Free and Independent Faction
Free and Independent Faction Fracțiunea Liberă și Independentă (Fracționiștii) | |
---|---|
far-left | |
National affiliation | Concordia (1867–1869) Unified Opposition Committees (1883) |
The Free and Independent Faction or Free and Independent Fraction (Romanian: Fracțiunea Liberă și Independentă, sometimes Fracțiunea Liberală și Independentă, "Independent Liberal Faction",[1][2][3][4] commonly Fracționiștii, "The F(r)actionalists") was a nationalist and national liberal party in Romania, regionally centered on Western Moldavia. Originally informal, and defined by its adversaries, the Faction mainly comprised pupils and followers of the philosopher Simion Bărnuțiu. During most of its existence, it had as its recognized leader the academic and polemicist Nicolae Ionescu.
Consolidated during the election of
Such stances created tension between the Factionalists and most other groups on the left-liberal fringe, making the Faction an uneasy partner in the "Red" government alliances of the 1860s and '70s. For pragmatic reasons, Ionescu and his followers defended Carol against the conspiratorial movement known as "Republic of Ploiești", but did not entirely reject its agenda. Soon after this incident, a conservative and monarchist movement emerged in Moldavia around Junimea club, with whom the Factionalists had a consuming rivalry. A Moderate Liberal Party, headed by Ionescu's rival Mihail Kogălniceanu, also drained the Faction of its votes after 1877. Prolonged controversies surrounded Factionalist participation in the local government of Iași city and Covurlui County. Within this setting, Factionalists participated in the effort to establish a National Liberal Party (PNL), but then withdrew from it.
Ionescu's career peaked in 1876, when he was
Beginnings
The origins of Bărnuțiu's movement can be traced back to "the very last years"
Like most other groups existing before the creation of an independent
A professor of law and brother of the agronomist Ion Ionescu de la Brad, Ionescu had played a marginal role the Moldavian and Wallachian Revolutions of 1848.[18] In 1856–1858, he had also supported the unionist National Party, putting out the French edition of Stéoa Dunării from Brussels. His effort was partly financed by the Moldavian statesman Mihail Kogălniceanu, with whom Ionescu had an on and off friendship.[19] Of the other Factionalists, Alecu Holban and Nicolae Voinov had a similar background: both had been arrested for unionist activity during the Moldavian election of 1858.[20] Without seeking full independence from the Ottoman Empire, from 1860 Cuza's regime took steps toward solidifying the Principalities, which became the nucleus of modern Romania; however, it alienated the political class with its expansive authoritarianism. The liberal wing, or "Reds", envisioned a ceremonial role for the monarchy, within a democratized country: they "admired Cuza's democratism [but] despised his Bonapartist methods".[21] Another issue of contention was Cuza's favorable reception of Romanian Jews: in 1864, Holban published an antisemitic article which the Domnitor read with disgust; he and Kogălniceanu issued a warning against Constituționalul newspaper, which had issued it.[22]
"Red" leaders joined conservatives and centrists in forming a "
Those months also witnessed a collaboration between Holban and the independent radical
1866 troubles
While their initial opposition to Carol had by then been reduced to abstentionism, the Factionalists' core constituency of Iași experienced a separatist rebellion, instigated by Ceaur-Aslan,
Carol was ultimately able to take the throne, but, during the same period, there was a breakdown of consensus inside the "monstrous coalition", with heated debates over the passing of the Constitution. A "White" party, comprising centrist and conservative elements, backed Carol's hands-on and gradualist approach to institutional modernization. As claimed by Hasdeu, the emerging anti-liberal coalition, a "scandalous phenomenon", "always paralyzed Romanianism with alienism, and democracy with reaction".[35] Although "too archaic", Hasdeu argued, the Faction "rekindled the Romanian spirit" and mounted resistance against "cosmopolitan ideas".[36] Defining itself as "decentralist and anti-absolutist unionist", the Faction was organizing throughout Western Moldavia, relying on a network of academics, schoolteachers, and youths.[37] At Bârlad, its "national-liberal" chapter was supported by local intellectuals, including brothers Ion and Constantin Codrescu, Ioan Popescu, and Scarlat Vârnav.[38]
Within this context, a deeper controversy erupted over what Hasdeu referred to as "alienism": the issue of
Ionescu sided with the moderate-liberal Prime Minister, Ion Ghica, who wanted unrestricted freedoms to be codified by the Constitution.[45] The "Reds" and the Factionalists were pushed into cooperating with each other, mainly because the "Reds" were virtually unrepresented in Moldavian cities,[46] but remained distinct parties; in crucial moments, the Faction voted against radicalism, rallying with the centrists.[47] The Factionalists' extreme nationalism and antisemitism embarrassed most of the "Reds", who generally refrained from directly associating with the Faction outside of elections.[48] The other side of the alliance was also avoiding any direct association. Seen as a purely "egotistic" force by its allies,[49] the Faction always feared that the liberals were secretly "right-wing".[50] As noted in 1886 by Alecu Holban, the Faction also viewed "Reds" as "counterfeit Jacobins", or as cosmopolitans whose stance was essentially "anti-national".[51]
The core disputes of 1866 centered on the reestablishment of a Romanian Senate, with its implication of elitism. Hasdeu claimed at the time that "its maintenance costs us some millions a year, but provides us with no benefit, other than that it passes for a fine ornament and emanates a fragrance."[52] Ionescu and Voinov proposed a number of successive projects, all of which were unicameral.[53] While supporters of bicameralism insisted that the Senate would function as a Romanian House of Lords, the Factionalists and their allies ridiculed this claim when it came to |boyar nobility.[54] Hasdeu wrote that, in Romania, "most of the old [boyar] families have gone extinct and were replaced by a make-believe aristocracy, newly born and lacking those glorious traditions which support English aristocrats; and on the other hand, most of our notabilities, political, literary and even parliamentary, have their roots in the mass of the people".[55]
Faced with mounting support for bicameralism, Ionescu and Tacu conceded defeat but, alongside
Concordia alliance
In October 1866, after "difficult" negotiations with the
Changing the configuration of Chamber, this alliance toppled Prime Minister Ghica, producing three successive radical cabinets, respectively headed by Constantin A. Crețulescu, Ștefan Golescu, and Nicolae Golescu.[68] These inaugurated investment in public works, modified electoral laws, and reduced the powers of the Senate.[69] Support for Concordia divided the regional caucus: in May 1867, a crowd in Iași cheered Alecu Holban, who asked Moldavians to back the "truly liberal" Crețulescu cabinet; Boldur-Lățescu was heckled for attempting to convince the public that they were being "cheated", and that the Court of Cassation was never going to be awarded to Iași.[70]
As
The staunch "ethnic protectionism" and "hysteric xenophobia" of both nationalist parties, including their claim that Jews were incapable of assimilating,[76] ensured that the Constitution only granted citizenship to Christians. Moreover, at Internal Affairs, Brătianu went against Carol's advice, ordering "severe measures against the Jews and foreign 'vagabonds'."[77] Such policies were reportedly advocated, and imposed on him, by the Faction.[78] During the interval, thirty-one deputies, Fătu included, presented a bill with exceptionally harsh antisemitic provisions, but this was defeated by an ad-hoc Chamber majority.[79] At the time, Lateș also proposed to only grant Christians the "political right" of owning land; his bill was also defeated.[80] The xenophobic stance was reportedly gaining momentum in Moldavia, with Factionalist professors expressing "aversion" toward Westernization, and purposefully ignoring "foreign literature and art".[81] Their protectionism blended with natalism in another proposal, advanced at one time by Suciu, which would have overtaxed bachelors.[82]
From May 1867 to October 1870, in times of "maximum political strife",[83] Ionescu put out the Factionalist newspaper Dreptatea ("Justice" or "Fairness"). As outlined here, the ideology of Factionalism also comprised fringe positions, including criticism of Christianity—Ionescu viewed Christianity as a worthy state religion, and conversion to it as a prerequisite of citizenship,[84] but argued that the Romanian Orthodox Church was too indebted to Judaism and "the Greeks".[85] Alongside the promise of full land reform, Moldavian regionalism resurfaced as communalism: the Faction believed that the executive should be closely monitored by the Chamber, and stood by the notion that communes were autonomous units of the state. On this point, Factionalists were irreconcilable with the "Reds", who favored quick centralization and a unitary state.[86]
During July 1867, a group of Moldavian deputies issued an appeal for organizing a regional caucus to defend regional interests; signatories included Prefect Sturdza, alongside his former enemies Ceaur-Aslan and Iamandi, as well as Grigore Balș, Panait Balș, Grigore Vârnav, and Colonel Pavlov. This initiative was censured by "Red" centralists, whose letter of response noted that regional divides were unconstitutional.[87] From September, the Tăutu brothers began printing Bacău's first regular newspaper, D̦iorile ("The Dawn").[88] Identified as a Factionalist venue, it was accused by other liberals of wanting to "divide the country into satrapies".[73] Also at the time, Boldur-Lățescu and Nicolae Rosetti-Rosnovanu began putting out their own newspaper, Moldova, which included such pronouncements as: "Wallachians are the Moldavians' eternal and natural enemies".[89] This openly separatist group always maintained strong links with Ceaur-Aslan and Voinov.[90]
Despite maintaining such principles, and although the Faction voted against development loans from the Oppenheim family, Ionescu also supported the common nationalist agenda, favoring a national currency and the construction of a centralized transport infrastructure.[91] Beyond its advocacy of xenophobic restrictions, the Faction also viewed itself as a watchdog for individual freedoms, and lauded the introduction of jury trials as a testing ground for extended suffrage.[92] Ionescu in particular favored a focus on civics, rather than vocational education, in the state-funded primary schools.[93] From March 1868, Ionescu and Ianache Lecca were also instrumental in reforming the nationwide Civic Guard, which acted as a reserve and police force. Their project called for the Guard to no longer be a paramilitary wing of the "Red" caucus, and become a more reliable Landwehr.[94]
Brătianu confirmed Ionescu's suspicions in April 1868, when he canvassed direct support for the "Reds" at Iași. His trip was a disappointment, drawing a mob which protested violently against his schemes.[95] In the July 1868 race, Ionescu took a seat in the Senate, where he remained until 1870.[30] His leaving the Factionalist leadership in Chamber was deplored as a major loss by his replacement, Gheorghiu.[16] However, the Faction still dominated Moldavian politics, enlisting affiliations from the moderate liberal Gheorghe Mârzescu[96] and from urban professionals, variously including Dimitrie Anghel (father of the poet), Scarlat Pastia, Miltiade Tzony, and Ștefan Micle.[97] Before 1868, it also had the support of Ion Creangă, a rebellious priest and aspiring writer who attended electoral meetings and Faction primaries. It was during these that Creangă clashed with the local "White" orator, Iacob Negruzzi.[98]
Junimea and "White" consolidation
Iași was by then home to a cultural and political club, called Junimea, which soon presented a structured opposition to both Ionescu's group, and, from 1870, a distinct branch of the "White" movement; it was able to attract within its ranks some of the junior Factionalists, including Creangă, Panu, and Xenopol, as well as conservatives such as Negruzzi. Junimea's Wallachian founder, Titu Maiorescu, published essays directly attacking the cornerstones of Bărnuțiu's politics, and Romanian liberalism as a whole, from the implicit position of liberal conservatism.[99] In particular, he rejected the Faction's ideas on land reform as "communistic", expressing his astonishment that an anti-state party had been allowed to govern at all.[100] Maiorescu's friend Petre P. Carp also attacked Factionalism through his newspaper, Térra, which declared itself the voice of true liberalism in its constitutionalist, monarchist, version.[101] Especially through Carp, Junimism condemned the Faction's xenophobia, and called for the protection of Romanian Jews;[102] Maiorescu also described Ionescu's party as "ephemeral", defined by its "hatred of foreigners, and in particular Jews."[103]
The Factionalists took notice of such reactions, and the conflict between them and the Junimists became exceptionally bitter—the two camps were deadly enemies to one another.[104] Factionalist propaganda portrayed the Junimists as "Freemasons" and as "hirelings" of the external enemies.[105] This political dispute highlighted earlier rivalries, which began in 1864, when Maiorescu and Ionescu accused each other of adultery.[106] Factionalists Suciu and Cobălcescu had also lodged a legal complaint against Maiorescu, claiming, spuriously so, that he lacked Romanian citizenship and was therefore ineligible for political office.[107] On the Junimist side, the response was provided by Negruzzi, who published number of pamphlets depicting Ionescu and the Factionalists as irrational demagogues.[108] Junimea also kept a record of "inanities" published in the Factionalist newspapers.[109]
The "Red" series in government ended in November 1868, when Carol, troubled by the excesses of antisemitism, began selecting his ministers from the moderate right.[110] Carol also apologized for the sufferings of his Jewish subjects, which led the Faction to issue a protest; its senators also voted against the N. Golescu government when it did the same.[111] Ionescu supported Golescu and Brătianu's definition of the Jews as "vagabonds", but declared his disappointment at their moderation.[112] As noted at the time by Carp, Brătianu was shying away from official antisemitism, and only instrumenting it through "anarchy" and "the rabble in the streets"; the Faction, he argued, was at least consistent in seeking out a legal method.[113]
The Concordia alliance crumbled before the election of March 1869, with Kogălniceanu, who resented the Golescus' external policies,[114] joining Dimitrie Ghica's ministry. The election itself was a sound defeat for the left: the "Reds" took 10 seats in Chamber and the Faction only 8, with the moderates and "Whites" sharing 120.[115] However, there were widespread reports and complaints that Kogălniceanu had advised local authorities to condone fraud and to intimidate the opposition.[116] According to several accounts, including his own, the defector Mârzescu, serving as Prefect of Iași County, personally ensured that Kogălniceanu won a deputy's seat against Ionescu.[117][118] Mârzescu reports that he sided with Carp and the "intelligent dynastic youth" against Ionescu, and that the elections were free of interference—which is why the Factionalists had lost. He writes: "not one Factionalist was even elected; and in the evening of election day the Factionalists gathering at Borta Rece [tavern] calculated the difference in votes, and consoled themselves in that their loss was not shameful, since their ratio of votes was 2 to 5."[117]
In early 1870, a new majority of moderates was formed around D. Ghica and Manolache Epureanu—calling themselves the "Party of Order"—, with the adherence of Efrem Ghermani and Cezar Bolliac. According to Hasdeu, this was a "broth of boyars and democrats", existing only to keep "the Reds and the Faction" out of office.[119] Hasdeu also accused Epureanu of wanting to naturalize and introduce Jews into the country, under the guise of constitutionalism: "So the Constitution will appear to be standing, although trampled upon by the Jews."[120] He called for an antisemitic unification—of liberals, radicals and nationalists—into a "great party of action", "purified of all things bastard, all things cosmopolitan".[121]
Republicanism
As noted by historian Silvia Marton, the marginalized "Reds" first began talking of republicanism in the early months of 1869—"chipping away at Carol's strength and authority" despite their setbacks.
A republican drift was accentuated during the elections of May 1870. These were entirely manufactured by Carol, who was arguably overstepping constitutional bounds.[127] They took place in a climate of violence and uncertainty, with riots in Bucharest, Giurgiu, and Pitești.[128] In his editorial of June 3, Hasdeu called Epureanu a "butcher", but warned that "a nation is like iron: the more you strike at it, the more it will harden."[129] Epureanu managed to set up a "Hen and Fledgling Cabinet" that included Junimist Carp at Foreign Affairs. This was an early sign of the success of anti-Factionalism in Moldavia, where Junimea was growing into a political movement. The election, however, produced 34 deputies who, according to Hasdeu, stood for the "independent current, whose banner, the one it raised only yesterday, has managed to overwhelm with its vigor the authoritarian school."[130] Alongside Ionescu, I. Codrescu, Fătu, Gheorghiu, Alecu Holban, Negură, Suciu, Voinov, and Tacu, these were: Stroe Belloescu, Constantin Bosianu, Alexandru Lăzărescu-Laerțiu, Gheorghe Lecca, Costache Negri, Nicolae Gr. Racoviță, Nicolae Rosetti-Bălănescu, George D. Vernescu, I. Adrian, Ion Agarici, N. Bossie, Costin Brăescu, D. Comănăsceanu, Leon Eraclide, E. Filipescu, I. Gâlcă, Matei Ganea, P. Georgiade, Vasile Holban, Dumitru Lupașcu, George P. Mantu, L. Moldoveanu, Constantin Scafesu, George Sefendache, G. Vucenicu.[131]
This count may include "Red" sympathizers: according to Marton, the Faction only had 25 deputies, and the "Reds" 32—at 57 seats, their alliance actually had a slim majority; government was backed by neutral "Whites", and by a slim majority of senators.[132] Marton also includes Gheorghe Chițu in her count of 1870 Factionalists.[133] Overall, the caucus of various liberal groups and tendencies was especially weak, ridiculed by outsiders as a "perfectly undecided" legislature.[134] Of those included in Hasdeu's count, Sefendache moved between the "Reds" and the Factionalists, and had crucially sided with the "Party of Order" during the 1869–1870 legislature.[135]
In Chamber, Voinov had verbal duels with moderates such as Constantin Boerescu over suspicions of electoral fraud by political bosses.[136] During such bouts, he insisted that the Civic Guard had moral a duty to "rise up and protect" the people.[137] There were other calls for a revolution in Wallachia, all sparked by popular support for the French Empire during the Franco-Prussian War—while Carol and some of his ministers favored the German coalition. In radical circles, despite an awareness that France was under an illiberal regime, the war was depicted as a struggle "between freedom and despotism."[138] After some reluctance, with Ionescu noting that nobody in Europe cared about Romania's positioning,[139] the Francophile tenets were also taken up by the Factionalists. In Chamber, Ionescu and Gheorghiu spoke against neutrality, asking Epureanu and Carp to at least express moral sympathy for France, and proposing that Chamber be put in control of foreign policies.[140]
By August, Wallachian radicals became involved in the incident known as "
The Faction announced its alternative program to devolve the country into an elective monarchy, as a necessary transition to full republicanism.[146] The resulting dispute led to a motion of no confidence, and Epureanu was deposed. This marked Ion Ghica's return as Prime Minister, a temporary arrangement which seemed to satisfy both the "Reds" and the Faction.[147] Faced with mounting opposition, Carol threatened to resign, and another conspiracy, headed by Eugeniu Carada, prepared to take over government; the status quo was preserved only after Brătianu asked Carada to rescind.[148] The "Reds" reverted to an earlier stance, and endorsed Carol as the legitimate Domnitor; Ionescu and the Faction agitated for the election of a Romanian monarch, but superficially endorsed legalism, and recognized Carol as a legitimate ruler.[149]
Catargiu's ascendancy
The period was also marked by another controversy, called "Strousberg Affair", which tarnished the early history of Romanian railways, rekindled xenophobia, and endangered Romania's relations with the German Empire.[150] This scandal emerged from laws that the Faction had approved of or abstained on. Although Lăzărescu-Laerțiu was an early opponent of the deal,[151] Gheorghiu was seen by the left-nationalist paper Ghimpele as endorsing railways "no matter how" they were purchased. Ghimpele attacked the Faction's antisemitism as hypocritical, since they now accepted Jewish investments and even Moldavia's settlement by "Jewish thistles".[152]
The resulting fiasco was popularly attributed to German and Jewish scheming.[153] Following the anti-German riot at Casa Capșa, which he blamed on poor crowd control, Carol ordered Ghica's cabinet to resign. After again threatening to abdicate, he eventually settled on creating a "White" cabinet under Lascăr Catargiu.[154] The situation upset Factionalist deputies. During renewed agitation in January 1871, Ionescu had openly celebrated Carol's decision to leave—an irresponsible attitude, according to his ally Brătianu.[155] Alongside their "Red" colleague Nicolae Fleva, Ionescu, Gheorghiu and Codrescu alleged that Catargiu was being forced on them by the Romanian military, and more discreetly by Germany.[156] In March, Alecu Holban, who led a parliamentary inquiry, intimated that Carol was legally answerable for having appointed adventurer Otto Victor Ambronn as a manager of the Romanian holdings in the Strousberg venture.[157]
In April, Carol and Foreign Minister
Despite such resistance, the conservative trend was consolidated in the May 1871 election. The opposition was again coalesced: the Factionalists, the "Reds", and Kogălniceanu all stood for the "convened liberal party" or "the left";[162] nevertheless, the "Whites" had a solid win. It inaugurated five years of conservative government, with Catargiu as Prime Minister, while conspiratorial republicans, including Brătianu and C. A. Rosetti, failed to win seats.[163] Speaking for the far-left opposition, Hasdeu claimed that the election had been rigged, since intellectuals and aristocrats such as Maiorescu and Sturdza had been elected by peasant voters in the 4th College.[164]
Catargiu's administration brought the "routinization of political conflict", which, although violent in tone, remained mindful of constitutional arrangements.
In 1871–1874, the dispute between Ionescu and Maiorescu focused on the rural communes, their administration and economy. The new law of 1874 imposed centralization, allowing government to select mayors from a pool of elected councilors.[169] In his interventions, Ionescu supported communal autonomy as the basis for democratic self-government. Instead, Maiorescu noted that the democratic experiment had only created frail institutions, and proposed to curb this with "feudalism", by giving rich landowners over-representation in communal councils.[170] In parallel, at Iași, Alecu Holban, Tacu and the Corjescus mounted the opposition against a Junimist communal administration, headed by Mayor Nicolae Gane and Prefect Leon C. Negruzzi (Iacob's brother). As Ceaur-Aslan lost an auction to pave the city streets, a Factionalist newspaper, Uniunea Liberală ("Liberal Union"), claimed that Gane's public works were a graft from the Catargiu spoils system.[171] In November 1872, Gane and Alecu Holban almost dueled over the insinuations.[172]
Ionescu was also highly critical of the Conservative laws on labor contracts, arguing that hired hands had been stripped of all means to pressure their landowning employers.[173] By then, Maiorescu also took a more protectionist stance than Sturdza, Costaforu, and Factionalists such as Ceaur-Aslan, demanding that foreign investors be barred from buying land in Romania for a period of ten years; his opponents only demanded a two-year term.[174] Ionescu, for his part, supported the establishment of native credit unions with the introduction of unrestricted capitalism, and spoke out against state monopolies for tobacco and alcohol.[175]
1875 return
From early 1871,[176] the "Reds" began talks of fusion with the Factionalists and with all other liberal clubs. The cause was popularized by the two new Factionalist organs: Uniunea Liberală and Gazeta de Bacău ("Bacău Gazette").[177] Members of both groups organized the ostentatious funeral of Domnitor Cuza in May 1873. Ionescu delivered the funeral oration; the burial at Ruginoasa was overseen by a National Committee, whose members included Anghel, Fătu, Pastia, Poni, Tacu, Șendrea and Suciu.[178] This ceremony allowed the "Reds" to obscure their participation in the 1866 coup and reemerge as legatees of the Cuza regime.[179]
As reported later by Alecu Holban, by 1874 the Faction had returned to its conspiratorial dealings, again promoting Dabija as Carol's would-be usurper; the planned coup was masterminded by Mârzescu, now recognized as a Factionalist leader, behind Ionescu. Eventually, it also obtained support from "Red" leaders, including Brătianu and
The merger negotiations took years: a definitive alliance, also known as the coalition of "Mozhar Pasha", only transformed itself into the National Liberal Party (PNL) in 1875 or after. According to some accounts, the Faction as a whole joined the coalition, but not the party.[183] In July 1875, Iași's National Liberal Party Committee had among its members Alecu Holban, Ionescu, Șendrea, Tacu, Tzony, Anghel, Ciupercescu, Cobălcescu, Gheorghian, Gheorghiu, Pastia and Negură.[184] Over the following months, some prominent Factionalists or former separatists, including Boldur-Lățescu, C. Corjescu,[185] Sefendache,[186] and Mantu Rufu,[187] openly announced that they were joining the consolidated group as regular members. Other sources suggest that both the urban and rural chapters of the Faction were now "folded into the bosom of the Liberal Party".[188] Rosetti himself was bitter about this rapprochement, noting that the Faction, alongside a liberal current led by George D. Vernescu, reaped all the benefits of the alliance, without enduring any consequence.[189]
The elections of that year created an understanding between Epureanu's "independent conservative" faction and Brătianu, allowing them to govern together.[190] In the electoral sweep of 1876, at least 18 Factionalists, including Ionescu, took seats as PNL deputies[191] (other estimates suggest that between 15 and 26 deputies were Faction affiliates).[192] The PNL's secure victory, and a subsequent rapprochement with Carol, toned down republicanism, which was only expressed by dissenters such as Rosetti and Carada.[193] Dabija's conspiracy also fell apart immediately after Carol agreed to designate Brătianu his Prime Minister.[180] As leader of the Faction, his name absent from the cabinet proposal,[194] Ionescu also continued to voice the old credo, insisting that the republic was "the most liberal, most democratic, most perfect" regime.[195] However, he sent out conciliatory messages to Carol, assuring him that the Faction did not seek to have him appear in court over accusations of corruption.[196] Against the changing consensus, he also defended alleged perpetrators of antisemitic violence.[40]
With Brătianu in charge of government, Ionescu himself served briefly as Vice President of Chamber, under Rosetti.[197] This signaled problems between him and other Factionalists, most of whom opposed Rosetti's policies, preferring to align themselves with Epureanu's followers.[198] Following a government reshuffle, during which the moderates again withdrew and the Faction became an important partner in government,[199] Ionescu was appointed Foreign Minister. The younger Factionalist, Ștefan C. Șendrea, was one of his trusted secretaries.[1] Their policy still differed from the PNL's: Ionescu did not look favorably on the project to shed Ottoman suzerainty, and felt that Romania should declare herself a neutral country.[200] Since the guarantees of the Treaty of Paris would have been voided by independence, he feared that the country would end up under a foreign occupation,[201] and was especially troubled by any empowerment of the Russian Empire.[202] During his time in office, Ionescu also toned down his own protectionism. He supported fixed tariffs against Kogălniceanu's free-trade agenda, but argued that import substitution industrialization generated "bad, overpriced merchandise"; by 1877, he endorsed reciprocal free-trade agreements with the major exporters of Western Europe.[203] In other areas, the Faction took the initiative for asserting Romanian autonomy. By December 1876, Factionalist deputies, led by Andrei Vizanti, submitted a project to set up the National Bank of Romania. The motion, criticized in the press as amateurish, was eventually defeated in that form.[204]
This period in government preceded the Faction's ultimate downfall. Now identified as one of the "center-left" parliamentary leaders, Ionescu parted with the Faction during his tenure, leaving his Moldavian colleagues in Chamber as an unaffiliated group.[205] As early as 1875, Ceaur-Aslan had joined G. Sturdza's branch of the "White" caucus in Iași, though opposing from within the ascendancy of Junimist cadres.[206] In February 1877, Kogălniceanu, Vernescu and other moderates withdrew from the embryonic PNL, leaving it to be taken over by the "Reds"; the Faction remained aligned with the "Mozhar Pasha" group.[207] Its list of adversaries included, from April, a Moderate Liberal Party—formed in Moldavia by Kogălniceanu and Mârzescu, alongside Ciupercescu, Eugeniu Alcaz, and Vasile Conta. Also antisemitic, this new group saw itself as a morally superior alternative on the left, specifically designed to replace the Faction.[208]
Kogălniceanu in particular criticized Ionescu's performance at Foreign Affairs, accusing him of incompetence and of wasting government resources on the Factionalist political machine; he called on Brătianu to renounce his alliance with Ionescu's "insignificant liberal group".[209] He achieved this goal the same month, when he himself took up the position of Foreign Minister.[210] Other Factionalists continued to serve in more minor positions. Gheorghian was Prefect of Iași County, but was constantly pressured by the Moderate Liberals into resigning.[211] Holding a similar position in Covurlui County, Vasile Holban was denounced by prosecutor N. Moscachi of running a dictatorial administration to "satisfy the interests" of his more famous relative, Alecu.[212] The latter's career was explored by Kogălniceanu and Cobălcescu's newspaper, Steaua României, who alleged that Factionalist control over the Iași council had seen Jews turned into regular tax collectors, who were dependent on Holban's whims and paid him protection fees.[213] The "Whites" similarly regarded Factionalist rule as disastrous, noting that adherents of that group had created a spoils system: those who rented from the state were granted rebates; others made fortunes as "middlemen between the state and the Jews".[214]
1878–1879 crisis
Managed by Brătianu and Kogălniceanu, and under a temporary truce between the PNL and the "Whites",
By February 1878, various Factionalists were questioning Ionescu's authority, and considering a merger with either the PNL or the Moderate Liberals.[219] The PNL "Reds" were again nominally allied with the Faction, pushing aside Kogălniceanu—the latter's party sided instead with a Conservative-Liberal group, headed by the old anti-Factionalist G. Sturdza.[220] It also took up the cause of decentralization, while proposing generic protectionism.[221] During the election of April, the PNL list in Iași was headlined by the former Junimist Vasile Alecsandri, with Fătu, Gheorghian, Gheorghiu, Alecu Holban, Pastia, and A. Șendrea among the lesser candidates; Junimea and the Conta–Mârzescu–Ciupercescu group ran on the Conservative-Liberal ticket.[222]
The resulting Chamber only had four or five members not affiliated or allied with the PNL.[223] However, the Faction was in the process of forming the parliamentary opposition. As Minister of the Interior, C. A. Rosetti visited Iași and met with the Factionalist leaders at România Hotel. Fearful of not losing electoral power and hence offices, they vetoed Rosetti's plan to rewrite the constitution.[224] The group restated its belief in regional autonomy, while returning to strongly anti-German and antisemitic language.[221] Ionescu and Alecu Holban staged a renewed effort to have Maiorescu removed from Parliament, this time by citing his appreciation for the philosophical works of Arthur Schopenhauer. Ionescu staged a "trial" of Schopenhauer in Iași; Holban, referring to himself as the voice of a "national, democratic, and liberal party", declared Schopenhauer and Maiorescu as standing for "materialism [...], concubinage, the right of beating people with a whip, contempt for patriotic love and for sentiments of honor."[2]
The debates over antisemitism were soon rekindled by the Congress of Berlin, which asked Romania to naturalize its Jews. The PNL divided itself over the issue, with Alecsandri claiming that the Congress would establish a "new Palestine" in Moldavia.[225] Such quarrels left the Factionalists with an opportunity to recapture of the nationalist vote. However, they found themselves unable to compete with a younger category of antisemitic activists, rallied by Conta.[226] Speaking in October 1878, Alecu Holban noted being "honored to belong [...] to that group which is dubbed a faction, namely the group of free and independent constitutionalists." He and his colleagues, Holban claimed, were not in a rush to see the Jews emancipated: "when things are normal both at home at abroad—that's when we are to solved constitutional, social issues."[227] Tzony took a moderate position, advocating citizenship rights for Jewish war veterans and, "in due time", emancipation for the community as a whole.[228] Ionescu meanwhile objected to the liberalization of citizenship laws, describing the process as a "stain on modern Romanian society",[40] and calling Prime Minister Brătianu a "sold-over to the Israelites".[223] While Rosetti and his Românul advocated a compromise, Ionescu and Vernescu proposed defying the international consensus, even at the risk of Romanian independence not being recognized; they only recommended naturalizing those Jews "who will ask us to".[229]
During the Iași by-elections of November 1878, Factionalists were soundly defeated by the Moderates at Iași—only Pastia was able to win a 3rd-College seat, which he won by a difference of 3 or 4 votes.[214] Consequently, Factionalist clubs opened up to the right-wing opposition. In Brătianu's own words, the PNL was facing the prospect of a new cabinet being formed by "White gentlemen, the Senate opposition, two Factionalists, and two more men I would not know how to describe"; he reacted by calling for new elections in 1879.[223] The Factionalists then endorsed Catargiu's catch-all Conservative Party, and ran on a common list. They stood for naturalization on a case-by-case basis, while the PNL had settled on granting citizenship to all upper-class Jews.[230] Their alliance was defeated, obtaining only 15 seats in Chamber; a full merger between the two parties was not attempted, with the Conservatives noting that they "needed no such grafting."[231] Conservatives and Factionalists were still able to work together in their project for constitutional revision, which resulted in their naturalization principle emerging as triumphant. As one of the participants in this effort, Conservative Pavel Gorgos argues that the Faction had effectively ended its political existence upon reaching this core objective.[232]
Final splits
By January 1880, with most of the Moderate Liberals absorbed into the PNL,[233] Ionescu and some who had debuted with the Faction, including Ștefan Șendrea, joined Vernescu's own Sincere Liberal Party, which sought to reclaim the middle-class vote.[1][234] Ionescu was for a while a member of the Central Committee of that party,[235] which was sometimes referred to as the "Vernescu–Ionescu liberal faction".[229] According to seething diary entries by Domnitor Carol, in 1881 Catargiu, Vernescu and Ionescu had formed "something like a party", and were filibustering in Chamber against PNL laws.[235] From March 1880, the surviving Factionalists, or "independent liberals", rallied around a new daily newspaper called Mișcarea Națională ("National Movement").[236] It was managed by Tacu and his younger disciple, Constantin "Coco" Dimitrescu-Iași, and espoused strongly anti-government sentiments, being critical of Brătianu's "Byzantinism".[51]
Although allied with Vernescu against the PNL, the Faction remained an independent group in the 1880 legislature, with Alecu Holban serving as deputy for
From 1880, the PNL chapters in Moldavia had begun a focused campaign to "coerce [the Faction] into merging with the National Liberal party."[243] As a sign of this rapprochement, in 1882 several old Factionalist parliamentarians, including Ionescu, supported measures to fold the Civic Guard into the regular army.[244] The group survived at Iași, and, during local elections in January 1883, proposed a list that included (in descending order) Pastia, Teodor Tăutu, A. Șendrea, Tacu, Anghel, and Ștefan Emilian.[245] In June of that year, Carol, now King of Romania, visited Iași, with the old Factionalist allies Cernat, Chițu and Hasdeu at his side; the banquet was attended by Voinov.[246] PNL recruitment was resisted by more conservative Factionalists ahead of the 1883 national campaign; they supported Kogălniceanu's effort to establish another national third party, called Unified Opposition Committees.[247] Ionescu was also drawn into this alliance: during the January 1886 by-elections of Putna County, he joined Kogălniceanu in canvassing votes for the opposition candidates.[248] In early 1887, this Iași-centered movement was headed by Alecu C. Mavrocordat. Its affiliates included the Corjescus, Anghel, Ceaur-Aslan, Iamandi, Mârzescu and Tzony, alongside young leftists such as Alexandru Bădărău and George Panu.[249]
Before the election of 1884, Tacu, Ștefan Șendrea, Gheorghiu and their colleagues had left the Faction to take up PNL seats in Chamber, being criticized by the anti-Brătianu camp for their quick transformation into disciplined party cadres.[51][250] According to Conservative reports, in 1887 the Faction still existed as a distinct chapter within the PNL "collective", kept alive by the spoils system and working to "falsify public opinion" on the side of the PNL.[251] The Opposition Committees mounted the anti-PNL campaign in preparation for the January 1888 election, forming the Iași League of Resistance. In addition to the older affiliates of the Committees, League members included Alecu Holban and Pogor.[252] Mârzescu voiced the group's criticism of Carol whom he accused of validating PNL-ist corruption.[253] Also in 1887, remnants of the Faction heckled Carol as he returned for a visit to Iași.[254]
Ionescu still held a deputy's seat at Roman in 1884, returning to Chamber for a final term in the
Ceaur-Aslan and Ionescu mounted the opposition against a Junimist cabinet under Theodor Rosetti, who proposed a limited land reform to calm peasant uprisings in Ilfov County. As such, in March 1889 they were the only two of 139 deputies to vote against the law, with Ceaur-Aslan arguing that its land grants would have been insufficient.[261] Ionescu asked for a formal inquiry into the revolt—although he also supported the cabinet's focus on a balanced budget.[262] By then, Ionescu's own son Eugen had joined Junimea's parliamentary group.[258] Alecu Holban also took that road, reemerging as one of Carp's foremost "devotees" in Iași.[2] He also joined the Conservative Party—which, after absorbing Vernescu's group, was styled "Liberal-Conservative Party". In this capacity, he spoke out against the Iași socialists, identifying them as proxies for the PNL.[263] He also backed the Junimist approach to land redistribution. This policy was central to his platform for the April 1889 by-election for Roman's 3rd College, which he won by a large margin against the socialist Vasile Morțun.[264]
Posterity
During early 1889, Catargiu formed a new Conservative cabinet that excluded the Junimists. Holban was offered the
Also in 1890, Gheorghian stepped down as the PNL leader in Iași, leaving his seat open for competition between Ștefan Șendrea, Vizanti, and Colonel Petrovan.[270] Ceaur-Aslan, Corjescu and Tzony joined Mârzescu and Constantin Langa in taking seats as Conservative allies during the May 1891 election, which also marked a temporary split between the Conservatives and Junimea.[271] Officially, their association was a "League for the Defense of Moldavia's Interests".[272] The Junimist paper Era Nouă argued that this group, derisively designated as Liga-Langa (the "Langa League"), was a front for Mârzescu's political machine, disguised as serving regionalism and the "Moldavian interests".[271] This group participated in the subsequent county and communal elections, but was voluntarily dissolved (despite Corjescu's attempts to revive it) around October 1891.[273] Langa's partisans argued that the League had been brought down by "secretive intrigues" (uneltiri ascunse).[272]
Nationalist-liberal discourse was still at the center of Ceaur-Aslan's politics. He focused on questioning the Conservative administration's policies on immigration, insisting that measures be taken "to defend the borders and keep out foreign Jews"; he also proposed defeating Jewish retailers with state-sponsored county fairs.[274] He was reelected as a Conservative ally in the race of February 1892, but "unable to find a place in any of today's parties", stood as an independent antisemite.[259] In that context, Ceaur-Aslan began circulating claims that Romanian Jews were a "political, economic, and commercial association"—and, according to the Jewish community weekly Egalitatea, never provided verifiable evidence to support them.[275] During 1896, he proposed legislation that would have made one's house an inalienable piece of property. As argued at the time by Era Nouă, Ceaur-Aslan was courting the debt-stricken electorate ("What could be more popular in this country than helping the small owner with evading his debt payments?"), while also creating issues for the mainly Jewish creditors.[276] That year, Ceaur-Aslan joined Nicolae Fleva's parliamentary faction, which called for the enactment of "liberal reforms";[277] by 1897, he was a noted proponent of universal suffrage.[278]
In contrast, Alecu Holban, who still regarded himself as the Factionalist leader,[279] moved farther to the right and, by 1894, was one of the Conservative bosses in Iași—alongside Junimists such as Pogor and the Negruzzis.[280] In the late 1890s, old Factionalists Mârzescu and Ștefan Șendrea also embraced a conservative and monarchist platform, joining Petre S. Aurelian's Drapelul group of PNL dissidents.[281] Withdrawn from active politics to serve as a functionary for the Court of Cassation, Tacu died in October 1895.[282] Tzony also died, vacating his senatorial seat, in March 1898.[283] Soon after, Vizanti disappeared from public life: a habitual gambler, he had embezzled funds allocated for the Kogălniceanu Statue, and escaped prosecution by resettling in America.[284] Reports from July 1899 suggest that he had eloped with a young woman from Reading, Pennsylvania, and had joined in the Klondike Gold Rush.[285]
In 1902 (the year of Ceaur-Aslan's retirement and death),[260] Hasdeu wrote the Faction's epitaph, noting that it had burned its "rather short fuse", whereas Junimea, being able to canvass outside Moldavia, "lasted longer."[286] Ionescu Sr died in Bradu in January 1905, being commemorated as the "soul of the 'free and independent faction' group, and thereafter a steadfast national liberal".[287] Some two years later, A. C. Cuza, leader of the antisemitic trend in Moldavia, revisited Ionescu and Holban's stances with an article called "Our Folks".[180] In 1912, having established his own Democratic Nationalist Party (PND), Cuza openly deplored the Faction's demise—since, in the wake of Bărnuțianism, Iași's youth had come under the influence of "anarchic socialism".[288] According to PNL monarchists, the aged Holban was allowed by the Conservatives to publish "the most egregious attacks on our Sovereign [Carol]", whenever these were politically suitable—but only until 1911, when he was left entirely isolated in that party.[289] In 1913, he issued his old press contributions, including his 1864 antisemitic piece, as a brochure—seen by Opinia newspaper as an attempt to "reconnect with current affairs."[22]
Holban survived the early stages of World War I and Romanian participation in it. He died in May 1917 at Iași,[290] which was at the time the provisional capital—with all of southern Romania having been occupied by the Central Powers. From late 1918, a series of events which reversed the situation also led to the establishment of a Greater Romania. Some tenets of Factionalist politics were still being upheld by Cuza and the PND. During the 1919 elections, Cuza formed an alliance with the Brotherhood of Unified Moldavia (FMU), which raised awareness about the region's decline in the centralized state.[291] The FMU, seen by the National Liberals as a "political platform" for the PND,[292] included the old Factionalist Poni, who now called for a "moral decentralization" of Romania and a curb on French cultural imports.[293] Reflecting on Cuza's other policies, Apostol Stan describes the PND as in effect the Faction's successor, similarly encouraged by a "continuously rising" Jewish presence and by a perceived need to contain socialist influence.[294] Its activity helped rekindle antisemitism, leading up to the Iași pogrom of 1941. As argued in 1948 by Jewish researcher Matatias Carp, this drift into extreme violence was a direct result of a "poison [which] ate away soul and conscience for over three quarters of a century", leading back to Ionescu and Ceaur-Aslan.[295]
Notes
- ^ România Liberă, December 6 (18), 1886, p. 2
- ^ a b c Academicus, "Fapte și idei. Schopenhauer-iana", in România, August 8, 1938, p. 2
- ^ a b Liviu Rotman, "Un proiect de lege din 1871 privind protecția monumentelor", in Revista Muzeelor și Monumentelor, Vol. 1, 1975, p. 61
- ^ Scurtu, p. 154; Totu, pp. 123–124
- ^ Marton, p. 26. See also Hasdeu & Eliade, p. 301
- ^ Panu, pp. 12–13
- ^ Maiorescu, p. 97
- ^ Gafița, p. 98; Marton, p. 144; Panu, pp. 13–14; Xenopol, pp. 504–506
- ^ Gafița, pp. 97–98; Puiu (2010), pp. 219, 221, 224, 228; Xenopol, pp. 504–506
- ^ Maiorescu, pp. 77–78, 98; Scurtu, p. 154
- ^ Maiorescu, pp. 78–79, 98; Marton, p. 144; Puiu (2010), p. 221, 228–229; Scurtu, p. 154; Xenopol, p. 505
- ^ Liviu Chiscop, "Primul periodic băcăuan. Santinela de Bacău", in Ateneu, Vol. 30, Issue 6, June 1993, p. 5
- ^ Ornea, p. 253
- ^ Puiu (2010), p. 219
- ^ Marton, pp. 30–31, 241; Scurtu, p. 154; Știrbăț, "Marea formațiune...", pp. 128–130, 142
- ^ a b Puiu (2010), p. 220
- ^ Puiu (2011), pp. 100, 103–104; Xenopol, pp. 504, 525
- ^ Gafița, pp. 91–95
- ^ Gafița, pp. 95–96
- ^ Stoian, p. 102
- ^ Marton, p. 12
- ^ a b "Nota zilei", in Opinia, March 22, 1913, p. 1
- ^ Maiorescu, pp. 76–77, 515; Panu, pp. 13–14; Xenopol, p. 505
- ^ Xenopol, pp. 503, 506
- ^ Oprișan, passim
- ^ Oprișan, pp. 152–153, 154, 156–157
- ^ Maiorescu, pp. 9–10
- ^ Butnaru, p. 531; Marton, p. 146; Puiu (2011), p. 102; Xenopol, p. 506. See also Stan, pp. 40–41
- ^ Butnaru, pp. 529–531
- ^ a b Puiu (2011), p. 99
- ^ Xenopol, p. 479
- ^ Maiorescu, pp. 13–14, 329; Xenopol, pp. 482–500. See also Balan, pp. 70–71; Chelcu, p. 572; Marton, p. 146
- ^ Xenopol, pp. 492, 496–498
- ^ Xenopol, pp. 489–499
- ^ Hasdeu & Eliade, p. 269
- ^ Hasdeu & Eliade, p. 301
- ^ Puiu (2010), pp. 220, 228. See also Scurtu, p. 154
- ^ Antonovici, pp. XIV–XVII, 258
- ^ Stan, p. 71
- ^ a b c d Puiu (2010), p. 224
- ^ Xenopol, pp. 510–512. See also Ancel, p. 428
- ^ Știrbăț, "Partidul...", p. 112
- ^ Xenopol, pp. 518–519, 570
- ^ Gafița, p. 98
- ^ Stan, pp. 43–45
- ^ Brătescu, pp. 22–24; Maiorescu, pp. 19, 80; Ornea, p. 253; Puiu (2010), pp. 225–226; Stan, p. 72; Știrbăț, "Marea formațiune...", pp. 134–135
- ^ Marton, p. 26; Puiu (2010), pp. 225–226; Știrbăț, "Marea formațiune...", pp. 125, 128
- ^ Marton, pp. 26, 143–148
- ^ Gafița, p. 99
- ^ Puiu (2010), p. 223 and (2011), pp. 100, 103
- ^ a b c Alecu D. Holban, "Masca jos!", in Epoca, October 1 (13), 1886, pp. 1–2
- ^ Hasdeu & Eliade, p. 112
- ^ Puiu (2010), pp. 222–223; Xenopol, pp. 525–528
- ^ Hasdeu & Eliade, p. 113; Stan, pp. 54–55
- ^ Hasdeu & Eliade, p. 113
- ^ Marton, p. 243
- ^ Puiu (2011), p. 104
- ^ Marton, pp. 32, 174–175, 244; Puiu (2010), p. 222 and (2011), pp. 103–104; Xenopol, pp. 535–538
- ^ Puiu (2010), p. 222 and (2011), pp. 103–104
- ^ Marton, p. 263; Puiu (2010), p. 222 and (2011), pp. 103–104; Stan, p. 59
- ^ Stan, p. 59
- ^ Maiorescu, p. 12
- ^ Puiu (2011), pp. 99–100
- ^ Scurtu, p. 298
- ^ Brătescu, pp. 14–21; Marton, pp. 75–76, 183, 191; Puiu (2010), pp. 217–218; Știrbăț, "Marea formațiune...", pp. 122–125, 128
- ^ Puiu (2010), p. 217; Știrbăț, "Marea formațiune...", pp. 125, 128
- ^ Jean N. Mănescu, "Acvila României: simbol heraldic unitar al statului român modern", in Magazin Istoric, April 1991, p. 34
- ^ Brătescu, pp. 14–15; Marton, pp. 75–76, 143–144, 153, 191–200, 285; Puiu (2010), pp. 217–219, 225–226; Știrbăț, "Marea formațiune...", pp. 122–125, 128. See also Maiorescu, pp. 80, 439, 515–517; Panu, p. 99; Totu, pp. 123–147
- ^ Puiu (2010), p. 218
- ^ "Bucurescĭ 13/15 Florarŭ", in Romanulu, May 14, 1867, p. 393
- ^ Marton, pp. 191–200; Scurtu, p. 299
- ^ Scurtu, p. 299
- ^ a b "Revista politica", in Ghimpele, Issue 4/1868, p. 1
- ^ "Bucurescĭ 28 Îndrea 1867/9 Cărindariŭ 1868", in Romanulu, December 25–29, 1867, p. 1105; "D–luĭ Redactore alŭ d̦iaruluĭ Românulŭ", in Romanulu, January 1–3, 1868, p. 3
- ^ Brătescu, pp. 21–22
- ^ Marton, p. 32
- ^ Marton, pp. 24, 155
- ^ Balan, p. 68; Brătescu, pp. 15–22; Gafița, pp. 97–98; Maiorescu, pp. 515–517; Puiu (2010), pp. 221–222, 225–226; Știrbăț, "Marea formațiune...", p. 125; Totu, pp. 123–124
- ^ Brătescu, p. 22
- ^ Xenopol, p. 519
- ^ Maiorescu, pp. 49–50
- ^ Maiorescu, p. 45; Săteanu, p. 169
- ^ Marton, p. 143
- ^ "Principatele române unite", in Telegrafulu Romanu, Issue 55/1866, p. 419; Puiu (2010), p. 224 and (2011), p. 101
- ^ Marton, pp. 144, 147
- ^ Marton, pp. 147–149, 153–154
- ^ "Proclamațiune", in Romanulu, July 9, 1867, p. 569; "Principatele române unite", in Telegrafulu Romanu, Issue 56/1867, p. 224
- ^ Gheorghe Sibechi, "Din istoricul tipografiilor băcăuane pînă la 1918", in Carpica, Vol. XIV, 1982, p. 245
- ^ "Gazetta Moldova séŭ Sibila depe stenca d-luĭ Rosnovanu", in Romanulu, June 16, 1867, pp. 497–498
- ^ Stoian, pp. 109–110
- ^ Puiu (2010), pp. 218, 225–226 and (2011), pp. 107–109
- ^ Marton, pp. 147, 258–261, 263
- ^ Maiorescu, pp. 130–138
- ^ Totu, pp. 140–145
- ^ Brătescu, p. 23, See also Puiu (2010), p. 226
- ^ Puiu (2010), pp. 219–220, 228
- ^ Știrbăț, "Partidul...", p. 102
- Editura Tineretului, 1966; Săteanu, pp. 172–173
- ^ Hasdeu & Eliade, pp. 301–303; Maiorescu, pp. 21, 48–50, 73–84; Marton, pp. 160–163; Ornea, pp. 77–78, 252–258
- ^ Maiorescu, pp. 78–80, 99–109, 515–526
- ^ Balan, passim; Marton, pp. 154–160
- ^ Gafița, pp. 98, 100–101; Hasdeu & Eliade, pp. 301, 303; Marton, p. 155; Ornea, p. 253
- ^ Maiorescu, p. 19. See also Știrbăț, "Marea formațiune...", pp. 124–125
- ^ Gafița, pp. 97–102; Ghenghea, p. 116; Marton, p. 146; Ornea, p. 253; Panu, pp. 18–19, 26–29, 45–46, 48, 57, 64–65, 73, 105, 113; Puiu (2010), p. 227; Săteanu, pp. 7–12, 38–39, 42, 254, 331; Știrbăț, "Marea formațiune...", p. 125 and "Partidul...", p. 102
- ^ Balan, p. 71; Gafița, p. 101. See also Panu, p. 73
- ^ Gafița, p. 100; Săteanu, pp. 10–12
- ^ Maiorescu, pp. 439–440; Săteanu, pp. 7–9
- ^ Gafița, pp. 101–102; Panu, pp. 27–29
- ^ Panu, p. 73
- ^ Brătescu, pp. 26–27; Marton, pp. 24, 28–29, 33, 74–76, 200–202. See also Maiorescu, pp. 19–20
- ^ Brătescu, pp. 25–26
- ^ Puiu (2011), p. 101
- ^ "Romani'a. Adunarea deputatiloru. Sedinti'a de la 26 aprilie 8 maiu 1868", in Federatiunea, Issue 68/1868, p. 268
- ^ Puiu (2010), pp. 216–217, 218; Știrbăț, "Marea formațiune...", pp. 124–125, 128
- ^ Marton, pp. 23–25, 200–201, 215–219. See also Scurtu, p. 299
- ^ Marton, pp. 201–219, 238–241, 286; Săteanu, p. 355
- ^ a b "Corespondența politică din 1869 urmată între Ministru [sic] de interne Mihai Kogălniceanu și G. Mârzescu, prefectul județului Iași", in Mișcarea, September 16 (29), 1909, p. 1
- ^ Săteanu, p. 355
- ^ Hasdeu & Eliade, pp. 268–269
- ^ Hasdeu & Eliade, pp. 271–272
- ^ Hasdeu & Eliade, pp. 270–273
- ^ Marton, pp. 23–25
- ^ Puiu (2010), p. 221 and (2011), p. 111
- ^ Marton, pp. 26–28, 144–146
- ^ Marton, p. 255
- Gazet'a Transilvaniei, Issue 23/1869, pp. 3–4
- ^ Marton, pp. 28–30, 157–158, 173, 221, 284–287
- ^ Hasdeu & Eliade, p. 274; Marton, pp. 153, 221–241; Stan, p. 75
- ^ Hasdeu & Eliade, p. 274
- ^ Hasdeu & Eliade, p. 275
- ^ Hasdeu & Eliade, p. 276
- ^ Marton, p. 221–222. See also Scurtu, p. 299
- ^ Marton, p. 264
- ^ Puiu (2010), p. 226
- ^ "Nedreptatea d-lui Sefendache", in Ghimpele, Issue 29/1869, p. 3
- ^ Marton, pp. 223–225
- ^ Totu, p. 239
- ^ Marton, pp. 17, 33–34, 133–136
- ^ Hasdeu & Eliade, p. 280
- ^ Marton, pp. 246, 247–250, 264
- ^ Hasdeu & Eliade, pp. 285–287, 311–312; Maiorescu, pp. 19–26; Marton, pp. 42–69, 91–95, 124–132; Puiu (2011), p. 102; Totu, pp. 239–244
- ^ Marton, pp. 145–146, 153–154
- ^ Marton, pp. 258–259, 263
- ^ a b Puiu (2011), p. 102
- ISBN 978-973-8369-21-4
- ^ Stan, pp. 71, 80–81; Marton, pp. 145–146
- ^ Marton, pp. 250–252, 268–270; Stan, pp. 75–76. See also Hasdeu & Eliade, pp. 289–295
- ^ Marton, pp. 141, 166, 264–272
- ^ Marton, pp. 268–272, 281. See also Puiu (2010), pp. 220–221
- ^ Maiorescu, pp. 26–36, 247, 486–487; Marton, pp. 138, 272–284; Mocanu, passim
- ^ Th. I. Focșăneanul, "Stroĭe Corbeanul de Alexandru Lazarescul (Laerțiŭ). Operă postumă, precedată de viața și operele luĭ. (Urmare)", in Revista Literară, Issue 9/1892, pp. 142–143
- ^ "Revista politică", in Ghimpele, Issue 2/1868, p. 1
- ^ Marton, pp. 138, 274–275, 282. See also Mocanu, passim; Puiu (2010), p. 218
- ^ Maiorescu, pp. 27–36; Marton, pp. 279–281
- ^ Stan, pp. 83, 85
- ^ Marton, pp. 280–284
- ^ Mocanu, p. 175. See also Cuza, p. 46
- ^ Maiorescu, pp. 41–42
- ^ Stan, p. 104
- ^ Maiorescu, pp. 54–71, 320–334; Ornea, pp. 258–262, 264–265
- ^ Hasdeu & Eliade, p. 297; Maiorescu, pp. 65–66, 69; Ornea, p. 259
- ^ Puiu (2010), p. 226; Știrbăț, "Marea formațiune...", p. 121
- ^ Marton, pp. 13–15, 138–139
- ^ Hasdeu & Eliade, pp. 295–297
- ^ Marton, pp. 13–15, 165–173
- ^ Maiorescu, pp. 73–109, 234–240, 285–287, 342–384, 439–476, 504–528; Panu, p. 113; Puiu (2010), p. 227 and (2011), pp. 111–114; Ornea, pp. 262–269; Stan, pp. 104–105. See also Știrbăț, "Marea formațiune...", p. 125
- ^ Maiorescu, pp. 518–521
- ^ Maiorescu, pp. 114–123; Ornea, p. 264
- ^ Marton, pp. 147–149
- ^ Maiorescu, pp. 214–227. See also Puiu (2011), pp. 103–104
- ^ Ghenghea, pp. 116–118. See also Săteanu, pp. 68–69
- ^ Ghenghea, p. 117
- ^ a b Puiu (2010), p. 222 and (2011), p. 105
- ^ Maiorescu, pp. 186–192
- ^ Puiu (2011), pp. 105–107
- ^ Hasdeu & Eliade, pp. 297–300; Marton, pp. 281, 286–287; Puiu (2010), p. 226; Știrbăț, "Marea formațiune...", pp. 121–126
- ^ Hasdeu & Eliade, pp. 298–300. See also Panu, p. 105; Scurtu, p. 154; Știrbăț, "Marea formațiune...", p. 121
- ^ Mihalache, pp. 83, 85–86
- ^ Mihalache, p. 83
- ^ a b c Cuza, p. 46
- ^ "Bucurescĭ, 25 Octombre", in Telegraphul, October 26, 1873, p. 1
- ^ "Budapesta, in 11 sept. n. 1874. Referintiele partideloru si spiritulu actualei Camere in Romania", in Albina, Issue 65/1874, p. 1
- ^ Știrbăț, "Marea formațiune...", pp. 124–136 and "Partidul...", pp. 102, 105–111
- ^ "Bucuresci, 27 Iuliŭ 1875", in Telegraphul, July 28, 1875, p. 2
- ^ "Programa partitei naționale-liberale. Adesiunĭ", in Telegraphul, June 28, 1875, p. 2
- ^ "Citim în Românul: Comitatele partiteĭ naționale-liberale", in Alegĕtorul Liber, August 6, 1875, p. 2
- ^ "Programa partidelor naționale-liberale. Aderărĭ", in Alegĕtorul Liber, August 20, 1875, pp. 2–3
- ^ a b Puiu (2010), p. 227
- ^ Știrbăț (2013), p. 198
- ^ Ornea, pp. 269, 272–275; Știrbăț, "Marea formațiune...", pp. 125–126. See also Maiorescu, pp. 192, 256–257, 320–334, 521–522, 580–582
- ^ Puiu (2010), p. 227; Scurtu, p. 300
- ^ Știrbăț (2013), pp. 201–202
- ^ Marton, pp. 138–143, 166
- ^ Știrbăț, "Marea formațiune...", p. 132
- ^ Puiu (2010), p. 221 and (2011), p. 102
- ^ Stan, p. 121
- ^ Puiu (2011), p. 99; Știrbăț (2013), p. 202
- ^ Știrbăț (2013), p. 202
- ^ Știrbăț, "Marea formațiune...", pp. 135–136; Știrbăț (2013), p. 205
- ^ Gafița, pp. 91, 102; Puiu (2010), pp. 225, 227, 229 and (2011), pp. 109–110; Știrbăț, "Marea formațiune...", pp. 135–137; Știrbăț (2013), p. 205
- ^ Puiu (2010), p. 225 and (2011), p. 109
- ^ Gafița, p. 103
- ^ Puiu (2011), pp. 106–107
- ^ Puiu (2011), p. 106
- ^ Știrbăț, "Marea formațiune...", p. 129
- ^ "Bucurescĭ, 8 Februariŭ, 1876", in Alegĕtorul Liber, February 9, 1876, p. 1
- ^ Știrbăț, "Marea formațiune...", pp. 128–129, 135
- ^ Știrbăț, "Partidul...", pp. 114–117, 127
- ^ Știrbăț, "Partidul...", pp. 108–111, 114–115
- ^ Știrbăț, "Marea formațiune...", pp. 137–138 and "Partidul...", pp. 110–111, 114–115
- ^ Știrbăț, "Marea formațiune...", p. 141 and "Partidul...", pp. 117, 126
- ^ N. Moscachi, "Scrisoare adresată Timpului", in Timpul, April 8, 1878, p. 3
- ^ Alcibiade, "Epizoduri din domnia fracțiunei", in Steaua României, October 26, 1878, pp. 1–2
- ^ a b "Iași, 11 Noemvre 1878", in Steaua României, November 12, 1878, p. 1
- ^ Ornea, pp. 270–271
- ^ Puiu (2010), p. 225 and (2011), p. 109; Știrbăț, "Marea formațiune...", p. 140
- ^ Știrbăț, "Marea formațiune...", p. 140
- ^ Totu, p. 251
- ^ Știrbăț, "Marea formațiune...", p. 141
- ^ Știrbăț, "Partidul...", pp. 123–125
- ^ a b Stan, p. 146
- ^ Săteanu, pp. 38–39. See also Stan, p. 146
- ^ Gazet'a Transilvaniei, Issue 76/1879, p. 3
- ^ Știrbăț, "Partidul...", p. 123
- ^ Ancel, pp. 428–429
- Viața Romînească, Issues 10–11–12/1915, pp. 56–62
- ^ "Adunarea Deputaților. Sesiunea estraordinară. Ședința din 30 Septembre 1878", in Monitorul Oficial, Issue 220/1878, p. 5624
- ^ "Bucuresci, 27 Iuniu", in Telegraphul, June 28, 1879, p. 1
- ^ a b "Revista diuaristica", in Gazet'a Transilvaniei, Issue 72/1879, p. 3
- ^ Gorgos, p. 1
- România Liberă, June 18, 1880, p. 3
- ^ Gorgos, p. 2
- ^ Știrbăț, "Partidul...", pp. 126–127
- ^ Puiu (2011), p. 110; Scurtu, p. 154; Știrbăț, "Marea formațiune...", p. 129. See also Gorgos, p. 2; Stan, pp. 146, 151
- ^ a b Puiu (2011), p. 110
- ^ "Cronica locală", in Curierul. Foaea Intereselor Generale, Vol. VIII, Issue 26, March 1880, p. 3
- România Liberă, February 17, 1880, pp. 1, 3; Gorgos, p. 2
- ^ Ancel, p. 428
- ^ Puiu (2011), pp. 105, 110–111
- ^ Puiu (2011), pp. 102, 108. See also Stan, pp. 131–133
- ^ Stan, pp. 132–133
- ^ L. Gîrbea, "Asupra învățămîntuluĭ la noĭ", in Contemporanul, Issue 10/1888, pp. 307–311
- ^ Antonovici, p. XV
- ^ Totu, pp. 280–288
- ^ "Pentru Consiliul Comunal", in Curierul. Foaea Intereselor Generale, Vol. XI, Issue 6, January 1883, p. 1
- ^ "Serbarea dela Iași", in Telegraful Român, Issue 68/1883, pp. 272–273
- ^ Dan Simonescu, "Opere ale lui M. Kogălniceanu necunoscute", in Studii. Revistă de Istorie, Vol. 19, Issue 5, 1966, p. 868. See also Stan, pp. 151–152
- ^ "Alegerile sub d. I. Brătianu. La Focșanĭ", in Epoca, January 21, 1886, p. 1
- ^ "Ultime informații", in Epoca, December 21, 1886 (January 12, 1887), p. 3; Alecu C. Mavrocordat et al., "Manifest", in Lupta, April 22, 1887, p. 1
- ^ "Noua Constituție", in Lupta, July 26, 1884, pp. 1–2
- ^ Tutoveanu, "Din districte. Alegerile de la Bêrlad, IV", in Epoca, June 2 (14), 1887, pp. 2–3
- ^ "Comitetul central al opozițiuneĭ din Iașĭ", in Epoca, December 9 (21), 1881, p. 1
- ^ "Alegerile județene. Atitudinea opozițiunei", in Epoca, May 3 (15), 1887, pp. 1–2
- ^ Cuza, p. 44
- ^ Puiu (2011), pp. 99–100, 102
- ^ Scurtu, p. 158
- ^ Stan, pp. 163, 171, 188
- ^ România Liberă, April 6 (18), 1889, p. 1
- ^ a b Fox, "Instantanee. Nicu Ceaur-Aslan", in Adevĕrul, March 5, 1893, p. 1
- ^ a b "Cronica zilei. Răposați", in Tribuna, Issue 229/1902, p. 915
- ^ "Corpurile legiuitoare"; "Ultime informațiuni", in Epoca, March 5 (17), 1889, p. 3
- ^ Puiu (2011), pp. 107, 110–111
- ^ "Mișcarea electorală. Iașĭ. Intrunirea liberal-conservatoare", in Epoca, October 6 (18), 1888, p. 3
- ^ "Informațiuni" and "Ultime informațiuni", in Epoca, April 2 (14), 1889, p. 3
- România Liberă, March 31 (April 12), 1889, p. 1
- ^ Cuza, pp. 44–45, 46
- ^ "Hora Unirei", in Epoca, September 30 (October 12), 1888, p. 3
- ^ Stan, p. 218
- ^ Gafița, pp. 103–107
- ^ "Din Iașĭ", in Adevĕrul, August 26, 1890, p. 3
- ^ a b "Liga-Langa", in Era Nouă, Vol. II, Issue 85, May 1891, pp. 1–2
- ^ a b "Lt. Colonel C. Langa", in Fulgerul, December 22, 1914, pp. 1–2
- ^ Iassiensis, "Liga-Langa rediviva!? (Coresp. specială)", in Adevĕrul, October 19, 1891, p. 1
- Gazeta Transilvaniei, Issue 136/1891, pp. 1–2
- ^ Ploeșteanu, "A vorbit...", in Egalitatea, Issue 24/1891, p. 189
- ^ "Legea căminului", in Era Nouă, Vol. VII, Issue 330, January 1896, p. 2
- ^ "Din carnetul săptămănei [sic]", in Era Nouă, Vol. VII, Issue 332, February 1896, p. 2
- ^ Stan, p. 229
- ^ Scurtu, p. 154
- ^ Șuțu, pp. 1–4, 8, 14, 120–121
- ^ Stan, pp. 224–225
- ^ "Din localitate", in Ecoul Moldovei, October 5, 1895, p. 3
- ^ "Ultime informații", in Opinia, March 24, 1898, p. 3
- ^ Liviu Papuc, "Oamenii din spatele testamentelor. Locot.-colonel Constantin Langa", in Expres Cultural, Vol. I, Issue 2, February 2017, p. 16. See also Șuțu, p. 96
- ^ "Ce a devenit Vizanti", in Opinia, July 9, 1899, p. 1
- ^ Hasdeu & Eliade, pp. 301–302
- ^ "†Neculai Ionescu", in Ecoul Moldovei, January 27, 1905, p. 2
- ^ Șt. P. Moldovanu, "Scrisoare din Iași. Aniversarea 'luptei pentru limba românească'", in Românul (Arad), Issue 63/1912, p. 6
- ^ "Greceniștii și Coroana", in Mișcarea, May 4, 1911, p. 1
- ^ "Informații. A. D. Holban", in Opinia, May 5, 1917, p. 1
- ISBN 978-973-46-7993-5; Chelcu, passim
- ^ "Acțiunea Societăței 'Frăția Moldovei Unite' din Iași", in Viitorul, May 19, 1919, p. 1
- ^ Chelcu, pp. 575–577
- ^ Stan, p. 330
- ^ Ancel, pp. 427–428
References
- ISBN 973-681-799-7
- OCLC 895494408
- Dinu Balan, "«La question juive» dans la premiere partie de l'anée 1868. Une perspective conservatrice: la gazette Terra", in Codrul Cosminului, Issue 14, 2008, pp. 63–76.
- Liviu Brătescu, "Căderea guvernului liberal-radical (1867–1868). Un episod al problemei evreiești din România", in Vasile Ciobanu, Sorin Radu (eds.), Partide politice și minorități naționale din România în secolul XX, Vol. III, pp. 12–28. Sibiu: TechnoMedia, 2008. ISBN 978-973-739-261-9
- Adrian Butnaru, "Reprezentanți de seamă ai familiei Iamandi în preajma și după Unirea Principatelor Române", in Revista Istorică, Vol. XXII, Issues 5–6, September–December 2011, pp. 525–536.
- Marius Chelcu, "Un memoriu al ieșenilor la sfârșitul Marelui Război. Îngrijorările și speranțele unui nou început", in Analele Științifice ale Universității Alexandru Ioan Cuza din Iași. Istorie, Vol. LXIV, Special Issue: "Marea Unire a românilor (1918)—Istorie și actualitate", 2018, pp. 571–589.
- A. C. Cuza, "Întâmplări din viață... Povești cu și despre rege", in Magazin Istoric, July 1995, pp. 43–46.
- Irina Gafița, "Nicolae Ionescu și contemporanii săi", in Buletinul Cercurilor Științifice Studențești, Arheologie–Istorie–Muzeologie, Issues 17–18, 2011–2012, pp. 91–108.
- Mircea-Cristian Ghenghea, "'Nicu Gane asfalta' — începuturile lucrărilor edilitare din Iași (1872–1873) reflectate în paginile Curierului de Iași", in Anuarul Muzeului Literaturii Române Iași, Vol. V, 2012, pp. 115–119.
- Pavel Gorgos, "Amintiri politico-electorale. Alegerile de altă-dată față de cele de azi", in Lupta, August 13, 1927, pp. 1–2.
- OCLC 45702309
- Titu Maiorescu, Discursuri parlamentare cu priviri asupra desvoltării politice a Romaniei sub domnia lui Carol I. Volumul I: 1866–1876. Bucharest: Editura Librăriei Socecŭ & Comp., 1897.
- Silvia Marton, "Republica de la Ploiești" și începuturile parlamentarismului în România. Bucharest: ISBN 978-973-50-5160-0
- Andi Mihalache, "Rituri funerare și retorici patrimoniale: înmormântarea lui Al. I. Cuza", in Xenopoliana, Vol. XIV, Issues 1–4, 2006, pp. 76–108.
- Sorin Mocanu, "Elemente ale civilizației occidentale: căile ferate", in Viorica S. Constantinescu, Cornelia Viziteu (eds.), Studii eminescologice, Vol. 6, pp. 171–186. Cluj-Napoca: Clusium, 2004. ISBN 973-555-413-5
- I. Oprișan, "Addenda 1. Receptarea critică a revistei în timp", in ISBN 978-973-642-280-5
- ISBN 973-21-0562-3
- George Panu, Amintiri de la 'Junimea' din Iași. Volumul I. Bucharest: Editura Remus Cioflec, 1942.
- Adrian-Nicolae Puiu,
- "O dizidență liberală: fracțiunea liberă și independentă de la Iași", in Suceava. Anuarul Muzeului Bucovinei, Vol. XXXVII, 2010, pp. 209–230.
- "Nicolae Ionescu – Activitatea parlamentară", in Suceava. Anuarul Muzeului Bucovinei, Vol. XXXVIII, 2011, pp. 97–114.
- Cornel Săteanu, Figuri din "Junimea". Bucharest: Editura Bucovina, ca. 1932. OCLC 889568088
- Ioan Scurtu (ed.), Enciclopedia partidelor politice din România, 1859–2003. Bucharest: Editura Meronia, 2003. ISBN 973-8200-54-7
- Apostol Stan, Putere politică și democrație în România, 1859–1918. Bucharest: ISBN 973-24-0357-8
- Gheorghe-Florin Știrbăț,
- "Marea formațiune liberală în anii 1876–1878", in Acta Moldaviae Septentrionalis, Vol. XI, 2012, pp. 121–143.
- "'Partidul Liberalilor Moderați' din Iași la 1878. Unele considerații", in Carpica, Vol. XLI, 2012, pp. 101–128.
- "Aspecte ale vieții politice în primii ani ai guvernării liberale (1876–1878)", in Acta Moldaviae Septentrionalis, Vol. XII, 2013, pp. 190–206.
- Ion-Ciprian Stoian, "Câteva considerații referitoare la tabloul ordinului avocaților districtului Ismail–Bolgrad, 1878–1879", in Analele Științifice ale Universității Alexandru Ioan Cuza din Iași. Istorie, Vols. LIV–LV, 2008–2009, pp. 97–114.
- Rudolf Șuțu, Iașii de odinioară, I. Iași: Tipografia Lumina Moldovei, 1923.
- Maria Totu, Garda civică din România 1848—1884. Bucharest: OCLC 3016368
- A. D. Xenopol, Istoria partidelor politice în România. Bucharest: Albert Baer, 1910.