Josip Broz Tito
Josip Broz Tito | |
---|---|
Јосип Броз Тито | |
President of Yugoslavia | |
In office 14 January 1953 – 4 May 1980 | |
Prime Minister | See list
|
Vice President | See list
|
Preceded by | President of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia |
In office 5 January 1939 – 4 May 1980 | |
Preceded by | Milan Gorkić |
Succeeded by | Stevan Doronjski |
Personal details | |
Born | Josip Broz 7 May 1892 SR Slovenia, SFR Yugoslavia |
Resting place | House of Flowers, Belgrade, Serbia 44°47′12″N 20°27′06″E / 44.78667°N 20.45167°E |
Nationality | Yugoslav |
Political party | League of Communists of Yugoslavia (joined in 1920) |
Spouses | |
Domestic partner(s) | Davorjanka Paunović (1943–1946) |
Children | 5, including Mišo |
Awards | Full list |
Signature | |
Military service | |
Allegiance |
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Branch/service | Austro-Hungarian Army Red Army Yugoslav People's Army |
Years of service | 1913–1915 1918–1920 1941–1980 |
Rank | Marshal |
Commands | National Liberation Army Yugoslav People's Army (supreme commander) |
Battles/wars | World War I Russian Civil War World War II |
Central institution membership | |
Josip Broz (Serbo-Croatian Cyrillic: Јосип Броз, pronounced [jǒsip brôːz] ⓘ; 7 May 1892 – 4 May 1980), commonly known as Tito (/ˈtiːtoʊ/;[1] Тито, pronounced [tîto]), was a Yugoslav communist revolutionary and politician who served in various positions of national leadership from 1943 until his death in 1980.[2] During World War II, he led the Yugoslav Partisans, often regarded as the most effective resistance movement in German-occupied Europe.[3][4] He also served as prime minister from 2 November 1944 to 29 June 1963 and president of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia from 14 January 1953 until his death. His political ideology and policies are known as Titoism.
Tito was born to a Croat father and a Slovene mother in
After the war, Tito was the chief architect of the
Historians critical of Tito view his presidency as
Early life
Pre-World War I
Josip Broz was born on 7 May 1892
In July 1900,[23] at age eight, Broz entered primary school at Kumrovec. He completed four years of school,[22] failing 2nd grade and graduating in 1905.[21] As a result of his limited schooling, throughout his life, Tito was poor at spelling. After leaving school, he initially worked for a maternal uncle and then on his parents' family farm.[22] In 1907, his father wanted him to emigrate to the United States but could not raise the money for the voyage.[27]
Instead, aged 15 years, Broz left Kumrovec and travelled about 97 kilometres (60 mi) south to
During his apprenticeship, Broz was encouraged to mark May Day in 1909, and he read and sold Slobodna Reč (lit. 'Free Word'), a socialist newspaper. After completing his apprenticeship in September 1910, Broz used his contacts to gain employment in Zagreb. At age 18, he joined the Metal Workers' Union and participated in his first labour protest.[29] He also joined the Social Democratic Party of Croatia and Slavonia.[30]
He returned home in December 1910.
Driven by curiosity, Broz moved to Plzeň, where he was briefly employed at the Škoda Works. He next travelled to Munich in Bavaria. He also worked at the Benz car factory in Mannheim and visited the Ruhr industrial region. By October 1912, he had reached Vienna. He stayed with his older brother Martin and his family and worked at the Griedl Works before getting a job at Wiener Neustadt. There he worked for Austro-Daimler and was often asked to drive and test the cars.[33] During this time, he spent considerable time fencing and dancing,[34][35] and during his training and early work life, he also learned German and passable Czech.[36][d]
World War I
In May 1913,
Soon after the outbreak of
On 25 March 1915,[g] Broz was wounded in the back by a Circassian cavalryman's lance[50] and captured during a Russian attack near Bukovina.[51] In his account of his capture, Broz wrote: "suddenly the right flank yielded and through the gap poured cavalry of the Circassians, from Asiatic Russia. Before we knew it they were thundering through our positions, leaping from their horses and throwing themselves into our trenches with lances lowered. One of them rammed his two-yard, iron-tipped, double-pronged lance into my back just below the left arm. I fainted. Then, as I learned, the Circassians began to butcher the wounded, even slashing them with their knives. Fortunately, Russian infantry reached the positions and put an end to the orgy".[49] Now a prisoner of war (POW), Broz was transported east to a hospital established in an old monastery in the town of Sviyazhsk on the Volga river near Kazan.[40] During his 13 months in hospital, he had bouts of pneumonia and typhus, and learned Russian with the help of two schoolgirls who brought him Russian classics by such authors as Tolstoy and Turgenev.[40][49][52]
After recuperating, in mid-1916, Broz was transferred to the Ardatov POW camp in the Samara Governorate, where he used his skills to maintain the nearby village grain mill. At the end of the year, he was transferred to the Kungur POW camp near Perm where the POWs were used as labour to maintain the newly completed Trans-Siberian Railway.[40] Broz was appointed to be in charge of all the POWs in the camp.[53] During this time, he became aware that camp staff were stealing the Red Cross parcels sent to the POWs. When he complained, he was beaten and imprisoned.[40] During the February Revolution, a crowd broke into the prison and returned Broz to the POW camp. A Bolshevik he had met while working on the railway told Broz that his son was working in engineering works in Petrograd, so, in June 1917, Broz walked out of the unguarded POW camp and hid aboard a goods train bound for that city, where he stayed with his friend's son.[54][55] The journalist Richard West has suggested that because Broz chose to remain in an unguarded POW camp rather than volunteer to serve with the Yugoslav legions of the Serbian Army, he was still loyal to the Austro-Hungarian Empire, undermining his later claim that he and other Croat POWs were excited by the prospect of revolution and looked forward to the overthrow of the empire that ruled them.[48]
Less than a month after Broz arrived in Petrograd, the July Days demonstrations broke out, and Broz joined in, coming under fire from government troops.[56][57] In the aftermath, he tried to flee to Finland in order to make his way to the United States but was stopped at the border.[58] He was arrested along with other suspected Bolsheviks during the subsequent crackdown by the Russian Provisional Government led by Alexander Kerensky. He was imprisoned in the Peter and Paul Fortress for three weeks, during which he claimed to be an innocent citizen of Perm. When he finally admitted to being an escaped POW, he was to be returned by train to Kungur, but escaped at Yekaterinburg, then caught another train that reached Omsk in Siberia on 8 November after a 3,200-kilometre (2,000 mi) journey.[56][59] At one point, police searched the train looking for an escaped POW, but were deceived by Broz's fluent Russian.[57]
In Omsk, local Bolsheviks stopped the train and told Broz that
Interwar communist activity
Communist agitator
Upon his return home, Broz was unable to gain employment as a metalworker in Kumrovec, so he and his wife moved briefly to Zagreb, where he worked as a waiter and took part in a waiter's strike. He also joined the CPY.[64] The CPY's influence on the political life of Yugoslavia was growing rapidly. In the 1920 elections, it won 59 seats and became the third-strongest party.[65] In light of difficult economic and social circumstances, the regime viewed the CPY as the main threat to the system of government.[66] On 30 December, the government issued a Proclamation (Obznana) outlawing communist activities, which included bans on propaganda, assembly halls, stripping of civil service for servants and scholarships for students found to be communist.[67] Its author, Milorad Drašković, the Yugoslav Minister of the Interior, was assassinated by a young communist, Alija Alijagić, on 2 August 1921. The CPY was then declared illegal under the Yugoslav State Security Act of 1921,[68] and the regime proceeded to prosecute party members and sympathisers as political prisoners.[67]
Due to his overt communist links, Broz was fired from his employment.
Professional revolutionary
The CPY concentrated its revolutionary efforts on factory workers in the more industrialised areas of Croatia and Slovenia, encouraging strikes and similar action.[75] In 1925, the now unemployed Broz moved to Kraljevica on the Adriatic coast, where he started working at a shipyard to further the aims of the CPY.[76] During his time in Kraljevica, he acquired a love of the warm, sunny Adriatic coastline that lasted for the rest of his life, and throughout his later time as leader, he spent as much time as possible living on his yacht while cruising the Adriatic.[77]
While at Kraljevica, he worked on Yugoslav torpedo boats and a pleasure yacht for the People's Radical Party politician, Milan Stojadinović. Broz built up the trade union organisation in the shipyards and was elected as a union representative. A year later, he led a shipyard strike and soon after was fired. In October 1926, he obtained work in a railway works in Smederevska Palanka near Belgrade. In March 1927, he wrote an article complaining about the exploitation of workers in the factory, and after speaking up for a worker, he was promptly sacked. Identified by the CPY as worthy of promotion, he was appointed secretary of the Zagreb branch of the Metal Workers' Union and, soon thereafter, the union's whole Croatian branch. In July 1927, Broz was arrested along with six other workers, and imprisoned at nearby Ogulin.[78][79] After being held without trial for some time, he went on a hunger strike until a date was set. The trial was held in secret, and he was found guilty of being a member of the CPY. Sentenced to four months' imprisonment, he was released from prison pending an appeal. On the CPY's orders, Broz did not report to court for the hearing of the appeal, instead going into hiding in Zagreb. Wearing dark spectacles and carrying forged papers, Broz posed as a middle-class technician in the engineering industry, working undercover to contact other CPY members and coordinate their infiltration of trade unions.[80]
In February 1928, Broz was one of 32 delegates to the conference of the Croatian branch of the CPY. During the conference, he condemned factions within the party, including those that advocated a
Prison
After Broz's sentencing, his wife and son returned to Kumrovec, where sympathetic locals looked after them, but then one day, they suddenly left without explanation and returned to the Soviet Union.[87] She fell in love with another man, and Žarko grew up in institutions.[88] After arriving at Lepoglava prison, Broz was employed in maintaining the electrical system and chose as his assistant a middle-class Belgrade Jew, Moša Pijade, who had been given a 20-year sentence for his communist activities. Their work allowed Broz and Pijade to move around the prison, contacting and organising other communist prisoners.[89] During their time together in Lepoglava, Pijade became Broz's ideological mentor.[90] After two and a half years at Lepoglava, Broz was accused of attempting to escape and was transferred to Maribor prison, where he was held in solitary confinement for several months.[91] After completing the full term of his sentence, he was released, only to be arrested outside the prison gates and taken to Ogulin to serve the four-month sentence he had avoided in 1927. He was finally released from prison on 16 March 1934, but even then, he was subject to orders that required him to live in Kumrovec and report to the police daily.[92] During his imprisonment, the political situation in Europe had changed significantly, with the rise of Adolf Hitler in Germany and the emergence of right-wing parties in France and neighbouring Austria. He returned to a warm welcome in Kumrovec but did not stay long. In early May, he received word from the CPY to return to his revolutionary activities and left his hometown for Zagreb, where he rejoined the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Croatia.[93]
The Croatian branch of the CPY was in disarray, a situation exacerbated by the escape of the executive committee of the CPY to Vienna in Austria, from which they were directing activities. Over the next six months, Broz travelled several times between Zagreb, Ljubljana and Vienna, using false passports. In July 1934, he was blackmailed by a smuggler but pressed on across the border and was detained by the local Heimwehr, a paramilitary Home Guard. He used the Austrian accent he had developed during his war service to convince them that he was a wayward Austrian mountaineer, and they allowed him to proceed to Vienna.[94][95] Once there, he contacted the General Secretary of the CPY, Milan Gorkić, who sent him to Ljubljana to arrange a secret conference of the CPY in Slovenia. The conference was held at the summer palace of the Roman Catholic bishop of Ljubljana, whose brother was a communist sympathiser. It was at this conference that Broz first met Edvard Kardelj, a young Slovene communist who had recently been released from prison. Broz and Kardelj subsequently became good friends, with Tito later regarding him as his most reliable deputy. As he was wanted by the police for failing to report to them in Kumrovec, Broz adopted various pseudonyms, including "Rudi" and "Tito". He used the latter as a pen name when he wrote articles for party journals in 1934, and it stuck. He gave no reason for choosing the name "Tito" except that it was a common nickname for men from the district where he grew up. Within the Comintern network, his nickname was "Walter."[96][97][98]
Flight from Yugoslavia
During this time, Tito wrote articles on the duties of imprisoned communists and on trade unions. He was in Ljubljana when
After the World Congress, Tito worked to promote the new Comintern line on Yugoslavia, which was that it would no longer work to break up the country and would instead defend the integrity of Yugoslavia against Nazism and Fascism. From a distance, Tito also worked to organise strikes at the shipyards at Kraljevica and the coal mines at Trbovlje near Ljubljana. He tried to convince the Comintern that it would be better if the party leadership were located inside Yugoslavia. A compromise was arrived at, where Tito and others would work inside the country, and Gorkić and the Politburo would continue to work from abroad. Gorkić and the Politburo relocated to Paris, while Tito began to travel between Moscow, Paris and Zagreb in 1936 and 1937, using false passports.[103] In 1936, his father died.[21]
Tito returned to Moscow in August 1936, soon after the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War.[104] At the time, the Great Purge was underway, and foreign communists like Tito and his Yugoslav compatriots were particularly vulnerable. Despite a laudatory report written by Tito about the veteran Yugoslav communist Filip Filipović, Filipović was arrested and shot by the Soviet secret police, the NKVD.[105] However, before the Purge really began to erode the ranks of the Yugoslav communists in Moscow, Tito was sent back to Yugoslavia with a new mission, to recruit volunteers for the International Brigades being raised to fight on the Republican side in the Spanish Civil War. Travelling via Vienna, he reached the coastal port city of Split in December 1936.[106] According to the Croatian historian Ivo Banac, the reason the Comintern sent Tito back to Yugoslavia was to purge the CPY.[107] An initial attempt to send 500 volunteers to Spain by ship failed, with nearly all the volunteers arrested and imprisoned.[106] Tito then travelled to Paris, where he arranged the volunteers' travel to France under the cover of attending the Paris Exhibition. Once in France, the volunteers crossed the Pyrenees to Spain. In all, he sent 1,192 men to fight in the war, but only 330 came from Yugoslavia; the rest were expatriates in France, Belgium, the U.S. and Canada. Fewer than half were communists, and the rest were social-democrats and anti-fascists of various hues. Of the total, 671 were killed in the fighting, and 300 were wounded. Tito himself never went to Spain, despite speculation that he had.[108] Between May and August 1937, he travelled several times between Paris and Zagreb, organising the movement of volunteers and creating a separate Communist Party of Croatia. The new party was inaugurated at a conference at Samobor on the outskirts of Zagreb on 1–2 August 1937.[109] Tito played a crucial role in organizing the return of the Yugoslav volunteers from German concentration camps to Yugoslavia when the decision was made to mount an armed resistance in Yugoslavia, the 1941 Uprising in Serbia.[110]
General Secretary of the CPY
In June 1937, Gorkić was summoned to Moscow, where he was arrested, and after months of NKVD interrogation, he was shot.
On his arrival in Moscow, Tito found that all Yugoslav communists were under suspicion. The NKVD arrested and executed nearly all of the CPY's most prominent leaders, including over 20 members of the Central Committee. Both Tito's ex-wife Polka and his wife Koenig/Bauer were arrested as "imperialist spies". Both were eventually released, Polka after 27 months in prison. Tito therefore needed to make arrangements for the care of Žarko, who was 14. He placed him in a boarding school outside Kharkov, then at a school at Penza, but he ran away twice and was eventually taken in by a friend's mother. In 1941, Žarko joined the Red Army to fight the invading Germans.[116] Some of Tito's critics argue that his survival indicates he must have denounced his comrades as Trotskyists. He was asked for information on a number of his fellow Yugoslav communists, but according to his own statements and published documents, he never denounced anyone, usually saying he did not know them. In one case, he was asked about the Croatian communist leader Kamilo Horvatin, but wrote ambiguously, saying that he did not know whether he was a Trotskyist. Nevertheless, Horvatin was not heard of again. While in Moscow, he was given the task of assisting Ćopić to translate the History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks) into Serbo-Croatian, but they had only got to the second chapter when Ćopić too was arrested and executed. He worked on with a fellow surviving Yugoslav communist, but a Yugoslav communist of German ethnicity reported an inaccurate translation of a passage and claimed it showed Tito was a Trotskyist. Other influential communists vouched for him, and he was exonerated. A second Yugoslav communist denounced him, but the action backfired, and his accuser was arrested. Several factors were at play in his survival: his working-class origins, lack of interest in intellectual arguments about socialism, attractive personality, and capacity to make influential friends.[117]
While Tito was avoiding arrest in Moscow, Germany was placing pressure on Czechoslovakia to cede the
World War II
Resistance in Yugoslavia
On 6 April 1941, Axis forces invaded Yugoslavia. On 10 April 1941, Slavko Kvaternik proclaimed the Independent State of Croatia, and Tito responded by forming a Military Committee within the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (CPY).[122] Attacked from all sides, the armed forces of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia quickly crumbled. On 17 April 1941, after King Peter II and other members of the government fled the country, the remaining representatives of the government and military met with German officials in Belgrade. They quickly agreed to end military resistance. Prominent communist leaders, including Tito, held the May consultations to discuss the course of action to take in the face of the invasion. On 1 May 1941, Tito issued a pamphlet calling on the people to unite in a battle against the occupation.[123] On 27 June 1941, the Central Committee appointed Tito commander-in-chief of all national liberation military forces. On 1 July 1941, the Comintern sent precise instructions calling for immediate action.[124]
Tito stayed in Belgrade until 16 September 1941, when he, together with all members of the CPY, left Belgrade to travel to rebel-controlled territory. To leave Belgrade Tito used documents given to him by Dragoljub Milutinović, who was a
Despite conflicts with the rival monarchic
On 21 December 1941, the Partisans created the First Proletarian Brigade (commanded by
With the growing possibility of an Allied invasion in the
After the Partisans managed to endure and avoid these intense
On 12 August 1944, Winston Churchill met Tito in
In the autumn of 1944, the communist leadership adopted a political decision on the
Aftermath
On 7 March 1945, the
Yugoslavia organised the
Prime Minister Josip Broz Tito met with the president of the
In the first post-war years, Tito was widely considered a communist leader very loyal to Moscow; indeed, he was often viewed as second only to Stalin in the Eastern Bloc. In fact, Stalin and Tito had an uneasy alliance from the start, with Stalin considering Tito too independent.[149]
From 1946 to 1948, Tito actively engaged in building an alliance with neighbouring communist Albania, with the intent of incorporating Albania into Yugoslavia.[150] According to Enver Hoxha, the then communist ruler of Albania, in the summer of 1946 Tito promised Hoxha that the Yugoslav province of Kosovo would be ceded to Albania.[151] Despite the decision of unification being agreed upon by Yugoslav communists during the Bujan Conference, the plan never materialised.[152] In the first post-war years in Kosovo, Tito enacted the policy of banning the return of Serb colonists to Kosovo, in addition to enacting the first large-scale primary education program of the Albanian language.[153]
During the immediate post-war period, Tito's Yugoslavia had a strong commitment to
Presidency
Tito–Stalin split
Unlike other states in east-central Europe liberated by allied forces, Yugoslavia liberated itself from Axis domination with limited direct support from the Red Army. Tito's leading role in liberating Yugoslavia not only greatly strengthened his position in his party and among the Yugoslav people but also caused him to be more insistent that Yugoslavia had more room to follow its own interests than other Bloc leaders who had more reasons to recognise Soviet efforts in helping them liberate their own countries from Axis control. Although Tito was formally an ally of Stalin after World War II, the Soviets had set up a spy ring in the Yugoslav party as early as 1945, giving way to an uneasy alliance.[158]
In the immediate aftermath of World War II, several armed incidents occurred between Yugoslavia and the Western Allies. Following the war, Yugoslavia acquired the Italian territory of Istria as well as the cities of Zadar and Rijeka. Yugoslav leadership was looking to incorporate Trieste into the country as well, which was opposed by the Western Allies. This led to several armed incidents, notably attacks by Yugoslav fighter planes on U.S. transport aircraft, causing bitter criticism from the West. In 1946 alone, Yugoslav air-force shot down two U.S. transport aircraft. The passengers and crew of the first plane were secretly interned by the Yugoslav government. The second plane and its crew were a total loss. The U.S. was outraged and sent an ultimatum to the Yugoslav government, demanding the release of the Americans in custody, U.S. access to the downed planes, and full investigation of the incidents.[159] Stalin was opposed to what he felt were such provocations, as he believed the USSR unready to face the West in open war so soon after the losses of World War II and at the time when U.S. had operational nuclear weapons whereas the USSR had yet to conduct its first test. In addition, Tito was openly supportive of the Communist side in the Greek Civil War, while Stalin kept his distance, having agreed with Churchill not to pursue Soviet interests there, although he did support the Greek communist struggle politically, as demonstrated in several assemblies of the UN Security Council. In 1948, motivated by the desire to create a strong independent economy, Tito modelled his economic development plan independently from Moscow, which resulted in a diplomatic escalation followed by a bitter exchange of letters in which Tito wrote that "We study and take as an example the Soviet system, but we are developing socialism in our country in somewhat different forms".[160]
The Soviet answer on 4 May admonished Tito and the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (CPY) for failing to admit and correct its mistakes and went on to accuse them of being too proud of their successes against the Germans, maintaining that the Red Army had saved them from destruction. Tito's response on 17 May suggested that the matter be settled at the meeting of the Cominform to be held that June. However, Tito did not attend the second meeting of the Cominform, fearing that Yugoslavia was to be openly attacked. In 1949 the crisis nearly escalated into an armed conflict, as Hungarian and Soviet forces were massing on the northern Yugoslav frontier.[161] An invasion of Yugoslavia was planned to be carried out in 1949 via the combined forces of neighbouring Soviet satellite states of Hungary, Romania, Bulgaria and Albania, followed by the subsequent removal of Tito's government. On 28 June, the other member countries of the Cominform expelled Yugoslavia, citing "nationalist elements" that had "managed in the course of the past five or six months to reach a dominant position in the leadership" of the CPY. The Hungarian and Romanian armies were expanded in size and, together with Soviet ones, massed on the Yugoslav border. The assumption in Moscow was that once it was known that he had lost Soviet approval, Tito would collapse; "I will shake my little finger, and there will be no more Tito," Stalin remarked.[162] The expulsion effectively banished Yugoslavia from the international association of socialist states, while other socialist states of Eastern Europe subsequently underwent purges of alleged "Titoists". Stalin took the matter personally and arranged several assassination attempts on Tito's life, none of which succeeded. In one correspondence between them, Tito openly wrote:[163]
Stop sending people to kill me. We've already captured five of them, one of them with a bomb and another with a rifle. [...] If you don't stop sending killers, I'll send one to Moscow, and I won't have to send a second.
One significant consequence of the tension arising between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union was Tito's decision to begin large-scale repression against enemies of the government. This repression was not limited to known and alleged Stalinists but also included members of the Communist Party or anyone exhibiting sympathy towards the Soviet Union. Prominent partisans, such as Vlado Dapčević and Dragoljub Mićunović, were victims of this period of strong repression, which lasted until 1956 and was marked by significant violations of human rights.[164][165] Tens of thousands of political opponents served in forced labour camps, such as Goli Otok (meaning Barren Island), and hundreds died. An often disputed but relatively feasible number that was put forth by the Yugoslav government itself in 1964 places the number of Goli Otok inmates incarcerated between 1948 and 1956 to be 16,554, with less than 600 having died during detention. The facilities at Goli Otok were abandoned in 1956, and jurisdiction of the now-defunct political prison was handed over to the government of the Socialist Republic of Croatia.
Tito's estrangement from the USSR enabled Yugoslavia to obtain U.S. aid via the Economic Cooperation Administration (ECA), the same U.S. aid institution that administered the Marshall Plan. Still, Tito did not agree to align with the West, which was a common consequence of accepting American aid at the time. After Stalin's death in 1953, relations with the USSR were relaxed, and Tito began to receive aid from the Comecon as well. In this way, Tito played East–West antagonism to his advantage. Instead of choosing sides, he was instrumental in kick-starting the Non-Aligned Movement, which would function as a "third way" for countries interested in staying outside of the East–West divide.[15]
The event was significant not only for Yugoslavia and Tito, but also for the global development of socialism, since it was the first major split between Communist states, casting doubt on Comintern's claims for socialism to be a unified force that would eventually control the whole world, as Tito became the first (and the only successful) socialist leader to defy Stalin's leadership in the Cominform. This rift with the Soviet Union brought Tito much international recognition, but also triggered a period of instability often referred to as the Informbiro period. Tito's form of communism was labelled "Titoism" by Moscow, which encouraged purges and repression against suspected and accused "Titoites'" throughout the Eastern Bloc.[166] Some Trotskyists considered Tito to be an 'unconscious Trotskyist' because of the split. However, this was rejected by Ted Grant in 1949 who asserted there were no fundamental principled differences between Stalin and Tito. He said they were both 'proletarian Bonapartists' ruling deformed workers' states – Tito modelling his regime on that of Stalin's.[167]
On 26 June 1950, the
The Tito–Stalin split had large ramifications for countries outside the USSR and Yugoslavia. It has, for example, been given as one of the reasons for the Slánský trial in Czechoslovakia, in which 14 high-level Communist officials were purged, with 11 of them being executed. Stalin put pressure on Czechoslovakia to conduct purges in order to discourage the spread of the idea of a "national path to socialism," which Tito espoused.[171]
Non-Alignment
Tito's foreign policy led to relationships with a variety of governments, such as exchanging visits (1954 and 1956) with
Tito was notable for pursuing a foreign policy of neutrality during the Cold War and for establishing close ties with developing countries. Tito's strong belief in self-determination caused the 1948 rift with Stalin and, consequently, the Eastern Bloc. His public speeches often reiterated that policy of neutrality and co-operation with all countries would be natural as long as these countries did not use their influence to pressure Yugoslavia to take sides. Relations with the United States and Western European nations were generally cordial.
In the early 1950s, Yugoslav-Hungarian relations were strained as Tito made little secret of his distaste for the Stalinist Mátyás Rákosi and his preference for the "national communist" Imre Nagy instead.[176] Tito's decision to create a "Balkan Pact" by signing a treaty of alliance with NATO members Turkey and Greece in 1954 was regarded as tantamount to joining NATO in Soviet eyes, and his vague talk of a neutralist Communist federation of Eastern European states was seen as a major threat in Moscow.[177] The Yugoslav embassy in Budapest was seen by the Soviets as a centre of subversion in Hungary as they accused Yugoslav diplomats and journalists, sometimes with justification, of supporting Nagy.[178] However, when the revolt broke out in Hungary in October 1956, Tito accused Nagy of losing control of the situation, as he wanted a Communist Hungary independent of the Soviet Union, not the overthrow of Hungarian communism.[179] On 31 October 1956, Tito ordered the Yugoslav media to stop praising Nagy and he quietly supported the Soviet intervention on 4 November to end the revolt in Hungary, as he believed that a Hungary ruled by anti-communists would pursue irredentist claims against Yugoslavia, as had just been the case during the interwar period.[179] To escape from the Soviets, Nagy fled to the Yugoslav embassy, where Tito granted him asylum.[180] On 5 November 1956, Soviet tanks shelled the Yugoslav embassy in Budapest, killing the Yugoslav cultural attache and several other diplomats.[181] Tito's refusal to turn over Nagy, despite increasingly shrill Soviet demands that he do so, served his purposes well with relations with the Western states, as he was presented in the Western media as the "good communist" who stood up to Moscow by sheltering Nagy and the other Hungarian leaders.[182] On 22 November, Nagy and his cabinet left the embassy on a bus that took them into exile in Yugoslavia after the new Hungarian leader, János Kádár had promised Tito in writing that they would not be harmed.[181] Much to Tito's fury, when the bus left the Yugoslav embassy, it was promptly boarded by KGB agents who arrested the Hungarian leaders and roughly handled the Yugoslav diplomats who tried to protect them.[181] Nagy's kidnapping, followed by his execution, almost led Yugoslavia to break off diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union, and in 1957 Tito boycotted the ceremonials in Moscow for the 40th anniversary of the October Revolution, the only communist leader who did not attend.[183]
Yugoslavia had a liberal travel policy permitting foreigners to freely travel through the country and its citizens to travel worldwide,. He also met numerous celebrities.
Yugoslavia provided major assistance to anti-colonialist movements in the Third World. The Yugoslav delegation was the first to bring the demands of the
Thousands of Yugoslav
In 1953, Tito travelled to Britain for a state visit and met with Winston Churchill. He also toured Cambridge and visited the University Library.[186]
Tito visited India from 22 December 1954 to 8 January 1955.[187] After his return, he removed many restrictions on Yugoslavia's churches and spiritual institutions.
Tito also developed warm relations with
Because of its neutrality, Yugoslavia was often rare among Communist countries in having diplomatic relations with right-wing,
Reforms
Starting in the 1950s, Tito's government permitted Yugoslav workers to go to western Europe, especially West Germany, as
In 1966, an agreement with the
On 1 January 1967, Yugoslavia became the first communist country to open its borders to all foreign visitors and abolish visa requirements.[205] In the same year Tito became active in promoting a peaceful resolution of the Arab–Israeli conflict. His plan called for Arabs to recognise the state of Israel in exchange for territories Israel newly occupied.[206]
In 1968, Tito offered to fly to
In 1971, the Federal Assembly reelected Tito as president of Yugoslavia for the sixth time. In his speech before the Federal Assembly, he introduced 20 sweeping constitutional amendments to provide an updated framework on which the country would be based. The amendments provided for a collective presidency, a 22-member body consisting of elected representatives from six republics and two autonomous provinces. The body would have a single chairman of the presidency, and chairmanship would rotate among six republics. When the Federal Assembly failed to agree on legislation, the collective presidency would have the power to rule by decree. Amendments also provided for a stronger cabinet with considerable power to initiate and pursue legislation independently from the Communist Party. Džemal Bijedić was chosen as the Premier. The new amendments aimed to decentralise the country by granting greater autonomy to republics and provinces. The federal government would retain authority only over foreign affairs, defence, internal security, monetary affairs, free trade within Yugoslavia, and development loans to poorer regions. Control of education, healthcare, and housing would be exercised entirely by the governments of the republics and the autonomous provinces.[209]
Tito's greatest strength, in the eyes of the western communists,[210] had been in suppressing nationalist insurrections and maintaining unity throughout the country. It was Tito's call for brotherhood and unity, and related methods, that held together the people of Yugoslavia.[211] This ability was put to a test several times during his reign, notably during the Croatian Spring (also referred as the Masovni pokret or Maspok for short, meaning "Mass Movement") when the government suppressed both public demonstrations and dissenting opinions within the Communist Party. Despite this suppression, much of Maspok's demands, including for decentralisation, were later realised with the new constitution, heavily backed by Tito himself against opposition from the Serbian branch of the party, who favoured centralisation.[citation needed] On 16 May 1974, the new Constitution was passed, and the 82-year-old Tito was named president for life. But the 1974 constitution caused issues for the Yugoslavian economy and distorted its market mechanism, leading to escalation of ethnic tensions.[212]
Tito's visits to the U.S. avoided most of the Northeast due to large minorities of Yugoslav emigrants bitter about communism in Yugoslavia.[213] Security for the state visits was usually high to keep him away from protesters, who frequently burned the Yugoslav flag.[214] During a visit to the United Nations in the late 1970s, emigrants shouted "Tito murderer" outside his New York hotel, which he protested to United States authorities.[215]
Final years and death
After the constitutional changes of 1974, Tito began reducing his role in the day-to-day running of the state, transferring much of it to the prime minister who was the head of government, but retained the final word on all major policy decisions as president and head of state and as the head of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia. 40th anniversary of his communist party leadership was observed on the Youth Day of 1977 throughout Yugoslavia.[216] He continued to travel abroad and receive foreign visitors, going to Beijing in 1977 and reconciling with the Chinese leadership that had once branded him a revisionist. In turn, Chairman Hua Guofeng visited Yugoslavia in 1979. In 1978, Tito travelled to the U.S. During the visit, strict security was imposed in Washington, D.C., owing to protests by anti-communist Croat, Serb and Albanian groups.[217]
Tito became increasingly ill over the course of 1979. During this time, Vila Srna was built for his use near
The
Reporting on his death, The New York Times wrote:
Tito sought to improve life. Unlike others who rose to power on the communist wave after WWII, Tito did not long demand that his people suffer for a distant vision of a better life. After an initial Soviet-influenced bleak period, Tito moved toward radical improvement of life in the country. Yugoslavia gradually became a bright spot amid the general grayness of Eastern Europe.
— The New York Times, 5 May 1980.[223]
Tito was interred in the
Evaluation
Dominic McGoldrick writes that as the head of a "highly centralised and oppressive" regime, Tito wielded tremendous power in Yugoslavia, with his authoritarian rule administered through an elaborate bureaucracy that routinely suppressed human rights.
Even if, after the reforms of 1961, Tito's presidency had become comparatively more liberal than other communist regimes, the Communist Party continued to alternate between liberalism and repression.
Tito's Yugoslavia was based on respect for nationality, though Tito ruthlessly purged any flowerings of nationalism that threatened the Yugoslav federation.[232] But the contrast between the deference given to some ethnic groups and the severe repression of others was sharp. Yugoslav law guaranteed nationalities to use their language, but for ethnic Albanians, the assertion of ethnic identity was severely limited. Almost half of Yugoslavia's political prisoners were ethnic Albanians imprisoned for asserting their ethnic identity.[233]
Yugoslavia's post-war development was impressive, but the country ran into economic snags around 1970 and experienced significant unemployment and inflation.[234]
Declassified documents from the CIA state in 1967, it was already clear that although Tito's economic model had achieved growth of the
With the passing of the
Legacy
Tito is credited with transforming Yugoslavia from a poor nation to a middle-income one that saw vast improvements in women's rights, health, education, urbanisation, industrialisation, and many other areas of human and economic development.[240] A 2010 poll found that as many as 81% of Serbians believe that life was better under Tito.[241] Tito also ranked first in the "Greatest Croatian" poll which was conducted in 2003 by the Croatian weekly news magazine Nacional.[242]
During his life and especially in the first year after his death, several places were
For example,
In the Croatian coastal city of Opatija the main street (also its longest street) still bears the name of Marshal Tito. Rijeka, third largest city in Croatia, also refuses to change the name of one of the squares in the city centre named after Tito. There are streets named after Tito in numerous towns in Serbia, mostly in the country's north (Vojvodina).[citation needed] One of the main streets in downtown Sarajevo is called Marshal Tito Street, and Tito's statue in a park in front of the university campus (ex. JNA barrack "Maršal Tito") in Marijin Dvor is a place where Bosnians and Sarajevans still today commemorate and pay tribute to Tito. The largest Tito monument in the world, about 10 m (33 ft) high, is in Tito Square (Slovene: Titov trg), the central square in Velenje, Slovenia.[246][247] One of the main bridges in Slovenia's second largest city of Maribor is Tito Bridge (Slovene: Titov most).[248] The central square in Koper, the largest Slovenian port city, is named Tito Square.[249] The main-belt asteroid 1550 Tito, discovered by Serbian astronomer Milorad B. Protić at Belgrade Observatory in 1937, was named in his honour.[250]
The Croat historian Marijana Belaj wrote that for some people in Croatia and other parts of the former Yugoslavia, Tito is remembered as a sort of secular saint, mentioning how some Croats keep portraits of Catholic saints together with a portrait of Tito on their walls as a way to bring hope.
Every year a "Brotherhood and Unity" relay race is organised in Montenegro, Macedonia, and Serbia that ends on 25 May at the "House of Flowers", Tito's final resting place. At the same time, runners in Slovenia, Croatia, and Bosnia and Herzegovina set off for Kumrovec. The relay is a leftover from the Relay of Youth from Yugoslav times, when young people made a similar yearly trek on foot through Yugoslavia that ended in Belgrade with a massive celebration.[259]
, was released in 1992.
In the years following Yugoslavia's dissolution, historians started highlighting that human rights were suppressed in Yugoslavia under Tito,[7][260] particularly in the first decade before the Tito–Stalin split. On 4 October 2011, the Slovenian Constitutional Court found a 2009 naming of a street in Ljubljana after Tito to be unconstitutional.[261] While several public areas in Slovenia (named during the Yugoslav period) already bear Tito's name, on the issue of renaming an additional street the court ruled that:
The name "Tito" does not only symbolise the liberation of the territory of present-day Slovenia from fascist occupation in World War II, as claimed by the other party in the case but also grave violations of human rights and basic freedoms, especially in the decade following World War II.[262]
But the court made clear that the purpose of the review was "not a verdict on Tito as a figure or on his concrete actions, as well as not a historical weighing of facts and circumstances".[261] Slovenia has several streets and squares named after Tito, notably Tito Square in Velenje, incorporating a 10-meter statue.
Some scholars have named Tito as responsible for the
Family and personal life
Tito was married several times and had numerous affairs. In 1918 he was brought to Omsk, Russia, as a prisoner of war. There he met Pelagija Belousova , who was then 14; he married her a year later, and she moved with him to Yugoslavia. They had five children, but only their son Žarko Leon Broz[264] (born 4 February[264] 1924) survived.[265] When Tito was jailed in 1928, Belousova returned to Russia. After the divorce in 1936, she remarried.
In 1936, when Tito stayed at the Hotel Lux in Moscow, he met the Austrian Lucia Bauer . They married in October 1936, but the records of this marriage were later deliberately erased.[266]
His next relationship was with
His best-known wife was
Tito's grandchildren include Saša Broz, a theatre director in Croatia; Svetlana Broz, a cardiologist and writer in Bosnia and Herzegovina; Josip Broz (better-known as Joška Broz), a politician in Serbia; Edvard Broz and Natali Klasevski, an artisan of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
As president, Tito had access to extensive (state-owned) property associated with the office and maintained a lavish lifestyle. In Belgrade, he resided in the official residence, the Beli Dvor, and maintained a separate private home. The Brijuni Islands were the site of the State Summer Residence from 1949 on. The pavilion was designed by Jože Plečnik and included a zoo. Close to 100 foreign heads of state were to visit Tito at the island residence, along with film stars such as Elizabeth Taylor, Richard Burton, Sophia Loren, Carlo Ponti, and Gina Lollobrigida. On the island of Brijuni, a museum displays photos of the many visitors that Tito received over more than three decades.[271]
Another residence was maintained at
Tito claimed to speak Serbo-Croatian, German, Russian, and some English.[276] His official biographer and then fellow Central Committee-member Vladimir Dedijer said in 1953 that he spoke "Serbo-Croatian ... Russian, Czech, Slovenian ... German (with a Viennese accent) ... understands and reads French and Italian ... [and] also speaks Kazakh."[277] At the 38th World Esperanto Congress held in Zagreb in 1953, Tito revealed his knowledge of Esperanto, which he had learned during his jail time.[278]
In his youth, Tito attended Catholic Sunday school and was later an altar boy. After an incident where he was slapped and shouted at by a priest when he had difficulty helping the priest remove his vestments, Tito did not enter a church again. As an adult, he identified as an atheist.[279]
Every federal unit had a town or city with historical significance from
Republic | City | Original name | ||
---|---|---|---|---|
Bosnia and Herzegovina | Titov Drvar (1981–1991)
|
Drvar | ||
Croatia | Titova Korenica (1945–1991)
|
Korenica | ||
Macedonia | Titov Veles (1946–1996)
|
Veles
| ||
Montenegro | Titograd (1948–1992)[note 1]
|
Podgorica[note 1] | ||
Serbia | Titovo Užice (1947–1992)
|
Užice
| ||
Slovenia | Titovo Velenje (1981–1990)
|
Velenje | ||
Language and identity dispute
In the years after Tito's death up to the present, many conspiracy theories have been put forward that suggest possible existence of several alternate identities of Tito, none with any serious evidence to support them.[280] Serbian journalist Vladan Dinić argued in Tito is not Tito that three separate people had identified as Tito.[281] Tito's personal physician, Aleksandar Matunović, wrote a book[282] about Tito in which he questioned his true origin, noting that Tito's habits and lifestyle could only mean that he was from an aristocratic family.[283]
In 2013, a lot of media coverage was given to a declassified NSA study in Cryptologic Spectrum that concluded Tito had not spoken Serbo-Croatian as a native. The report noted that his speech had features of other Slavic languages (Russian and Polish). The hypothesis that "a non-Yugoslav, perhaps a Russian or a Pole" assumed Tito's identity was included with a note that this had happened during or before the Second World War.[284] The report notes Draža Mihailović's impressions of Tito's Russian origins after he had personally spoken with Tito.
However, the NSA's report was disputed by Croatian experts. The report failed to recognise that Tito was a native speaker of the very distinctive local Kajkavian dialect of Zagorje. His acute accent, present only in Croatian dialects, and which Tito was able to pronounce perfectly, is the strongest evidence for his Zagorje origins.[285]
Origin of the name "Tito"
As the Communist Party was outlawed in Yugoslavia starting on 30 December 1920, Josip Broz took on many assumed names during his activity within the Party, including "Rudi", "Walter", and "Tito".[286] Broz himself explains:
It was a rule in the Party in those times not to use one's real name, in order to reduce the chances of exposure. For instance, if someone working with me was arrested, and flogged into revealing my real name, the police would easily trace me. But the police never knew the real person hiding behind an assumed name, such as I had in the Party. Naturally, even the assumed names often had to be changed. Even before going to prison, I had taken the name of Gligorijević, and of Zagorac, meaning the 'man from Zagorje'. I even signed a few newspaper articles with the second. Now I had to take a new name. I adopted first the name of Rudi, but another comrade had the same name and so I was obliged to change it, adopting the name Tito. I hardly ever used Tito at first; I assumed it exclusively in 1938, when I began to sign articles with it. Why did I take this name 'Tito' and has it special significance? I took it as I would have any other, because it occurred to me at the moment. Apart from that, this name is quite frequent in my native district. The best-known Zagorje writer of the late eighteenth century was called Tito Brezovački; his witty comedies are still given in the Croatian theatre after more than a hundred years. The father of Ksaver Šandor Gjalski, one of the greatest Croatian writers, was also called Tito.[287]
Awards and decorations
Josip Broz Tito received a total of 119 awards and decorations from 60 countries around the world (59 countries and Yugoslavia). 21 decorations were from
The decorations were seldom displayed, however. After the Tito–Stalin split of 1948 and his inauguration as president in 1953, Tito rarely wore his uniform except when present in a military function, and then (with rare exception) only wore his Yugoslav ribbons for obvious practical reasons. The awards were displayed in full number only at his funeral in 1980.[288] Tito's reputation as one of the Allied leaders of World War II, along with his diplomatic position as the founder of the Non-Aligned Movement, was primarily the cause of the favourable international recognition.[288]
Domestic awards
1st Row | Order of the People's Hero [a][b] | |||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
2nd Row | Order of the Yugoslav Great Star | Order of Freedom | Order of the Hero of Socialist Labour | Order of National Liberation
|
Order of the War Banner | Order of the Yugoslav Flag with Sash |
3rd Row | Order of the Partisan Star with Golden Wreath | Order of the Republic with Golden Wreath | Order of Merits for the People | Order of Brotherhood and Unity with Golden Wreath | Order of the People's Army with Laurel Wreath | Order of Military Merits with Great Star |
4th Row | Order of Bravery | Commemorative Medal of the Partisans of 1941 | 10 Years of the Yugoslav People's Army Medal | 20 Years of the Yugoslav People's Army Medal | 30 Years of the Yugoslav People's Army Medal | 30 Years of the Victory over Fascism Medal |
Note 1: ^ Awarded 3 times. | ||||||
Note 2: ^ All state decorations of the former Yugoslavia are now defunct. |
Notes
- ^ After Tito became president of Yugoslavia, he celebrated his birthday on 25 May to mark the unsuccessful 1944 Nazi attempt on his life. The Germans found forged documents that stated 25 May was Tito's birthday and attacked him on that day.[16]
- ^ Despite there being "not the slightest doubt" about the name, date and location of Tito's birth, many people in all parts of the former Yugoslavia give credence to various rumours about his origins.[17] (see the section § Language and identity dispute)
- ^ Ridley notes that since his death, there have been stories written about this period in his life, some of which state that he married a Czech girl in 1912, with whom he had a son. According to Ridley, these stories are "almost impossible to verify".[32]
- ^ Ridley notes that some popular biographers falsely claim that he married for a second time in Vienna and had a son.[37]
- ^ When he was conscripted into the army, his date of birth was recorded as 5 March 1892.[39]
- ^ Vinterhalter states that he was promoted to sergeant after completing non-commissioned officer (NCO) training.[41]
- ^ West gives the date as 21 March,[49] and Ridley says 4 April
- ^ West states that the marriage occurred in mid-1919.[61]
Footnotes
- ^ "Definition of Tito". www.dictionary.com. Retrieved 10 March 2023.
- ^ "Josip Broz Tito". Encyclopædia Britannica Online. Retrieved 27 April 2010.
Tito was faced with a choice: either continue the Westward course and give up one-party dictatorship (an idea promoted by Milovan Djilas but rejected by Tito in January 1954) ...
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- ISBN 978-1107091078.
- ISBN 978-0-7432-7472-2.
- ISBN 978-0-7146-5485-0.
- ^ a b c McGoldrick 2000, p. 17.
- ^ Roberts, Walter R. (1973). Tito, Mihailović, and the Allies 1941–1945. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press. p. 309.
Churchill, who said that Tito was a dictator ...
- ^ Pavlowitch, Stevan K. (1992). Tito – Yugoslavia's Great Dictator: A Reassessment. Columbus, OH: Ohio State University Press.
- ISBN 978-0-7864-1672-1.
...All Yugoslavs had educational opportunities, jobs, food, and housing regardless of nationality. Tito, seen by most as a benevolent dictator, brought peaceful co-existence to the Balkan region, a region historically synonymous with factionalism.
- ISSN 0190-8286. Retrieved 10 December 2023.
- ISBN 0-312-12690-5.
...Of course, Tito was a popular figure, both in Yugoslavia and outside it, and he was respected internationally, including by the leadership of both superpowers.
- ^ Pantovic, Milivoje (16 November 2016). "Vucic Rivals Tito as Serbia's Best Leader, Poll Shows". BalkanInsight. Retrieved 10 December 2023.
- ISBN 978-1-84872-881-3.
...Tito himself became a unifying symbol. He was charismatic and very popular among the citizens of Yugoslavia.
- ^ a b Willetts, Peter (1978). The Non-aligned Movement: The Origins of a Third World Alliance. p. xiv.
- ^ Vinterhalter 1972, p. 43.
- ^ Ridley 1994, p. 42.
- ^ Vinterhalter 1972, p. 44.
- ^ Ridley 1994, p. 44.
- ^ Ridley 1994, p. 45.
- ^ a b c d Vinterhalter 1972, p. 49.
- ^ a b c Swain 2010, p. 5.
- ^ a b Ridley 1994, p. 46.
- ^ Minahan 1998, p. 50.
- ^ Lee 1993, p. 9.
- ^ Laqueur 1976, p. 218.
- ^ West 1995, p. 32.
- ^ Swain 2010, pp. 5–6.
- ^ a b Swain 2010, p. 6.
- ^ Dedijer 1952, p. 25.
- ^ a b Ridley 1994, p. 54.
- ^ Ridley 1994, p. 55.
- ^ Ridley 1994, pp. 55–56.
- ^ Vinterhalter 1972, p. 55.
- ^ Swain 2010, pp. 6–7.
- ^ a b c West 1995, p. 33.
- ^ Ridley 1994, p. 57.
- ^ Vinterhalter 1972, p. 58.
- ^ Ridley 1994, p. 43.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i Swain 2010, p. 7.
- ^ Vinterhalter 1972, p. 64.
- ^ a b Ridley 1994, p. 59.
- ^ Ridley 1994, p. 62.
- ^ a b West 1995, pp. 40.
- ^ Ridley 1994, pp. 62–63.
- ^ West 1995, pp. 41–42.
- ^ West 1995, p. 41.
- ^ a b West 1995, p. 43.
- ^ a b c West 1995, p. 42.
- ^ Gilbert 2004, p. 138.
- ^ Frankel 1992, p. 331.
- ^ Ridley 1994, p. 64.
- ^ Ridley 1994, p. 65.
- ^ Swain 2010, pp. 7–8.
- ^ Ridley 1994, pp. 66–67.
- ^ a b c d Swain 2010, p. 8.
- ^ a b Ridley 1994, p. 67.
- ^ West 1995, p. 44.
- ^ Ridley 1994, pp. 67–68.
- ^ Ridley 1994, p. 71.
- ^ a b West 1995, p. 45.
- ^ Ridley 1994, p. 76.
- ^ Ridley 1994, p. 77.
- ^ Ridley 1994, pp. 77–78.
- ^ Vucinich 1969, p. 7.
- ^ Calic 2019, p. 82.
- ^ a b Mahmutović 2013, pp. 268–269.
- ^ Trbovich 2008, p. 134.
- ^ Swain 2010, p. 9.
- ^ West 1995, p. 51.
- ^ Vinterhalter 1972, p. 84.
- ^ Ridley 1994, pp. 80–82.
- ^ West 1995, p. 54.
- ^ Ridley 1994, pp. 83–85.
- ^ Ridley 1994, p. 87.
- ^ Auty 1970, p. 53.
- ^ West 1995, p. 55.
- ^ West 1995, p. 56.
- ^ Ridley 1994, pp. 88–89.
- ^ Ridley 1994, pp. 90–91.
- ^ Ridley 1994, pp. 95–96.
- ^ Ridley 1994, p. 96.
- ^ Ridley 1994, pp. 96–97.
- ^ Ridley 1994, pp. 98–99.
- ^ West 1995, p. 57.
- ^ Ridley 1994, p. 101.
- ^ Ridley 1994, pp. 102–103.
- ^ West 1995, p. 59.
- ^ Ridley 1994, pp. 103–104.
- ^ Barnett 2006, pp. 36–39.
- ^ Ridley 1994, p. 106.
- ^ Ridley 1994, pp. 107–108 & 112.
- ^ Ridley 1994, pp. 109–113.
- ^ Ridley 1994, p. 113.
- ^ Vinterhalter 1972, p. 147.
- ^ Ridley 1994, pp. 114–115.
- ^ a b West 1995, p. 62.
- ^ Ramet 2006, p. 151.
- ^ Ridley 1994, pp. 116–117.
- ^ Ridley 1994, pp. 117–118.
- ^ Ridley 1994, p. 120.
- ^ Ridley 1994, pp. 121–122.
- ^ Ridley 1994, pp. 122–123.
- ^ Ridley 1994, p. 124.
- ^ Ridley 1994, pp. 126–127.
- ^ a b Ridley 1994, p. 129.
- ^ a b Banac 1988, p. 64.
- ^ Pavlaković, Vjeran. Stojaković, Krunoslav (ed.). "Yugoslav Volunteers in the Spanish Civil War" (PDF). Research Paper Series of Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung Southeast Europe (4). Hodges, Andrew (proofreader). Rosa Luxemburg Foundation: 65. Retrieved 1 August 2023 – via Eurom – The European Observatory on Memories.
- ^ Ridley 1994, pp. 131–133.
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Although there is no evidence that Tito actually crossed into Spain during the war, we know that he was crucial in coordinating the Yugoslav volunteers from Paris and subsequently organising their return from German labour camps once the decision to mount an armed resistance in Yugoslavia was made in 1941.
- ^ Ridley 1994, p. 134.
- ^ West 1995, p. 63.
- ^ Ridley 1994, pp. 134–135.
- ^ West 1995, pp. 63–64.
- ^ Ridley 1994, pp. 136–137.
- ^ Ridley 1994, p. 137.
- ^ Ridley 1994, pp. 138–140.
- ^ Ridley 1994, pp. 140–141.
- ^ Filipič 1979, pp. 18.
- ^ Ridley 1994, p. 135.
- ^ Filipič 1979, pp. 21.
- ^ Tomasevich 2001, p. 52.
- ^ Kocon, Jeličić & Škunca 1988, p. 84.
- ^ Roberts 1987, p. 24.
- ^ a b Nikolić 2003, pp. 29.
- ^ Nikolić 2003, pp. 30.
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- ^ a b Tomasevich 2001, pp. 104.
- ^ Tomasevich & Vucinich 1969, p. 121.
- ^ Banac 1988, pp. 44.
- ^ Roberts 1987, pp. 229.
- ^ Petrović 2014, pp. 579.
- ^ Ramet 2006, pp. 158.
- ^ Tomasevich & Vucinich 1969, p. 157.
- ^ Mikola 2008, p. 147.
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"Human rights were routinely suppressed..." - ^ Matas 1994, p. 37 "Human rights violations were observed in silence... It was not only that the wide list of verbal crimes flouted international human rights law and international obligations Yugoslavia had undertaken. Yugoslavia, a signatory to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, paid scant regard to some of its provisions."
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Today, as the rest of Eastern Europe begins to catch on, Yugoslavia remains the most autonomous, open, idiosyncratic and unCommunist Communist country anywhere on earth. ...Families are being encouraged by the Communist government to indulge in such capitalist practices as investing in restaurants, inns, shoe-repair shops and motels. ...Alone among Red peoples, Yugoslavs may freely travel to the West. ...Belgrade and the Vatican announced that this month they will sign an agreement according new freedom to the Yugoslav Roman Catholic Church, particularly to teach the catechism and open seminaries.
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Tito's successors were less committed than he was to preserving Yugoslav unity; some even plotted the state's dismemberment. Tito in a way was the country's last unifying force; for many he was the glue that had held Yugoslavia together until 1980.
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- ^ "Tito Greeted By Kennedy as Pickets March Outside". Spokane Daily Chronicle. Associated Press. 17 October 1963. p. 1.
- ^ "AMichener greets Tito on arrival in Canada". The Leader Post. Canadian Press. 3 November 1971. p. 46.
- ^ "Anti-Tito Protest Planned". Herald-Journal. Associated Press. 5 March 1978. p. A8.
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- ^ "Carter Gives Tito Festive Welcome". Associated Press. 7 March 1978.
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- ^ Vidmar, Josip; Rajko Bobot; Miodrag Vartabedijan; Branibor Debeljaković; Živojin Janković; Ksenija Dolinar (1981). Josip Broz Tito – Ilustrirani življenjepis. Jugoslovenska revija. p. 166.
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- ^ Anderson, Raymond H. (5 May 1980). "Giant Among Communists Governed Like a Monarch" (PDF). The New York Times.
- ^ "Hallan un grabado de Goya en la casa de Tito y Milosevic en Belgrado". Terra. 28 November 2008. Archived from the original on 13 January 2009. Retrieved 28 April 2010.
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Tito was as brutal as his one-time mentor Stalin, with whom he was later to fall out but with whom he shared a taste for bloody revenge against enemies, real or imagined. Churchill called Tito 'the great Balkan tentacle', but that did not prevent him from making a similar deal like the one he had made with the Soviets.
- ^ Matas 1994, p. 34.
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- ^ Matas 1994, p. 36.
- ^ Corbel 1951, pp. 173–174.
- ^ Cook 2001, p. 1391.
- ^ Matas 1994, p. 37.
- ^ Finlan 2004.
- ^ Matas 1994, p. 39.
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- ^ "The Economy of Tito's Yugoslavia: Delaying the Inevitable Collapse". Ludwig von Mises Institute Canada. 2014. Archived from the original on 24 October 2017. Retrieved 11 July 2016.
- ^ Johnson 1983, p. 30.
- ^ Johnson 1983, p. 31.
- ^ Hayden 1992, p. 29.
- ISBN 978-86-7208-208-1.
- ^ "Serbia Poll: Life Was Better Under Tito". Balkan Insight. 24 December 2010. Retrieved 23 January 2021.
- ^ Robert Bajruši (6 January 2004). "Tito je jedini hrvatski državnik koga je svijet prihvaćao kao svjetsku ličnost" [Tito is the only Croatian statesman accepted by the world as a global personality]. Nacional (in Croatian). No. 425. Archived from the original on 25 February 2012. Retrieved 24 November 2020.
- ^ "Bomb Topples Tito Statue". The New York Times. 28 December 2004. Retrieved 28 April 2010.
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- ^ "Thousands of Croats demand Tito Square be renamed". SETimes. 11 February 2008. Retrieved 28 April 2010.
- ^ Bartulovič, Alenka. "Spomenik Josipu Brozu Titu v Velenju" [The Monument to Josip Broz Tito in Velenje]. In Šmid Hribar, Mateja; Golež, Gregor; Podjed, Dan; Kladnik, Drago; Erhartič, Bojan; Pavlin, Primož; Ines, Jerele (eds.). Enciklopedija naravne in kulturne dediščine na Slovenskem – DEDI [Encyclopedia of Natural and Cultural Heritage in Slovenia] (in Slovenian). Archived from the original on 28 October 2012. Retrieved 12 March 2012.
- ^ "Monument of Josip Broz". Tourist Information and Promotion Center Velenje. Archived from the original on 8 December 2012. Retrieved 10 November 2012.
- ^ "Slovenia-Maribor: Tito's Bridge (Titov most)". Maribor. Archived from the original on 14 April 2014. Retrieved 10 November 2012.
- ^ "Saša S: Tito square smile in Koper". Pano. 8 April 2011. Retrieved 10 November 2012.
- ISBN 978-3-540-00238-3.
- ^ a b Belaj 2008, p. 78.
- ^ "Several Thousand Admirers of Tito Celebrate Day of Youth in Kumrovec". Total Croatia News. 21 May 2022. Archived from the original on 22 October 2022. Retrieved 15 July 2022.
- ^ "Zimski vrt s prostorima za rad i odmor Josipa Broza Tita posjećuju brojni gosti, evo što se nalazi u 'Kući cvijeća' i kada je sagrađen mauzolej" [Many guests visit Josip Broz Tito's winter garden with work and rest areas, here is what is in the 'House of Flowers' and when the mausoleum was built]. Slobodna Dalmacija (in Serbo-Croatian). 14 November 2022. Retrieved 10 March 2023.
- ^ Belaj 2008, p. 71.
- ^ Belaj 2008, p. 77.
- ^ Belaj 2008, pp. 84–85.
- ^ Belaj 2008, p. 87.
- ^ Belaj 2008, pp. 81, 87.
- ^ "Relay for Tito leaves Montenegro en route to Belgrade". Balkan Insights. 3 May 2013. Retrieved 3 May 2013.
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- ^ a b "Naming Street After Tito Unconstitutional". Slovenia Times. 5 October 2011. Archived from the original on 21 December 2018. Retrieved 8 October 2011.
- ^ "Text of the decision U-I-109/10 of the Constitutional Court of Slovenia, issued on 3 October 2011, in Slovene". Archived from the original on 26 October 2014. Retrieved 8 October 2011.
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- ^ a b Koprivica-Oštrić, Stanislava (1978). Tito u Bjelovaru. Koordinacioni odbor za njegovanje revolucionarnih tradicija. p. 76.
- ^ Barnett 2006, pp. 39.
- ^ Barnett 2006, pp. 44.
- ^ "Tito's ex wife Hertha Hass dies". Monsters and Critics. 9 March 2010. Archived from the original on 28 January 2013. Retrieved 29 April 2010.
- ^ "Titova udovica daleko od očiju javnosti". Blic. 28 December 2008. Archived from the original on 14 December 2009. Retrieved 29 April 2010.
- ^ "U 96. godini umrla bivša Titova supruga Herta Haas". Večernji list. 9 March 2010. Retrieved 29 April 2010.
- ^ Borneman 2004, pp. 160.
- ^ Gutbrod, Hans (15 October 2022). "BRIJUNI OR BRIONI: REVIEWING TITO'S LUXURY ISLAND". Baltic Worlds. Retrieved 23 October 2022.
- ^ Barnett 2006, pp. 138.
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- ^ "Titov avion leti za Indonežane". Blic. 16 March 2004. Retrieved 15 July 2013.
- ^ Andric, Gordana (4 December 2010). "The Blue Train". Balkan Insight. Retrieved 15 July 2013.
- ^ "Socialist Thought, and Practice". Socialist Thought and Practice. Vol. 11–12. p. 91.
As regards the knowledge of languages, Tito replied that he spoke Yugoslav, German, Russian and partly English. It is obvious that he had a good knowledge of foreign languages. Comrade Tito had mastered the first rudiments of the German language already as an apprentice, and he perfected his knowledge later when working abroad; he had learnt Russian as a prisoner-of-war and in the course of his stay in Russia during the October Revolution
- ^ Dedijer 1953, pp. 413.
- ^ "Tito Surprises Esperanto Group Leaders By Knowledge of Language Acquired in Jail". The New York Times. 29 July 1953. p. 6. Retrieved 22 September 2023.
- ^ Sherwood 2013, pp. 129.
- ^ Barnett 2006, p. 18, "Origin".
- ^ Vladan Dinić. "BILA SU TRI TITA". Svedok. Archived from the original on 7 October 2016. Retrieved 25 February 2016.
- ^ Aleksandar Matunović (1997). Enigma Broz – ko ste vi druže predsedniče?. Belgrade.
{{cite book}}
: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link) - ^ Vladimir Jokanović (3 May 2010). "Titov život ostaje enigma". NSPM.
- ^ "Is Yugoslav President Tito Really a Yugoslav?" (PDF). Cryptologic Spectrum. (b) (3)-P.L. 86-36. Archived from the original (PDF) on 11 May 2009.
- ^ Jozić, Željko (24 August 2013). "Tajna služba nije znala samo jednu sitnicu – da postoje kajkavci". Jutarnji list (in Croatian). Archived from the original on 29 April 2016. Retrieved 24 August 2013.
- ^ Vladimir Dedijer, Tito Speaks, 1953, p. 80.
- ^ Vladimir Dedijer, Tito Speaks, 1953, p. 81
- ^ a b Badurina, Berislav; Saračević, Sead; Grobenski, Valent; Eterović, Ivo; Tudor, Mladen (1980). Bilo je časno živjeti s Titom. Vjesnik. p. 102.
Bibliography
- Auty, Phyllis (1970). Tito: A Biography. New York City: McGraw-Hill. OCLC 100536.
- Banac, Ivo (1988). With Stalin against Tito: Cominformist splits in Yugoslav Communism. Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press. ISBN 978-0-8014-2186-0.
- Barnett, Neil (2006). Tito. London: ISBN 978-1913368425.
- Belaj, Marijana (2008). Peter Jan Margry (ed.). 'I'm not religious, but Tito is a God': Tito, Kumrovec, and the New Pilgrims. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press. pp. 71–94. )
- Borneman, John (2004). Death of the Father: An Anthropology of End in Political Authority. Berghahn Books. ISBN 978-1-57181-111-0.
- Cook, Bernard A. (2001). Europe Since 1945: An Encyclopedia, Volume 2 K-Z. New York City: Garland Publishing Inc. ISBN 9780815340584.
- Corbel, Josef (1951). Tito's Communism. Denver, Colorado: The University of Denver Press.
- Dedijer, Vladimir (1952). Tito. New York: Simon and Schuster. ISBN 978-0-405-04565-3.
- Dedijer, Vladimir (1953). Tito Speaks: His Self Portrait and Struggle with Stalin. London, England: Weidenfeld and Nicolson.
- Dimić, Ljubodrag (2003). "Tito and Krushchev 1953–1956: Coming together, reconciliation, disappointment". Journal of Central and East European Studies. 5 (2): 423–456.
- ISBN 978-3899719383.
- Dimić, Ljubodrag (2016). "Yugoslavia and Security in Europe during the 1960s (Views, Attitudes, Initiatives)" (PDF). Токови историје (3): 9–42.
- ISSN 1848-9079.
- Forsythe, David P., ed. (2009). Encyclopedia of Human Rights. Vol. 5. Oxford, England: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-533402-9.
- Frankel, Benjamin (1992). The Cold War, 1945–1991: Leaders and Other Important Figures in the Soviet Union, Eastern Europe, China, and the Third World. Vol. 2. London, England: Gale Research. ISBN 978-0-8103-8928-1.
- Finlan, Alastair (2004). The Collapse of Yugoslavia 1991–1999. New York: Osprey Publishing. ISBN 978-1-4728-1027-4.
- Gilbert, Martin (2004). The First World War: A Complete History. New York: Henry Holt and Company. ISBN 978-0-8050-7617-2.
- Granville, Johanna (May 1998). "Hungary, 1956: The Yugoslav Connection". Europe-Asia Studies. 50 (3): 493–505. .
- Jeffreys-Jones, Rhodri (2013). In Spies We Trust: The Story of Western Intelligence. OUP Oxford. ISBN 978-0-19-958097-2.
- ISBN 978-0521274593.
- Kocon, Ivan; Jeličić, Matej; Škunca, Ivan (1988). Stvaranje Titove Jugoslavije [The Creation of Tito's Yugoslavia] (in Serbo-Croatian). Opatija, Yugoslavia: Otokar Keršovani. ISBN 978-86-385-0091-8.
- Laqueur, Walter (1976). Guerrilla Warfare: A Historical & Critical Study. New Brunswick, New Jersey: Transaction Publishers. ISBN 978-1-4128-2488-0.
- Lee, Khoon Choy (1993). Diplomacy of a Tiny State. Singapore: World Scientific. ISBN 978-981-02-1219-3.
- Lees, Lorraine M. (2006). Keeping Tito Afloat: The United States, Yugoslavia, and the Cold War. Pennsylvania State University Press. ISBN 978-0-253-34656-8.
- Maclean, Fitzroy (1957). The Heretic: the life and times of Josip Broz-Tito. Harper & Bro. OCLC 346176.
- Mahmutović, Vahidin (2013). "Politički osuđenici u KZ Zenica u periodu 1918–1941. godine" [Political prisoners in ISSN 1986-5791.
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- McGoldrick, Dominic (2000). "Accommodating National Identity in National Law and International Law". In Stephen Tierney (ed.). Accommodating National Identity: New Approaches in International and Domestic Law. Martinus Nijhoff Publishers. ISBN 978-90-411-1400-6.
- McKee Irwin, Robert (Spring 2010). "Mexican Golden Age Cinema in Tito's Yugoslavia". The Global South. 4 (1): 151–166. S2CID 145443397.
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- Nikolić, Kosta (2003). Drašković, Dragan; Ristić, Radomir (eds.). Kraljevo in October 1941. Kraljevo: National Museum Kraljevo, Historical Archive Kraljevo.
- Pavlowitch, Stevan K. (1988). The improbable survivor: Yugoslavia and its problems, 1918–1988. (online free to borrow)
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- Sherwood, Timothy H. (2013). The Rhetorical Leadership of Fulton J. Sheen, Norman Vincent Peale, and Billy Graham in the Age of Extremes. Lexington Books. ISBN 978-0-7391-7431-9.
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- Tomasevich, Jozo (2001). War and Revolution in Yugoslavia, 1941–1945: Occupation and Collaboration. Stanford, California: Stanford University Press. ISBN 978-0-8047-3615-2.
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- Calic, Marie-Janine (2019). A History of Yugoslavia. West Lafayette, Indiana: ISBN 978-1-55753-838-3.
- Vinterhalter, Vilko (1972). In the Path of Tito... Tunbridge Wells, England: Abacus Press. ISBN 978-0-85626-011-7.
- Vucinich, Wayne S. (1969). "Interwar Yugoslavia". Contemporary Yugoslavia: Twenty Years of Socialist Experiment. OCLC 652337606.
- West, Richard (1995). Tito and the Rise and Fall of Yugoslavia. New York: Carroll & Graf. ISBN 978-0-7867-0191-9.
Journals & papers
- Hayden, Robert M. (1992). "The Beginning of the End of Federal Yugoslavia: The Slovenian Amendment Crisis of 1989". from the original on 2 June 2023.
- Johnson, A. Ross (1983). "Political Leadership in Yugoslavia: Evolution of the League of Communists" (PDF). United States Department of State. Archived (PDF) from the original on 2 June 2023.
{{cite journal}}
: Cite journal requires|journal=
(help) - Perović, Jeronim (1983). "The Tito-Stalin Split: A Reassessment in Light of New Evidence" (PDF). S2CID 154278864.
Further reading
- Batty, Peter (2011). Hoodwinking Churchill: Tito's Great Confidence Trick. Shepheard-Walwyn. ISBN 978-0-85683-282-6.
- Đilas, Milovan (2001). Tito: The Story from Inside. Phoenix Press. ISBN 978-1-84212-047-7.
- Huot, Major Louis (1945). Guns for Tito. L. B. Fischer.
- Maclean, Fitzroy (1957). Disputed Barricade. London: Jonathan Cape., also Published as The Heretic. 1957.
- Maclean, Fitzroy (1949). Eastern Approaches. London: Jonathan Cape.
- Maclean, Fitzroy (1980). Tito: A Pictorial Biography. McGraw-Hill. ISBN 978-0-07-044671-7.
- ISBN 978-0-299-31770-6.
- Vukcevich, Boško S. (1994). Tito: Architect of Yugoslav Disintegration. Rivercross Publishing. ISBN 978-0-944957-46-2.
Historiography and memory
- Beloff, Nora (1986). Tito's Flawed Legacy: Yugoslavia and the West Since 1939. Westview Pr. ISBN 978-0-8133-0322-2. online
- Carter, April (1989). Marshal Tito: A Bibliography. Greenwood Press. ISBN 978-0-313-28087-0.
- Cicic, Ana. "Yugoslavia Revisited: Contested Histories through Public Memories of President Tito." (2020). online
- Cosovschi, Agustin. "Seeing and Imagining the Land of Tito: Oscar Waiss and the Geography of Socialist Yugoslavia." Balkanologie. Revue d'études pluridisciplinaires 17.1 (2022). online
- Foster, Samuel. Yugoslavia in the British imagination: Peace, war and peasants before Tito (Bloomsbury Publishing, 2021) online. See also online book review
- Trošt, Tamara P. "The image of Josip Broz Tito in post-Yugoslavia: Between national and local memory." in Ruler Personality Cults from Empires to Nation-States and Beyond (Routledge, 2020) pp. 143–162. online
External links
- Josip Broz Tito Archive at marxists.org
- A film clip Aviation in the News, 1944/06/22 is available for viewing at the Internet Archive
- Newspaper clippings about Josip Broz Tito in the 20th Century Press Archives of the ZBW