History of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt
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The
History
1928–1938
The Muslim Brotherhood was founded in 1928 by Hassan al-Banna, along with six workers of the Suez Canal Company. Al-Banna was a schoolteacher, to promote implementing traditional, religious, Islamic sharia law into government and a social regression based on an Islamic ethos of altruism and civic duty, in opposition to what he saw as political and social injustice and to British imperial rule. The organization initially focused on educational and charitable work, but quickly grew to become a major political force as well, by championing the cause of disenfranchised classes, playing a prominent role in the Egyptian nationalist movement, and promoting a conception of Islam that attempted to restore broken links between tradition and modernity.[10]
1939–1954
On December 28, 1948, Egypt's prime minister,
In 1952, members of the Muslim Brotherhood are accused of taking part in arson that destroyed some "750 buildings" in downtown Cairo — mainly night clubs, theatres, hotels, and restaurants frequented by British and other foreigners — "that marked the end of the liberal, progressive, cosmopolitan" Egypt.[11]
The Brotherhood supported the military coup that overthrew the monarchy in 1952, but the junta was unwilling to share power or lift martial law and clashed with the Brotherhood.[citation needed]
1954–1982
After the attempted assassination of then-president Gamal 'Abd al-Nasser, in 1954, a member of the secret apparatus was accused by the authorities of being the perpetrator of the attempt. Nasser then abolished the Brotherhood and imprisoned and punished thousands of its members.
Many members of the Brotherhood were held for years in prisons and
The CIA funnelled support to the Muslim Brotherhood throughout the Nasser era, the reason being “the Brotherhood’s commendable capability to overthrow Nasser.”[14]
Qutb became the Brotherhood's most influential thinker. He argued that Muslim society was no longer Islamic and must be transformed by an Islamic vanguard through violent revolution. To restore Islam from modern
Nasser's successor, Anwar Sadat, became president of Egypt in 1970 and gradually released imprisoned Brothers and enlisted their help against leftist groups. The organisation was tolerated to an extent, but remained technically illegal and subject to periodic crackdowns. Eventually the Brotherhood was key in the assassination of Anwar Sadat.
In the 1970s, a large student Islamic activist movement took shape, independently from the Brotherhood. Sadat himself became the enemy of the Brotherhood and other Islamist groups after signing a peace agreement with Israel in 1979, and was assassinated by a violent Islamist group Tanzim al-Jihad on October 6, 1981.
1982–2005
In the 1980s, during Hosni Mubarak's presidency, many of the student Islamist activists joined the Brotherhood. The Brotherhood dominated the professional and student associations of Egypt and was famous for its network of social services in neighborhoods and villages.[15] In order to quell the Brotherhood's renewed influence, the government again resorted to repressive measures starting in 1992.[16] Despite mass arrests, police harassment and an essentially closed political system, Brotherhood candidates have made strong showings in several parliamentary elections.
Over the next ten years the Brotherhood made repeated calls for a more democratic political system. In 1997 Muslim Brotherhood Supreme Guide
In 2000, 15 MB deputies were elected to the Egyptian parliament. A book detailing the record of the MB deputies in the 2000-2005 Egyptian parliament (The Brothers in the 2000-2005 Parliament) found its parliamentary leader Hamdy Hassan working vigorously to fight cultural expression the Brotherhood felt was unIslamic and blasphemous, from literature to beauty contests. Hassan accused the Minister of Culture (Farouk Hosny) of leading what Hassan called the `current US-led war against Islamic culture and identity`. Another Brotherhood MP (Gamal Heshmat) took credit for forcing culture minister Hosni to ban the publication of three novels on the ground they promoted blasphemy and unacceptable sexual practices.[20]
2005–2010
In 2005, the Brotherhood participated in pro-democracy demonstrations with the
More than 1,000 Brothers were arrested before the vote's second and third rounds, and police blocked Brotherhood supporters from entering the polls in some districts, according to independent organizations monitoring the election. Brotherhood leaders also accused the government of changing the final count to lead to a victory for the ruling party candidate in seven districts, a concern echoed by independent monitors. More than 100 Egyptian judges signed a statement condemning "aggression and acts of thuggery by supporters of the ruling party against the judges while...police forces stood idle.[22]
During and after the election the Brethren launched what some have called a "charm offensive." Its leadership talked about its `responsibility to lead reform and change in Egypt.` It addressed the `Coptic issue` stating that `conditions` for Coptic Christians (Copts) would be better `under the Brotherhood group`, and Copts would be "full citizens, not ahl-dhimma," and insinuated that the Brethren would do away with Egypt's decade's old church building-permit system that Coptic Christians felt was discriminatory.[23] Internationally the Brethren launched an English-language website and some of the MB's leaders participated in an Initiative to `Re-Introduc[e] the Brotherhood to the West `, "listing and addressing many `Western misconceptions about the Brotherhood.`" An article was written for The Guardian newspaper under the title `No need to be afraid of us`; and another for American Jewish newspaper The Forward.[23]
This campaign, however, was a direct threat to the Egyptian government and its position as an indispensable ally of the west in its fight against radical Islamist ideologues "bent on the Islamization of society and permanent conflict with the West." The government responded by not only continuing to arrest the Brotherhood's leaders and squeeze its finances, but introduced an amendment of Article 1 of the Egyptian constitution. The amendment would ("in theory") have had the effect of "allowing women, and Christians, to run for any position, including the presidency," by defining Egypt as `a state of citizenship` and remove the reference to Islam as `the religion of the state.` When challenged to vote for the new version of the article, the Brotherhood's members of parliament walked out of the legislative chamber.[24]
The party has also reportedly been weakened by "missteps" that have alienated "many Egyptians" and reportedly played into the government's hands. In December 2006 masked Brotherhood students at Cairo's Al Azhar University staged a militia-style march, which included the "wearing of uniforms, displaying the phrase, 'We Will be Steadfast', and drills involving martial arts. This betrayed the group's intent to plan for the creation of militia structures, and a return by the group to the era of 'secret cells'", according to journalist Jameel Theyabi.[25] Others agreed it was reminiscent of the group's violent past and public outcry ensued.[26][27]
According to one observer: "after a number of conciliatory engagements and interactions with the West", the Brotherhood,
retreated into its comfort zone of inflammatory rhetoric intended for local consumption: all suicide bombers are `martyrs`; `Israel` regularly became the Jews`; even its theological discourse became more confrontational and oriented to social conservatism.[28]
Two years later the Egyptian government amended the constitution, prohibiting independent candidates from running for Parliament, these being the only candidates the Brotherhood could field. It also arrested thousands of its members, many of whom were tried in military courts.[29] The state delayed local council elections from 2006 to 2008, disqualifying most MB candidates. The MB boycotted the election. The government incarcerated thousands of rank-and-file MB members in a wave of arrests and military trials, the harshest such security clampdown on the Brotherhood "in decades."[26]
All but one of the Brotherhood candidates lost their seats in the 2010 election marred by massive arrests of Brethren and polling place observers. The reaction of a Muslim Brotherhood spokesman to the election was: "We lost seats and a much deserved representation in the parliament. But we won people's love and support and a media battle that exposed [irregularities in] the elections."[30]
2011 Revolution and Morsi Presidency
Following the
In the January–February 2011 uprising itself, the Brotherhood remained "on the sidelines", despite having much to gain from a freer political environment,[35] and the breaking off of some activist splinter groups from the Brotherhood.[36] (Sources in the Brotherhood maintain state security forces threatened to arrest supreme guide Mohammed Badie if any Brethren participated.)
On 30 April 2011, it launched a new party called the Freedom and Justice Party.[37] The party rejected "the candidacy of women or Copts for Egypt's presidency", although it did not oppose their taking cabinet positions.[38] The party won 235 (including 22 allies) out of 498 seats in the 2011–12 Egyptian parliamentary election,[32] almost double the next biggest vote-getting party.
In the first couple of years after the revolution, there was both cooperation and tension between the Brotherhood and (secular oriented) military. The Brotherhood supported the
The Brotherhood, led by the old and the hardliners, has managed to alienate its revolutionary and democratic partners and to scare important segments of society, especially women and Christians. Neither the Brotherhood nor the generals showed willingness to share power and both were keen on marginalising the revolutionary and democratic forces. It is as if they were clearing the stage for their eventual showdown.[46]
In mid-June 2012, the SCAF dissolved the parliament dominated by the Brotherhood and other Islamists.[47]
Despite earlier remarks by Supreme Guide
During the one year Morsi served as president serious public opposition developed within months. In late November 2012 Morsi 'temporarily' granted himself unlimited powers on the ground that he would "protect" the nation from the power structure left over from the Mubarak-era
Other complaints included the prosecutions of journalists, the unleashing of pro-Brotherhood gangs on nonviolent demonstrators; the continuation of military trials; and new laws that permitted detention without judicial review for up to 30 days,[59] According to the Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights (EIPR), an independent organization, under Morsi "the Muslim Brotherhood is laying the foundations for a new police state by exceeding the Mubarak regime's mechanisms to suppress civil society."[34] Persecution of minorities by Islamic radicals was ignored by Morsi. Two cases being the April 2013 firing on a funeral of Coptic Christians who had themselves been killed in sectarian attacks in the days before, and the June 2013 lynching in public view of four Shiites by (Sunni) Islamists[34]
By April 2013, according to the Associated Press,
Egypt has become increasingly divided between two camps, with President Mohammed Morsi and Islamist allies on one side and an opposition made up of moderate Muslims, Christians and liberals on the other, a schism essentially over the country's political future after decades of dictatorship. Opponents accuse Morsi and the Muslim Brotherhood of seeking to monopolize power, while Morsi's allies say the opposition is trying to destabilize the country to derail the elected leadership.[60]
Adding to the unrest were severe fuel shortages and electricity outages—which evidence suggests were orchestrated by Mubarak-era Egyptian elites.[61]
In late April, the
2013 Egyptian removal of Morsi
On 3 July, the head of the Egyptian Armed Forces, General Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, announced President Mohamed Morsi removal from power, suspension of the constitution, and new presidential and Shura Council elections. The crackdown that followed has been called more damaging to "the Brotherhood's core organization" than any "in eight decades".[65]
On 14 August, the government declared a month-long state of emergency beginning at 16:00, and the military commenced
On 23 September, a court ordered the group outlawed and its assets seized.[73] Two days later security forces shuttered the main office of the newspaper of the Freedom and Justice Party, and confiscated its equipment.[73]
General leaders
Supreme guides or General leaders (G.L.) of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt have been:
- Founder and first General Leader (G.L.): (1928–1949) Hassan al-Banna حسن البنا
- 2nd G.L.: (1949–1972) Hassan al-Hudaybi حسن الهضيبي
- 3rd G.L.: (1972–1986) Umar al-Tilmisani عمر التلمساني
- 4th G.L.: (1986–1996) Muhammad Hamid Abu al-Nasr محمد حامد أبو النصر
- 5th G.L.: (1996–2002) Mustafa Mashhur مصطفى مشهور
- 6th G.L.: (2002–2004) Ma'mun al-Hudaybi مأمون الهضيبي
- 7th G.L.: (2004–2010) Mohammed Mahdi Akef محمد مهدي عاكف
- 8th G.L.: (16 January 2010) Mohammed Badie محمد بديع
See also
References
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the Brotherhood won Egypt's five democratic votes,
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- ^ article printed in Al Ahram Weekly July 5–9, 1997, quoted in Passion for Islam: Shaping the Modern Middle East: the Egyptian Experience by Caryle Murphy, pp. 241, 330.
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- ^ Bradley, John R., Inside Egypt: The Land of the Pharaohs on the Brink of a Revolution by John R. Bradley, Palgrave MacMillan, 2008, p.62
- ^ Bradley, John R. Inside Egypt: The Land of the Pharaohs on the Brink of a Revolution by John R. Bradley, Palgrave MacMillan, 2008, p.56
- ^ Muslim Brotherhood and Egypt's Parliamentary Elections Archived 2013-09-09 at the Wayback Machine| Sharon Otterman| 1 December 2005
- ^ a b Osman, Tarek, Egypt on the Brink, (Yale University Press, 2010) p.101
- ^ Osman, Tarek, Egypt on the Brink, (Yale University Press, 2010) p.102
- ^ The Brotherhood's Power display (18 December 2006) Jameel Theyabi| Dar Al-Hayat
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- ^ fault lines in egypts muslim brotherhood
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- ^ El Rashidi, Yasmine (February 7, 2013). "Egypt: The Rule of the Brotherhood". New York Review of Books. Retrieved 26 September 2013.
["well-known businessman"] the reality is that they are creeping up, and want control of everything. It's not about Egypt, it's about their larger vision for an Islamic Caliphate. And the problem is that they don't know how to play politics. They make a deal, and then manipulate or break it, and then swear to God that you are the one in the wrong.
- ^ a b c d e El Rashidi, Yasmine (26 September 2013). "Egypt: The Misunderstood Agony". New York Review. Retrieved 24 September 2013.
... 17 or 33 million Egyptians (the counts vary according to whom you choose to believe) who had taken to the streets on June 30 as part of the Tamarod movement. This protest was a symbolic vote of "no confidence" in President Morsi, urging him to step down, to call early elections, and to hand power to the chief justice in the interim.
- ^ Shenker, Jack; Whitaker, Brian (8 February 2011), The Muslim Brotherhood Uncovered, The Guardian
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- ^ El Rashidi, Yasmine, "Egypt: The Victorious Islamists", New York Review of Books, 4 July 2011
- Al-Sharq Al-Awsat (London), 4 July 2011. quoted in Muslim Brotherhood Prepares for Parliamentary, Presidential Electionsby L. Azuri. 25 October 2011
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- ^ Beaumont, Peter (5 May 2012). "Egypt's generals wait in the wings as battle for democracy sours". The Guardian. Retrieved 7 May 2012.
- ^ Ajbaili, Mustapha (11 June 2012). "Egyptians are as polarized today as they were under Mubarak". Al Arabiya News. Retrieved 22 June 2012.
- ^ "Muslim Brotherhood siding with Egypt's army affected revolt: ex-deputy guide". Al Arabiya News. 7 May 2012. Retrieved 7 May 2012.
Former MB deputy supreme guide Mohammed Habib ... explained that [the MB-military] alliance had a negative impact on the revolution and had the Brotherhood not sided with SCAF, the revolution would have achieved its goals.
- ^ Abdelatti, Ali; Saleh, Yasmine (6 May 2012). "Egyptian law allows army to keep trying civilians". Al Arabiya News. Reuters. Retrieved 7 May 2012.
The parliament led by Islamists seem to only notice what has happened to them, and not to the thousands of civilians standing military trial or sent to military jails
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The Islamists' TV channels and press called the completion of the draft constitution an "achievement," "historic," "an occasion," "another step toward achieving the goals of the revolution." The independent and opposition press described it as "an Islamist coup."
- ^ "Egypt's Mursi annuls controversial decree, opposition says not enough". Al Arabiya. 9 December 2012. Retrieved 9 December 2012.
The two issues – the decree and the referendum – were at the heart of anti-Mursi protests that have rocked Egypt in the past two weeks.
- ^ David D. Kirkpatrick (26 April 2012). "President Mohamed Morsi of Egypt Said to Prepare Martial Law Decree". The New York Times. Egypt. Retrieved 8 December 2012.
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- ^ Sudden Improvements in Egypt Suggest a Campaign to Undermine Morsi| By BEN HUBBARD and DAVID D. KIRKPATRICK| nytimes.com| July 10, 2013
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Further reading
- Udo Ulfkotte: Der heilige Krieg in Europa - Wie die radikale Muslimbruderschaft unsere Gesellschaft bedroht. Eichborn Verlag 2007, ISBN 978-3-8218-5577-6
- Johannes Grundmann: Islamische Internationalisten - Strukturen und Aktivitäten der Muslimbruderschaft und der Islamischen Weltliga. Wiesbaden 2005,
- Gilles Kepel: Der Prophet und der Pharao. Das Beispiel Ägypten: Die Entwicklung des muslimischen Extremismus. München Zürich 1995.
- Matthias Küntzel: Djihad und Judenhass. Freiburg im Breisgau 2003 (2. Aufl.)
- Richard P. Mitchell: The Society of the Muslim Brothers. London 1969.
- Emmanuel Razavi : Frères musulmans : Dans l'ombre d'Al Qaeda, Editions Jean Cyrille Godefroy, 2005
- Xavier Ternisien : Les Frères musulmans, Fayard, 2005
- Latifa Ben Mansour : Frères musulmans, frères féroces : Voyages dans l'enfer du discours islamiste, Editions Ramsay, 2002
- Paul Landau : Le Sabre et le Coran, Tariq Ramadan et les Frères Musulmans à la conquête de l'Europe, Editions du Rocher, 2005.
- Mura, Andrea (2012). "A genealogical inquiry into early Islamism: the discourse of Hasan al-Banna". Journal of Political Ideologies. 17 (1): 61–85. S2CID 144873457.
- Ted Wende : Alternative oder Irrweg? Religion als politischer Faktor in einem arabischen Land, Marburg 2001
- Mehmet Ozkan : Egypt's Foreign Policy under Mohamed Morsi, Middle Eastern Analysis, 5.51 (2013): 10–18.
External links
- Ikhwan Online (Arabic)
- Ikhwan Web (English)
- Profile: Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood, Al Jazeera English, February 6, 2011
- The Muslim Brotherhood Uncovered, Jack Shenker and Brian Whitaker, The Guardian, February 8, 2011
- Profile: Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood, BBC News, 9 February 2011