stasi also sprayed a special chemical on sidewalks in front of their offices that would adhere to the shoes of those leaving and permit dogs more easily to track them.[90] In the late 1970s, when certain western news organizations were allowed to employ offices in East Berlin, they were required to hire all employees from a specified labour pool, all of whom were Stasi informants.[91]
State police organizations
Under
Albania's
In
Several state police and secret police organizations enforced communist party rule, including:
Notable Police organizations in the Eastern Bloc
| ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
|
The secret police and Eastern Bloc dissolution
The Stasi acted as a proxy for KGB conduct activities in
Before German unification, the last East German government ordered the burning of thousands of Stasi computer records to attempt to protect against later prosecution.[105] In addition, they shredded thousands of espionage files and placed the remains in 172,000 paper sacks.[105] Examination of what remains of the vast Stasi files is difficult because of their enormous size.[105] In the first three years after the October 3, 1990 German reunification, large numbers of sensational arrests of Stasi infiltrators throughout the former West German government occurred weekly.[106] It became clear that the entire West German government had been infested by the East German spy organization, as was every political party, West Germany's industry, banks, the church, and the news media.[106] One female Stasi mole in the BND, an East German agent for seventeen years, had been entrusted with the job of preparing the daily secret intelligence summary for West German Chancellor Helmut Kohl.[106] Stasi archivists estimate that at least 20,000 West Germans had spied for the Stasi and that that estimate may be conservative.[106] After German reunification, the examination by former targets of their Stasi files led to countless civil suits being filed against informers, with large numbers of family and friend relationship destroyed.[107]
Notes
- ^ ISBN 9780385515696.
- ^ Julian Towster. Political Power in the U.S.S.R., 1917–1947: The Theory and Structure of Government in the Soviet State Oxford Univ. Press, 1948. p. 106
- ^ Wettig 2008, p. 69
- ^ Roberts 2006, p. 43
- ^ a b c Wettig 2008, p. 21
- ^ ISBN 978-90-420-2225-6
- ISBN 0-7190-4201-1
- ^ Roberts 2006, p. 55
- ^ Shirer 1990, p. 794
- ^ a b c Graubard 1991, p. 150
- ^ ISBN 1-58544-298-4
- ^ Grenville 2005, pp. 370–71
- ^ Cook 2001, p. 17
- ^ Wettig 2008, pp. 96–100
- ^ Crampton 1997, pp. 216–7
- ^ Eastern bloc, The American Heritage New Dictionary of Cultural Literacy, Third Edition. Houghton Mifflin Company, 2005.
- ^ Wettig 2008, p. 156
- ^ a b c Hardt & Kaufman 1995, p. 11
- ^ Böcker 1998, pp. 207–9
- ^ Dowty 1989, p. 114
- ^ a b c d Roht-Arriaza 1995, p. 83
- ^ Hardt & Kaufman 1995, pp. 15–17
- ^ ISBN 0-7146-4765-9.
- ^ a b Wettig 2008, p. 35
- ^ a b c d Wettig 2008, p. 36
- ^ a b c d e f g h i Wettig 2008, p. 39
- ^ a b Laqueur 1994, p. 22
- ^ a b Laqueur 1994, p. 23
- ^ a b c d e Wettig 2008, p. 37
- ^ a b c d Crampton 1997, p. 211
- ^ Gross 1997, p. 33
- ^ Frucht 2003, p. 756
- ^ a b c d Wettig 2008, p. 38
- ^ a b c d e Wettig 2008, p. 41
- ^ Wettig 2008, pp. 108–9
- ^ a b c Crampton 1997, p. 241
- ^ a b c d Hardt & Kaufman 1995, p. 12
- ^ a b c d e f g h Crampton 1997, p. 246
- ^ a b c d e f g h Crampton 1997, p. 243
- ISBN 0-8047-5606-6, page 9-12
- ^ a b c d e f g h Crampton 1997, p. 244
- ^ a b c d e Crampton 1997, p. 245
- ^ a b c d Crampton 1997, p. 242
- ^ a b c d Bideleux & Jeffries 2007, p. 477
- ^ a b Crampton 1997, p. 261
- ^ a b c d e f Crampton 1997, p. 262
- ^ O'Connor 2003, p. xx-xxi
- ^ a b Crampton 1997, p. 270
- ^ a b c d e f g h Crampton 1997, p. 263
- ^ a b c d e f g Crampton 1997, p. 264
- ^ a b c d e f g Crampton 1997, p. 265
- ^ a b c Wettig 2008, p. 40
- ^ a b Crampton 1997, p. 240
- ^ a b c d e f Crampton 1997, p. 249
- ^ a b c Turnock 1997, p. 1
- ^ a b c d e Olsen 2000, p. 19
- ^ a b Crampton 1997, p. 356
- ^ Olsen 2000, p. 20
- ^ Crampton 1997, pp. 356–7
- ^ Hardt & Kaufman 1995, p. 1
- ^ a b c d Hardt & Kaufman 1995, p. 18
- ^ a b Sharman 2003, p. 2
- ^ a b c Sharman 2003, p. 3
- ^ a b c d e Pollack & Wielgohs 2004, p. xiv
- ^ Pollack & Wielgohs 2004, p. xv
- ^ Pollack & Wielgohs 2004, p. xvi
- ^ a b c d Crampton 1997, p. 247
- ^ a b c d e Crampton 1997, p. 248
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m Crampton 1997, p. 267
- ^ a b c Crampton 1997, p. 268
- ^ Crampton 1997, p. 269
- ^ a b c d e f Crampton 1997, p. 272
- ^ a b c Crampton 1997, p. 271
- ^ a b c d Crampton 1997, p. 273
- ^ a b c d e f Koehler 2000, p. 30
- ^ a b Roht-Arriaza 1995, p. 84
- ^ Koehler 2000, p. 73
- ^ a b c d Koehler 2000, p. 31
- ^ a b c Koehler 2000, p. 74
- ^ a b c Koehler 2000, p. 80
- ^ a b c Philipsen 1993, p. 10
- ^ a b c d Koehler 2000, p. 8
- ^ a b c d e f g Koehler 2000, p. 9
- ^ a b c d e f Koehler 2000, p. 18
- ^ a b c Koehler 2000, p. 19
- ^ a b c d e Koehler 2000, p. 127
- ^ a b c d Koehler 2000, p. 142
- ^ a b Koehler 2000, p. 143
- ^ a b Koehler 2000, p. 144
- ^ a b Koehler 2000, p. 145
- ^ Koehler 2000, p. 146
- ^ a b c Crampton 1997, p. 355
- ^ a b Smith, Craig S., "Eastern Europe Struggles to Purge Security Services", The New York Times, December 12, 2006
- ^ a b Deletant 1995, p. xiv
- ^ Deletant 1995, p. ix
- ^ Crampton 1997, p. 223
- ^ Crampton 1997, pp. 296–300
- ^ Crampton 1997, p. 353
- ^ “Yugoslavia: Internal Security Capabilities. An Intelligence Assessment”, CIA (Directorate of Intelligence), October 1985: „Both the SDB, committed to the largely secret war against subversion, and the Milicija, charged with traditional police functions in preserving law and order, are formally organized on a decentralized basis, with authority widely dispersed among the six republics and two autonomous provinces.”
- ^ a b c Micgiel 1997, p. 94
- ^ Micgiel 1997, p. 95
- ^ Koehler 2000, p. 76
- ^ Koehler 2000, p. 78
- ^ a b c d e f Koehler 2000, p. 79
- ^ a b c Koehler 2000, p. 20
- ^ a b c d Koehler 2000, p. 150
- ^ Koehler 2000, p. 21
References
- Beschloss, Michael R (2003), The Conquerors: Roosevelt, Truman and the Destruction of Hitler's Germany, 1941–1945, Simon and Schuster, ISBN 0-7432-6085-6
- Berthon, Simon; Potts, Joanna (2007), Warlords: An Extraordinary Re-creation of World War II Through the Eyes and Minds of Hitler, Churchill, Roosevelt, and Stalin, Da Capo Press, ISBN 978-0-306-81538-6
- Bideleux, Robert; Jeffries, Ian (2007), A History of Eastern Europe: Crisis and Change, Routledge, ISBN 978-0-415-36626-7
- Böcker, Anita (1998), Regulation of Migration: International Experiences, Het Spinhuis, ISBN 90-5589-095-2
- Brackman, Roman (2001), The Secret File of Joseph Stalin: A Hidden Life, Frank Cass Publishers, ISBN 0-7146-5050-1
- Cook, Bernard A. (2001), Europe Since 1945: An Encyclopedia, Taylor & Francis, ISBN 0-8153-4057-5
- Crampton, R. J. (1997), Eastern Europe in the twentieth century and after, Routledge, ISBN 0-415-16422-2
- Dale, Gareth (2005), Popular Protest in East Germany, 1945–1989: Judgements on the Street, Routledge, ISBN 0714654086
- Deletant, Dennis (1995), Ceauşescu and the Securitate: coercion and dissent in Romania, 1965–1989, M.E. Sharpe, ISBN 1-56324-633-3
- Dowty, Alan (1989), Closed Borders: The Contemporary Assault on Freedom of Movement, Yale University Press, ISBN 0-300-04498-4
- Ericson, Edward E. (1999), Feeding the German Eagle: Soviet Economic Aid to Nazi Germany, 1933–1941, Greenwood Publishing Group, ISBN 0-275-96337-3
- Frucht, Richard C. (2003), Encyclopedia of Eastern Europe: From the Congress of Vienna to the Fall of Communism, Taylor & Francis Group, ISBN 0-203-80109-1
- Gaddis, John Lewis (2005), The Cold War: A New History, Penguin Press, ISBN 1-59420-062-9
- Goertz, Gary (1995), Contexts of International Politics, ISBN 0-521-46972-4
- Gorodetsky, Gabriel (2001), Grand Delusion: Stalin and the German Invasion of Russia, Yale University Press, ISBN 0300084595
- Graubard, Stephen R. (1991), Eastern Europe, Central Europe, Europe, Westview Press, ISBN 0-8133-1189-6
- Grenville, John Ashley Soames (2005), A History of the World from the 20th to the 21st Century, Routledge, ISBN 0-415-28954-8
- Grenville, John Ashley Soames; Wasserstein, Bernard (2001), The Major International Treaties of the Twentieth Century: A History and Guide with Texts, Taylor & Francis, ISBN 0-415-23798-X
- Grogin, Robert C. (2001), Natural Enemies: The United States and the Soviet Union in the Cold War, 1917–1991, Lexington Books, ISBN 0-7391-0160-9
- Gross, Jan (1997), "War as Revolution", in Gibianskii, Leonid; Naimark, Norman (eds.), The Establishment of Communist Regimes in Eastern Europe, 1944–1949, Westview Press, ISBN 0-8133-3534-5
- Hardt, John Pearce; Kaufman, Richard F. (1995), East-Central European Economies in Transition, M.E. Sharpe, ISBN 1-56324-612-0
- Harrison, Hope Millard (2003), Driving the Soviets Up the Wall: Soviet-East German Relations, 1953–1961, Princeton University Press, ISBN 0-691-09678-3
- Koehler, John O. (2000), Stasi: the untold story of the East German secret police, Westview Press, ISBN 0-8133-3744-5
- Krasnov, Vladislav (1985), Soviet Defectors: The KGB Wanted List, Hoover Press, ISBN 0-8179-8231-0
- Laqueur, Walter (1994), The dream that failed: reflections on the Soviet Union, Oxford University Press, ISBN 0-19-510282-7
- Lipschitz, Leslie; McDonald, Donogh (1990), German unification: economic issues, International Monetary Fund, ISBN 1-55775-200-1
- Lukacs, John (2006), June 1941: Hitler and Stalin, Yale University Press, ISBN 0-300-11437-0
- Micgiel, John (1997), ""Bandits and Reactionaries": The Suppression of the Opposition in Poland, 1944–1946", in Gibianskii, Leonid; Naimark, Norman (eds.), The Establishment of Communist Regimes in Eastern Europe, 1944–1949, Westview Press, ISBN 0-8133-3534-5
- Miller, Roger Gene (2000), To Save a City: The Berlin Airlift, 1948–1949, Texas A&M University Press, ISBN 0-89096-967-1
- Murray, Williamson; Millett, Allan (2001), A War to be Won: Fighting the Second World War, Harvard University Press, ISBN 0-674-00680-1
- Navrátil, Jaromír (2006), The Prague Spring 1968: A National Security Archive Document Reader (National Security Archive Cold War Readers), Central European University Press, ISBN 963-7326-67-7
- Nekrich, Aleksandr Moiseevich; Ulam, Adam Bruno; Freeze, Gregory L. (1997), Pariahs, Partners, Predators: German–Soviet Relations, 1922–1941, Columbia University Press, ISBN 0-231-10676-9
- O'Connor, Kevin (2003), The history of the Baltic States, Greenwood Publishing Group, ISBN 0-313-32355-0
- O'Neil, Patrick (1997), Post-communism and the Media in Eastern Europe, Routledge, ISBN 0-7146-4765-9
- Olsen, Neil (2000), Albania, Oxfam, ISBN 0-85598-432-5
- Overy, R. J. (2004), The Dictators: Hitler's Germany and Stalin's Russia, W. W. Norton & Company, ISBN 0-393-02030-4
- Pearson, Raymond (1998), The Rise and Fall of the Soviet Empire, Macmillan, ISBN 0-312-17407-1
- Philipsen, Dirk (1993), We were the people: voices from East Germany's revolutionary autumn of 1989, Duke University Press, ISBN 0-8223-1294-8
- Pollack, Detlef; Wielgohs, Jan (2004), Dissent and Opposition in Communist Eastern Europe: Origins of Civil Society and Democratic Transition, Ashgate Publishing, Ltd., ISBN 0-7546-3790-5
- Puddington, Arch (2003), Broadcasting Freedom: The Cold War Triumph of Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty, University Press of Kentucky, ISBN 0-8131-9045-2
- Roberts, Geoffrey (2006), Stalin's Wars: From World War to Cold War, 1939–1953, Yale University Press, ISBN 0-300-11204-1
- Roberts, Geoffrey (2002), Stalin, the Pact with Nazi Germany, and the Origins of Postwar Soviet Diplomatic Historiography, vol. 4
- Roht-Arriaza, Naomi (1995), Impunity and human rights in international law and practice, Oxford University Press, ISBN 0-19-508136-6
- Saxonberg, Steven (2001), The Fall: A Comparative Study of the End of Communism in Czechoslovakia, East Germany, Hungary and Poland, Routledge, ISBN 90-5823-097-X
- Sharman, Jason Campbell (2003), Repression and Resistance in Communist Europe, Routledge, ISBN 0-415-30669-8
- Shirer, William L. (1990), The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich: A History of Nazi Germany, Simon and Schuster, ISBN 0-671-72868-7
- Teichova, Alice; Matis, Herbert (2003), Nation, State, and the Economy in History, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 0-521-79278-9
- Turner, Henry Ashby (1987), The Two Germanies Since 1945: East and West, Yale University Press, ISBN 0-300-03865-8
- Turnock, David (1997), The East European economy in context: communism and transition, Routledge, ISBN 0-415-08626-4
- Wegner, Bernd (1997), From Peace to War: Germany, Soviet Russia, and the World, 1939–1941, Berghahn Books, ISBN 1-57181-882-0
- Weinberg, Gerhard L. (1995), A World at Arms: A Global History of World War II, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 0-521-55879-4
- Wettig, Gerhard (2008), Stalin and the Cold War in Europe, Rowman & Littlefield, ISBN 978-0-7425-5542-6
- Williams, Kieran (1997), The Prague Spring and its Aftermath: Czechoslovak Politics, 1968–1970, ISBN 0-521-58803-0