Nicholas Ridley (martyr)

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Nicholas Ridley
Bishop of London and Westminster
ChurchChurch of England
Installed1550
Term ended1553
PredecessorEdmund Bonner, Bishop of London
SuccessorEdmund Bonner, Bishop of London
Other post(s)Bishop of Rochester (1547–1550)
Orders
Consecration5 September 1547
by Henry Holbeach
Personal details
Born
Nicholas Ridley

c. 1500
South Tynedale, Northumberland, England
Died16 October 1555
Oxford, Oxfordshire, England
DenominationAnglicanism
Sainthood
Feast day16 October
Venerated inAnglican Communion
Title as SaintOxford Martyr

Nicholas Ridley (c. 1500 – 16 October 1555) was an

commemoration in the calendar of saints (with Hugh Latimer) in some parts of the Anglican Communion (Church of England) on 16 October.[2]

Early years and advancement (c.1500–50)

Ridley came from a prominent family in

Sorbonne, in Paris, for further education. After returning to England around 1529, he became the senior proctor of Cambridge University in 1534. Around that time there was significant debate about the Pope's supremacy. Ridley was well versed on Biblical hermeneutics, and through his arguments the university came up with the following resolution: "That the Bishop of Rome had no more authority and jurisdiction derived to him from God, in this kingdom of England, than any other foreign bishop." He graduated B.D. in 1537 and was then appointed by the Archbishop of Canterbury, Thomas Cranmer, to serve as one of his chaplains. In April 1538, Cranmer made him vicar of Herne, in Kent.[6]

In 1540–1, he was made one of the

heresy, but he was able to beat the charge. Cranmer had resolved to support the English Reformation by gradually replacing the old guard in his ecclesiastical province with men who followed the new thinking.[8] Ridley was made the Bishop of Rochester in 1547, and shortly after coming to office, directed that the altars in the churches of his diocese should be removed, and tables put in their place to celebrate the Lord's Supper. In 1548, he helped Cranmer compile the first Book of Common Prayer and in 1549 he was one of the commissioners who investigated Bishops Stephen Gardiner and Edmund Bonner. He concurred that they should be removed. John Ponet took Ridley's former position. Incumbent conservatives were uprooted and replaced with reformers.[9]

When Ridley was appointed to the see of London by

Vestments controversy (1550–3)

Ridley played a major part in the

sermons before the king in February 1550, he spoke against Cranmer's 1549 ordinal whose oath mentioned "all saints" and required newly elected bishops and those attending the ordination ceremony to wear a cope and surplice. In Hooper's view, these requirements were vestiges of Judaism and Roman Catholicism, which had no biblical warrant for Christians since they were not used in the early Christian church.[10]

Heinrich Bullinger, a major influence on John Hooper, Ridley's opponent in the vestments controversy.

Summoned to answer to the

Privy Council and archbishop—who were primarily concerned with Hooper's willingness to accept the royal supremacy, which was also part of the oath for newly ordained clergy—Hooper evidently made sufficient reassurances, as he was soon appointed to the bishopric of Gloucester. Hooper declined the office, however, because of the required vestments and oath by the saints. The king accepted Hooper's position, but the Privy Council did not. Called before them on 15 May 1550, a compromise was reached. Vestments were to be considered a matter of adiaphora, or Res Indifferentes ("things indifferent", as opposed to an article of faith), and Hooper could be ordained without them at his discretion, but he must allow that others could wear them. Hooper passed confirmation of the new office again before the king and council on 20 July 1550 when the issue was raised again, and Cranmer was instructed that Hooper was not to be charged "with an oath burdensome to his conscience".[10]

Cranmer assigned Ridley to perform the

Jan Laski for use as a Stranger church. This was to be a designated place of worship for Continental Protestant refugees, a church with forms and practices that had taken reforms much further than Ridley would have liked. This development—the use of a London church virtually outside Ridley's jurisdiction—was one that Hooper had had a hand in.[11]

The Privy Council reiterated its position, and Ridley responded in person, agreeing that vestments are indifferent but making a compelling argument that the monarch may require indifferent things without exception. The council became divided in opinion, and the issue dragged on for months without resolution. Hooper now insisted that vestments were not indifferent, since they obscured the priesthood of Christ by encouraging hypocrisy and superstition. Warwick disagreed, emphasising that the king must be obeyed in things indifferent, and he pointed to St Paul's concessions to Jewish traditions in the early church. Finally, an acrimonious debate with Ridley went against Hooper. Ridley's position centred on maintaining order and authority; not the vestments themselves, Hooper's primary concern.[10]

Hooper–Ridley debate

John Hooper clashed with Ridley as he advocated more radical reforms. Portrait by Henry Bryan Hall, 1839.

In a Latin letter dated 3 October 1550, Hooper laid out his argument contra usum vestium.[12] With Ridley's reply (in English), it marks the first written representation of a split in the English Reformation. Hooper's argument is that vestments should not be used as they are not indifferent, nor is their use supported by scripture, a point he takes as self-evident. He contends that church practices must either have express biblical support or be things indifferent, approval for which is implied by scripture. Furthermore, an indifferent thing, if used, causes no profit or loss. Ridley objected in his response, saying that indifferent things do have profitable effects, which is the only reason they are used. Failing to distinguish between conditions for indifferent things in general and the church's use of indifferent things, Hooper then all but excludes the possibility of anything being indifferent in the four conditions he sets:

1) An indifferent thing has either an express justification in scripture or is implied by it, finding its origin and foundation in scripture.

Hooper cites

type or foreshadowing that finds its antitype in Christ, who abolishes the old order and recognises the spiritual equality, or priesthood, of all Christians. The historicity of these claims is further supported by Hooper with a reference to Polydore Vergil
's De Inventoribus Rerum.

In response, Ridley rejected Hooper's insistence on biblical origins and countered Hooper's interpretations of his chosen biblical texts. He points out that many non-controversial practices are not mentioned or implied in scripture. Ridley denies that early church practices are normative for the present situation, and he links such primitivist arguments with the

Anabaptists. Joking that Hooper's reference to Christ's nakedness on the cross is as insignificant as the clothing King Herod put Christ in and "a jolly argument" for the Adamites
, Ridley does not dispute Hooper's main typological argument, but neither does he accept that vestments are necessarily or exclusively identified with Israel and the Roman church. On Hooper's point about the priesthood of all believers, Ridley says it does not follow from this doctrine that all Christians must wear the same clothes.

2) An indifferent thing must be left to individual discretion; if required, it is no longer indifferent.

For Ridley, on matters of indifference, one must defer conscience to the authorities of the church, or else "thou showest thyself a disordered person, disobedient, as [a] contemner of lawful authority, and a wounder of thy weak brother his conscience." For him, the debate was finally about legitimate authority, not the merits and demerits of vestments themselves. He contended that it is only accidental that the compulsory ceases to be indifferent; the degeneration of a practice into non-indifference can be corrected without throwing out the practice. Things are not, "because they have been abused, to be taken away, but to be reformed and amended, and so kept still."

3) An indifferent thing's usefulness must be demonstrated and not introduced arbitrarily.

For this point, Hooper cites 1 Corinthians 14 and 2 Corinthians 13. As it contradicts the first point above, Primus contends that Hooper must now refer to indifferent things in the church and earlier meant indifferent things in general, in the abstract. Regardless, the apparent contradiction was seized by Ridley and undoubtedly hurt Hooper's case with the council.

4) Indifferent things must be introduced into the church with apostolic and evangelical lenity, not violent tyranny.

In making such an inflammatory, risky statement (he later may have called his opponents "papists" in a part of his argument that is lost), Hooper may not have been suggesting England was tyrannical but that Rome was—and that England could become like Rome. Ridley warned Hooper of the implications of an attack on English ecclesiastical and civil authority and of the consequences of radical individual liberties, while also reminding him that it was Parliament that established the "Book of Common Prayer in the church of England".

In closing, Hooper asks that the dispute be resolved by church authorities without looking to civil authorities for support—although the monarch was the head of both the church and the state. This hint of a plea for a separation of church and state would later be elaborated by

Thomas Cartwright, but for Hooper, although the word of God was the highest authority, the state could still impose upon men's consciences (such as requiring them not to be Roman Catholic) when it had a biblical warrant. Moreover, Hooper himself addressed the civil magistrates, suggesting that the clergy supporting vestments were a threat to the state, and he declared his willingness to be martyred for his cause. Ridley, by contrast, responds with humour, calling this "a magnifical promise set forth with a stout style". He invites Hooper to agree that vestments are indifferent, not to condemn them as sinful, and then he will ordain him even if he wears street clothes to the ceremony.[10]

Outcome of the controversy

The weaknesses in Hooper's argument, Ridley's laconic and temperate rejoinder, and Ridley's offer of a compromise no doubt turned the council against Hooper's inflexible convictions when he did not accept it. Heinrich Bullinger,

Pietro Martire Vermigli, and Martin Bucer, while agreeing with Hooper's views, ceased to support him for the pragmatic sake of unity and slower reform. Only Jan Laski remained a constant ally. Some time in mid-December 1550, Hooper was put under house arrest, during which time he wrote and published A godly Confession and protestation of the Christian faith. Because of this publication, his persistent nonconformism, and violations of the terms of his house arrest, Hooper was placed in Thomas Cranmer's custody at Lambeth Palace for two weeks by the Privy Council on 13 January 1551. Hooper was then sent to Fleet Prison by the council, who made that decision on 27 January. On 15 February, Hooper submitted to consecration in vestments in a letter to Cranmer. He was consecrated Bishop of Gloucester on 8 March 1551, and shortly thereafter, preached before the king in vestments.[10]

Downfall (1553–5)

, brought about Ridley's downfall.

On 2 February 1553 Cranmer was ordered to appoint

Edward VI to give some of his empty palaces over to the City of London (governed by the City of London Corporation) to house homeless women and children. The subsequent royal charter of 1553 (26 June, 7 Edw. VI) created three institutions Christ's Hospital, St Thomas' Hospital and the Bridewell Hospital. The latter subsequently changing its name to King Edward's School, Witley.[14]

Edward VI became seriously ill from

Roman Catholic. On 17 June 1553 the king made his will noting Jane would succeed him, contravening the Third Succession Act.[15]

Ridley signed the letters patent giving the English throne to Lady Jane Grey. On 9 July 1553 he preached a sermon at St Paul's cross in which he affirmed that the princesses Mary and Elizabeth were bastards. By mid-July, there were serious provincial revolts in Mary's favour and support for Jane in the council fell. As Mary was proclaimed queen, Ridley, Jane's father, the Duke of Suffolk and others were imprisoned. Ridley was sent to the Tower of London.[16]

Through February 1554 Jane and her leading supporters were executed. After that, there was time to deal with the religious leaders of the English Reformation and so on 8 March 1554 the Privy Council ordered Cranmer, Ridley, and

burned at the stake.[17]

Death and legacy

Book of Martyrs
.

The sentence was carried out on 16 October 1555 in Oxford. Cranmer was taken to a tower to watch the proceedings. Ridley burned extremely slowly and suffered a great deal: his brother-in-law had put more tinder on the pyre in order to speed his death, but this only caused his lower parts to burn. Latimer is supposed to have said to Ridley, "Be of good comfort, and play the man, Master Ridley; we shall this day light such a candle, by God's grace, in England, as I trust shall never be put out." This was quoted in Foxe's Book of Martyrs.[18]

A metal cross in a cobbled patch of road in

Roman Catholic Church. Along with Thomas Cranmer, they are known as the Oxford Martyrs
.

In the

Martyrs' Memorial, located near the site of his execution. As well as being a monument to the English Reformation and the doctrines of the Protestant and Reformed doctrines, the memorial is a landmark of the 19th century, a monument stoutly resisted by John Keble, John Henry Newman and others of the Tractarian Movement and Oxford Movement. Profoundly alarmed at the Romewardizing intrusions and efforts at realignment that the movement was attempting to bring into the Church of England, Protestant and Reformed Anglican clergymen raised the funds for erecting the monument, with its highly anti-Roman Catholic inscription, a memorial to over three hundred years of history and reformation. As a result, the monument was built 300 years after the events it commemorates.[19]

Stained glass window depicting Cranmer, Ridley, and Latimer, the Oxford Martyrs

In 1881,

commemoration in the Calendar of saints in some parts of the Anglican Communion on 16 October.[20]

See also

Notes

  1. ^ a b Horn, Joyce M. (1992), Fasti Ecclesiae Anglicanae 1541–1857, vol. 7, pp. 65–67
  2. ^ "The Calendar". The Church of England. Retrieved 9 April 2021.
  3. ^ "Ridley, Nicholas (RDLY521N)". A Cambridge Alumni Database. University of Cambridge.
  4. ^ "National Gazetteer (1868) - Newcastle upon Tyne". Newcastle Gazette. GENUKI Charitable trust. 1868. Archived from the original on 27 September 2007. Retrieved 29 April 2007.
  5. ^ Oxford Dictionary of National Biography Index Number 101023631
  6. ^ Testamenta Vetusta, by Nicholas Harris Nicolas, esq, page 686; the will of Elizabeth Lady Fineux, of Herne, Kent; written 1539;"to Master Nicholas Rydley, vicar of Herne, ...."
  7. ^ Alumni Cantabrigienses: A Biographical List of all Known Students . . Vol 1. Cambridge: University Press
  8. ^ Bernard 2005, p. 507; Ridley 1996, pp. 87–88
  9. ^ MacCulloch 1996, pp. 454–459
  10. ^ a b c d e Ridley 1962, pp. 308–315; MacCulloch 1996, pp. 469–484
  11. ^ Primus 1960, p. 13
  12. ^ The letter exists but with some parts lost.
  13. ^ Reid 1974, pp. 94–99; Ridley 1968, pp. 121–126
  14. ^ "History of King Edward's School, Witley". Retrieved 5 August 2008.
  15. ^ MacCulloch 1996, pp. 538–541
  16. ^ MacCulloch 1996, pp. 547–553
  17. ^ Heinze 1993, pp. 267–271; MacCulloch 1996, pp. 574–582
  18. ^ MacCulloch 1996, pp. 606–608
  19. ^ "The Martyrs' Memorial at Oxford". The Journal of Ecclesiastical History. Retrieved 21 August 2008.
  20. ^ "Holy Days". Common Worship. Church House Publishing. June 2000. Retrieved 10 March 2009.

References

External links

Academic offices
Preceded by
Master of Pembroke College, Cambridge

1540–1555
Succeeded by
Church of England titles
Preceded by Bishop of Rochester
1547–1550
Succeeded by
Preceded by
Edmund Bonner, Bishop of London
Bishop of London and Westminster

1550–1553
Succeeded by
Edmund Bonner, Bishop of London