User:Blueshirts/draft
Battle of Shanghai | |||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Part of the Second Sino-Japanese war | |||||||
A National Revolutionary Army machine gun nest in Shanghai | |||||||
| |||||||
Belligerents | |||||||
National Revolutionary Army | Imperial Japanese Army | ||||||
Commanders and leaders | |||||||
Chiang Kai-shek, Chen Cheng, Zhang Zhizhong |
Heisuke Yanagawa, Iwane Matsui, Hasegawa Kiyoshi | ||||||
Strength | |||||||
600,000 troops in 75 divisions and 9 brigades, 200 airplanes |
300,000 troops in 8 divisions and 6 brigades, 500 airplanes, 300 tanks, 130 naval ships | ||||||
Casualties and losses | |||||||
~200,000 | 40,672[1] |
The Battle of Shanghai was the first of the twenty-two major engagements fought between the
Since 1931, China and Japan had been embroiled in incessant, smaller conflicts, often known as "incidents," that saw China lose territories piece by piece. By August 1937, following the
In Chinese, the Battle of Shanghai is known as the Battle of Songhu (
Background
The Battle of Shanghai was the first major battle of the Second Sino-Japanese War and escalated the
Strategic reasons
Since the outbreak of the war on
Chiang Kai-shek and his advisors believed that the next logical step for the Japanese army was to march from North China, along the
In addition, if the Japanese army had made a southward advance and invaded Wuhan and then turned eastward with a push toward East and Central China and encircled the Shanghai-Nanjing region, Chinese defenders would have been chased to the sea in a scenario similar to the future Battle of Dunkirk. The Imperial Japanese Navy had total supremacy in Chinese seas and the retreating Chinese forces would have been decimated by the enemy as they had nowhere to retreat. Under this scenario, Chiang decided to establish a second front in Shanghai, with the intention of drawing enemy troops to the East and Central China Theater.[7] His plan was to force the Japanese to change the north-to-south direction of advance into east-to-west. This way, Chinese troops would have room in the southwest for them to retreat and regroup should Shanghai, Nanjing, and Wuhan fall to Japan. [8] The Chinese plan was to fight as much as possible to delay the Japanese advance, while time was bought to move the government and vital industries into the Chinese interior. This was the basis of the strategy of trading "space for time."[9]
Political causes
Originally, Chiang believed that China needed at least several years of internal peace and unity to build up a national army and sufficient industries to fight Japan on the same footing. Chiang feared that a premature war would put an end to his preparatory plans, and thus opted for fighting small, localized "incidents" that were characteristic of Sino-Japanese conflicts in the 1930s. On the other hand, if Chiang decided to put up an all-out resistance, he risked losing his newly reorganized divisions that were barely ready to meet the enemy head-on, in addition to the complete destruction of China's nascent industrial base. Essentially, for Chiang, fighting a full-scale war would bolster his public image among the Chinese, but would undermine his political leverage, which was based on military strength, against other regional powers. However, stepping down and making more concessions would make him appear unpatriotic and lose public support, but would maintain his military power. The Battle of Shanghai and the decision for total war would prove to be a great gamble for Chiang.
Chiang also could not afford losing Zhejiang and Jiangsu provinces to Japanese hands. Both Nanjing, the capital of the Republic of China at the time, and Shanghai were situated in Jiangsu province. The two provinces were also economic powerhouse of the lower Yangtze Delta region, and much of the industrial progress and political foundation of the "Nanjing Decade" were developed here. The region was also the only place in China where the central government under Chiang Kai-shek had unopposed political authority, since North China had been under Japanese influence, and other provinces were subject to the control of remnant warlords or other Kuomintang militarist factions. Thus, Chiang also had to defend Shanghai at all costs since it was situated at the core of his political and economic administration.[10]
Shanghai was a cosmopolitan city and had investments and assets from most major foreign powers, such as the
Past experience and preparation
Chiang and his advisers were also somewhat confident in raising the stakes of the battle, since the Chinese army had fought the Japanese to a standstill in the
In 1933, three military zones,
Japanese position
Since the outbreak of war on July 7, Japan had focused on conducting military operations primarily in North China, which included provinces such as Hebei, Shanxi, and Chahar. The Japanese invasion further increased the frequency of anti-Japanese protests, and boycotts of Japanese goods had serious repercussions upon Japanese trade in China. The effect was strongly felt in Shanghai because there were many Japanese commercial interests in the city.
The Imperial Japanese Navy had insisted on escalating troop presence to protect both Japanese factories and citizens from a possible confrontation with the Chinese, but the Imperial Japanese Army consistently refused to cooperate until early August. One reason for this was that the Japanese Army did not wish to deploy in East and Central China, for fear that such action would create a vacuum in North China and Manchukuo, which bordered the Soviet Union. Japan saw the Soviet Union as the primary military threat on the Chinese mainland and did not want to divert attention away from North China.[17] The Japanese Army Command also did not wish to deploy troops into Central China, because doing so might steer Japan into confrontations with other foreign powers present in the region. In addition, the Japanese Army Command had a very low opinion of Chinese fighting capability, and believed that since China had almost always been mired in the civil wars, Chiang Kai-shek would focus on national unification first and would not risk his troops against the vastly superior Japanese.[18] There was no need for the Imperial Japanese Army to enter Central China.
Thus, Japan wished to defeat China and conclude the war as soon as possible, to avoid disrupting its plans against the Soviet Union. However, the Japanese Naval Command insisted on deploying troops in Central China to destroy any Chinese troops that might be dispatched to North China, where the war was localized. Following the Oyama Incident of
The Japanese military was confident to overcome Chinese forces in Central China in only three days and end the entire war in three months. The Japanese had military garrisons within the city while Chinese military presence, aside from a small military police garrison, known as the Peace Preservation Corps (保安隊), and some fortifications, was strictly forbidden under the
Prelude to the battle
Oyama Incident
On
Final efforts at negotiation
On
Order of battle
See Order of battle at Shanghai.
First phase (August 13 - 22)
Urban fighting
Around 9am on August 13, the Chinese Peace Preservation Corps exchanged small arms fire with Japanese troops in Zhabei, Wusong, and Jiangwan districts of Shanghai. Around 3pm the Japanese army also crossed over the Bazi Bridge (八字橋) in Zhabei district and attacked various centers in the city. The Chinese 88th Division retaliated with mortar attacks. Sporadic shootings continued through the day until 4pm, when the Japanese headquarters ordered the naval ships of the Third Fleet, stationed in the Yangtze and the Huangpu River to open fire on Chinese positions in the city. In the late night of August 13, Chiang Kai-shek ordered Zhang Zhizhong to begin the Chinese offensive the next day. In the morning August 14, the Chinese air force began bombing various Japanese targets and the Chinese ground force began its offensive at 3pm. On the same day the Chinese government issued the Proclamation of Self-Defense and War of Resistance (自衛抗戰聲明書), explaining the government's resolve against Japanese aggression.[25] The Battle of Shanghai officially began.
Zhang Zhizhong's initial plan was to have the numerically superior Chinese forces attack the Japanese by surprise and push them right into
On August 16, Zhang Zhizhong ordered his men to take the streets surrounding the Japanese strongholds, rather than assaulting them head-on. Every time a street was successfully cleared, the Chinese would set up sandbag blockades and set fire to allow the Japanese no escape. The tactic was successful as the Chinese were able to destroy many emplacements and outposts in a single day. However, the Japanese then deployed tanks and were able to repel Chinese attacks in the broad streets.[27] The Chinese also ran into the same problem of the lack of heavy weapons to destroy the bunkers easily. Thus, on August 18, the attack was called off.
On
On August 22, the Japanese 3rd, 8th, and 11th Divisions made an amphibious assault under cover from naval bombardments and proceeded to land in Chuanshakou (川沙口), Shizilin (獅子林), and Baoshan (寶山), towns on the northeast coast some fifty kilometers away from downtown Shanghai.[30] Japanese landings in northeast Shanghai suburban areas meant that many Chinese troops, who were deployed in Shanghai's urban center, had to be redeployed to coastal regions to counter the landings. Thus, the frontline was lengthened from metropolitan Shanghai along the Huangpu River to the northeast coastal districts. The Chinese offensive in the urban center had come to a halt, and the fight in downtown Shanghai essentially became a static battle with both sides suffering heavy losses and making minimal changes in the frontline. The Chinese divisions were able to hold onto Zhabei, Jiangwan, and other downtown positions for three months, until situations in other areas made it strategically impossible to continue defending these positions.
Air operations
On August 14, the Taiwan-based Shikaya and Kisarazu air squadrons of the Imperial Japanese Army Air Service launched bombing raids against Chinese targets in the Shanghai area. The bombings directly caused tens of thousands of civilian deaths as the explosives landed in populated centers and major transportation hubs. The nascent Republic of China Air Force retaliated and the 4th Flying Group, based in Henan and under the command of Captain Gao Zhihang (高志航), shot down six Japanese planes, while suffering zero losses. In 1940 the government announced August 14 would be the Air Force Day to raise the morale of the Chinese populace.[33] The Chinese air force also bombed various targets in the city and naval ships. From August 15 to 18, the Chinese fought the numerically superior Japanese air force in an intense air battle that saw the two Japanese squadrons destroyed.[34] However, China was fighting the air war with every airplane in its possession, some of them even second-hand purchases from various countries. China was not able to produce any planes of its own and was always running low on replacement parts and supplies for its aircraft.[35] On the other hand, Japan had a robust aviation industry able to design and manufacture its own technologically advanced planes and efficiently send them to the war zone. Any Japanese losses could be easily reinforced, while China was unable to replace its lost aircraft. Thus, it was inconceivable that China could win the air war. In the Shanghai campaign, the Chinese air force shot down 85 Japanese airplanes and sank 51 ships. The Chinese lost 91 planes, which was just under half of the entire air force at China's disposal.
- China abandons plans for air operations in North China, and shifted the entire air strength to the Nanking-Shanghai area.[36]
- Immediately before July 7, Japanese had 1530 army and naval aircraft. China had 230.[37]
- In the initial phase of operations (July 7, 1937 - late Nov. 1938), China never flew more than 300 planes at one time. Japan usually deployed 700 at the same time. [38]
- CAF sank 16, desrtoyed 98, damaged 60 enemy ships. CAF lost 202 planes, 112 damaged. [39]
Other developments
On
At the beginning of the battle, Zhang Zhizhong, as the commander of the 5th Army and the Nanjing-Shanghai war zone, was responsible for conducting Chinese operations. The failure of the initial Chinese offensive greatly dismayed Chiang Kai-shek and his staff. Chiang criticized Zhang's failure to make sufficient preparations, especially the procurement of weapons capable of penetrating Japanese bunkers, before sending in troops in waves, which resulted in many divisions sustaining a huge number of casualties right from the beginning. Zhang was also criticized for his overconfidence and his penchant of holding press conferences, for both foreign and Chinese reporters in the cosmopolitan city. Chiang Kai-shek and his staff, the most prominent including Chen Cheng and Gu Zhutong, began taking over command duties from Zhang Zhizhong. Chiang Kai-shek himself would eventually become the commander of the 3rd Warzone that oversaw Shanghai.[41] The failure of the Chinese offensive showed that even though the Chinese army initially outnumbered the Japanese garrison, it still could not have achieved its objective, given its lack of heavy weapons and artillery. In addition, the Japanese fleet was ubiquitous in Shanghai waters and their naval guns bombarded Chinese positions in the city with pinpoint accuracy. Given such odds, the Japanese defense was almost certain to succeed.
Second phase (August 23 - October 26)
The bloodiest and most intense period of fighting occurred in the period from August 23, when the Japanese began landing in waves, to October 26, when the Chinese retired from metropolitan Shanghai. During this period, the majority of combat concentrated along the 40 kilometer line from metropolitan Shanghai to the town of Liuhe (瀏河), located northeast to the city on the coast where the Japanese made their landings.[42]
Defense against landing (August 23 - September 10)
On August 23, the Japanese Shanghai Expeditionary Force, led by Iwane Matsui, landed in Liuhe, Wusong (吳淞), and Chuanshakou. Chiang Kai-shek had expected these coastal towns to be vulnerable to Japanese landings and ordered Chen Cheng to reinforce the area with the 18th Army. However, the Chinese were no match for Japanese firepower. The Japanese almost always began their amphibious assaults with heavy naval and air bombardment of the Chinese coastal defense works and trenches. It was not unheard of for the Chinese to lose an entire garrison to such bombardments. However, the Chinese would reinforce almost immediately to counter the Japanese troops who had just made their landing after the bombardment.[43]
In the two weeks that followed, the Chinese and Japanese troops fought bitter battles in the numerous towns and villages along the coast. The Chinese troops fending off the amphibious assaults had only their small-caliber weapons to depend on, and were not sufficiently supported by the Chinese air force and the almost nonexistent Chinese navy. They paid heavily for the defense. An entire regiment could be reduced to just a few men in action. In addition, Chinese coastal defense works were hastily constructed and did not offer much protection against enemy attacks, as many trenches were newly constructed during lulls in fighting. Moreover, the sandy soil of the coastal region meant that it was difficult to construct sturdy fortifications. Many trenches would collapse due to rain. It was a race against time to construct and repair these defense works despite constant Japanese bombardment. Logistics difficulty also meant it was hard to transport the necessary construction materials to the frontline. The Chinese often had to turn to bombed-out houses to obtain bricks, beams, and other such materials.[44] However, the Chinese fought against great odds and tried to hold onto the coastal villages as long as they could. It was commonplace for the Japanese to successfully occupy the towns in the day under heavy naval support, only to lose them during the night to Chinese counterattacks.[45]
Such attacks and counterattacks continued well into late August, when the fall of Baoshan, a vital coastal town, seemed imminent. Chiang Kai-shek ordered the remaining troops of the 98th Division to defend the town. One battalion, under Yao Ziqing (姚子青), was assigned to the task. The situation in Baoshan was grim, as the Japanese had surrounded the town on September 5. However, Yao ordered his men to defend to the death. Japanese artillery strikes reduced the town to rubble, and Yao was killed in house-to-house fighting. On September 6 Baoshan fell. The entire battalion, except for one soldier, was killed in action.[46] The Chinese would continue to sustain this level of casualties throughout the Shanghai campaign.
Combat around Luodian (September 11 - 30)
On
The carnage and intensity of the resulting battle earned the fight for Luodian the nickname "grinding mill of flesh and blood" (血肉磨坊). The Japanese offensive usually began at daybreak with concentrated aerial bombing, followed by the release of
Chinese defense was stubborn even in the face of such overwhelming firepower. During the night, Chinese soldiers mined the roads connecting the coastal towns to Luodian and engaged in night combat to cut off Japanese advance troops. At daybreak, the Chinese would garrison the front most defensive lines with comparatively fewer troops to reduce casualties resulting from intense Japanese bombardments. The Chinese would then emerge from rear positions to engage the enemy when the Japanese land offensive started after naval and artillery strikes had ceased.[49]
Despite their numerical superiority, the defense of Luodian would prove to be impossible for the Chinese. The Japanese had a number of advantages, including superiority of firepower, and the fact that the Chinese were in a passive position to face the onslaught, because they were not able to mount effective offensives until the Japanese were practically on top of Luodian. Because of this, the Chinese decided to defend to the death to hold onto every square inch of the town. This tactic greatly accelerated the attrition rate within the Chinese ranks. The casualty rate of General Chen Cheng's army group was more than fifty percent. By the end of September, the Chinese had been almost bled dry and were forced to give up Luodian.
Fight for Dachang (October 1 - 26)
On October 1, on advice from his commanders, Japanese Prime Minister Fumimaro Konoe decided to integrate and escalate the combat in the North China and Central China Theaters and launch an October offensive to subjugate the Chinese government and end the war. By this time, the Japanese had increased troop strength in the Shanghai region to more than two hundred thousand strong. Japanese troops also invaded the town of Liuhang (劉行), south of Luodian. Thus, the frontline moved further south onto the banks of the Yunzaobin River (蘊藻濱). The Japanese aim was to cross the Yunzaobin River and take the town of Dachang (大場), which was the communications link between Chinese troops in downtown Shanghai and the northwest outlying towns.
If Dachang had fallen, the Chinese troops would have to give up their positions in downtown Shanghai and regions east of the Huangpu River to avoid encirclement by the Japanese army. The defense of Dachang was vital to how long the Chinese army could stay and continue fighting in the Shanghai warzone. For this, Chiang Kai-shek mobilized whatever remaining troops he could salvage for the defense of Dachang.[50]
The two armies engaged in seesaw battles, with little changes in the frontline along the Yunzaobin River. From
Third Phase (October 27 - November 26)
Chinese withdrawal from metropolitan Shanghai
Starting the night of
Fighting around Suzhou Creek
Chiang's original plan was to fight in areas south of the
Japanese landings at Jinshanwei
As early as October 12, the Japanese chiefs of staff had already formulated plans to force a landing in Jinshanwei (金山衛), a town located on the northern bank of Hangzhou Bay, south of the Shanghai region. The Jinshanwei landings would facilitate a northward push into Shanghai, to complement the landings in northeastern towns, such as the ones around Baoshan between late August and mid-September, which brought about a southward push. Chiang Kai-shek was aware of the Japanese plan to encircle his army in Shanghai from the north and the south, and had already ordered his commanders to take precautions of the possible Japanese landings at Jinshanwei.[56] However, the impending fall of Dachang in late October forced Chiang to redeploy the Chinese divisions originally stationed along the northern coast of Hangzhou Bay. As a result, the lack of Chinese defenses allowed the Japanese 10th Army Corps, composed of units diverted from the Battle of Taiyuan in the North China Theater, to land easily in Jinshanwei on November 5.[57] Jinshanwei was only forty kilometers away from the banks of Suzhou River where the Chinese troops had just retreated from the fall of Dachang.
Road to Nanjing
Japanese landings at Jinshanwei meant that the Chinese army was in danger of envelopment.[58] It was time to retire from the Shanghai front and attempt a breakout. However, Chiang Kai-shek still placed some hope that the Nine-Power Treaty would result in a sanction against Japan by Western Powers. It was not until November 8 that the Chinese central command issued a general retreat to withdraw from the entire Shanghai front. All Chinese units were ordered to move toward western towns such as Kunshan, and then from there enter the final defense lines to stop the Japanese from reaching Nanjing. By then, the Chinese army was utterly exhausted, and with a severe shortage of ammunition and supplies, the defense was faltering. Kunshan was lost in only two days, and the remaining troops began moving toward the Wufu Line fortifications on November 13. The Chinese army was fighting with the last of its strength and the frontline was on the verge of collapse.[59]
In the chaos that ensued many Chinese units were broken up and lost contact with their communications officers who had the maps and layouts to the fortifications. In addition, once they arrived at Wufu Line, the Chinese troops discovered that some of the civilian officials were not there to receive them as they had already fled and had taken the keys with them.
Aftermath and appraisal
Loss of Central Army military strength
Even though the Battle of Shanghai was only the first of the twenty-two major battles fought between China and Japan, Chiang Kai-shek's decision to send his best troops into the battle had significant repercussions. At the outbreak of the war, the Chinese
International response and its consequences
One major reason that the Chinese army held onto the city as long as it did, even though at many points it was on the brink of collapse, was that China was hoping for a western intervention in the Sino-Japanese War.[68] Western nations had been paying little attention to China's plight since they were preoccupied with the situation in Europe. In addition, most western nations had little prospect that their intervention would help China in the long run because they believed that China would eventually lose. If China was deemed militarily weak, economically backward, and politically disunited by Western powers, it would not make sense for them to help China when it seemed bound for defeat by Japan. Thus, Chiang Kai-shek had to devote everything China had to offer to make sure the Western powers know that the present conflict between China and Japan was a major war, one that would alter the power structure of East Asia, and not a collection of inconsequential "incidents" as had been the case previously. Based on this political strategy, Chiang Kai-shek had to order his troops to fight to the death in an attempt to arouse international sympathy and cause the international community to adopt measures that would help China and sanction Japan.
On September 12, one month after the battle began, Chinese ambassador Wellington Koo formally brought the case against Japan to the League of Nations.[69] Again, the League was not able to formulate any effective sanctions against Japan other than an October 4 statement that gave China "spiritual support."[70] The United States was not a member of the League and Great Britain and France were reluctant to challenge Japan. However, on October 5, President Franklin D. Roosevelt gave the Quarantine Speech, calling for the United States to help nations fight against aggressor nations. This speech had a tremendous effect on raising China's morale.[71] Because America seemed willing to confront Japan, the British representative suggested to close the League case and convene the Nine Power Treaty Conference. The Nine-Power Treaty was signed to guarantee China's territorial integrity and sovereignty. And because it was signed during the Washington Naval Conference of 1922, the opening of the Conference automatically brought the United States into the effort to rein in Japanese aggression.[72]
American involvement brought new hope to the Chinese, and Chiang Kai-shek again reiterated the need for his troops to hold onto Shanghai to prove that China was indeed worth fighting for. By mid-October, Chinese positions in Shanghai had been breaking down under Japanese advances and most Chinese troops withdrew from metropolitan Shanghai. However, because the Nine Power Treaty Conference was to be begin in early November, Chiang Kai-shek ordered his troops to continue fighting, instead of retreating to the Wufu and Xicheng Lines to protect
Japan was invited to the Conference twice but declined, thus a mediation effort directly involving Japan was out of the question. Similar to what had transpired in the League of Nations conference, isolationism and appeasement were pervasive in the international community. Thus, the Conference dragged on with little productivity.[74] On November 5, even though the Japanese made amphibious landings at Jinshanwei to surround the Chinese troops, Chiang did not order a breakout to Nanjing until three days later, as he was still hoping for a response from the Conference. This three day delay was enough to cause a breakdown in Chinese command as the units were devastated by continued fighting, and this directly caused the failure to coordinate the defense around the Chinese Hindenburg Lines guarding Nanjing.
In the beginning, the United States seemed willing to take a firm stand against Japan. Ambassador Joseph Grew said that only a concerted Western effort, and not some "moral thunderbolts", was able to contain Japan. President Roosevelt also had similar thoughts. However, even though the American press was decidedly pro-China and sympathetic to its plight, it was even more so isolationist. There was simply no way that President Roosevelt could have enforced any sanction in the face of such strong public opinion against American involvement in international affairs.[75]
On November 24, the Nine-Power Treaty Conference convened for the last time and then adjourned indefinitely, without producing any measures that would stop Japanese aggression.[76] In his report, General Chen Cheng wrote that throughout much of the Shanghai campaign, sound military strategy was often supplanted by political strategy. It was the nation's tragedy that political strategy, the most gravest one being the uncertain hope for foreign intervention, forced the troops to make exorbitant sacrifices in Shanghai and led almost to total annihilation. He wrote that because China was weak, it was in dire need of foreign help and had to sacrifice just to prove its capacity to fight and will to resist. By the end of the battle, even though hundreds of thousands of Chinese troops died just to make the point that China was ready to sacrifice, the final hope for a western intervention never materialized.[77]
Effects
In terms of its long-term effects on the war of attrition, the Battle of Shanghai bought enough time for the Chinese government to move some of its vital industries to
The Battle of Shanghai was a military defeat but a high point for Chinese nationalism.[82] The beginning of full-scale war meant that China would no longer stand idly and allow Japan to conquer its territories piece by piece as it had done in the past. It also demonstrated China's resolve not to surrender even in the face of overwhelming firepower. However, Chiang Kai-shek's order to have his troops make one death stand after another greatly sapped his strength and directly caused his army's inability to defend Nanjing for even two weeks. In his memoir, General Li Zongren pointed out that Chiang's staff had proposed that the Chinese army reserve around ten divisions along the Wufu Line to protect Nanjing and felt it made no difference if Shanghai could be held for a few months longer at the expense of huge casualties.[83] However, as China was not able to defeat Japan single-handedly, Chiang believed the best option was to bring the western powers into the war by eliciting international sympathy through courageous Chinese resistance at Shanghai. Also, Chiang Kai-shek probably did not realize that the war would last as long as it turned out to be - eight years. In his correspondence with Hu Shih, Chiang wrote that China was capable to withstand six months of combat before changes in international situation would end the war.[84] This may have also caused Chiang to devote all of his best troops in the first battle of what would eventually become a prolonged war. However, while Chiang's initial assessment was overly optimistic, China continued fighting for eight more years until Japan was finally defeated, even when much more powerful nations such as France and others had gone down fighting and surrendered in merely six weeks.[85][86]
Furthermore, the Battle of Shanghai was the first instance in which the provincial armies cooperated fully with Chiang's Central Army. Only a couple of years before, Chiang Kai-shek, Li Zongren, and several other regional warlords had been mortal enemies in various civil wars, fighting for the supremacy over China. But they were overcome by nationalism and their armies fought side by side against the common enemy.[87] In addition, the Chinese fought stubbornly so that Shanghai would not fall in three days, and that China would not fall in three months as the Japanese had proclaimed in their slogans. This was a huge morale-booster, especially in the dark days during which the Chinese army suffered a string of defeats in the opening stage of the war. In addition, the heavy casualties inflicted by the Chinese and difficulties in conquering the city may have caused the Japanese troops to carry out the Nanjing Massacre as a retributive action against Chinese resistance.[88] China's tenacity and resolve also surprised most international observers who had expected the Chinese to be defeated easily and then sue for peace. All in all, even though the price paid was astronomical, the fact that China was able to withstand repeated strikes one after another and still remain standing in the "bloodiest battle that the world had seen since Verdun" was evidence to China's determination to continue the war and fight to the bitter end.[89]
See also
- History of the Republic of China
- Military of the Republic of China
References
- Nationalist China At War 1937-1945 published by the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, in 1982.
- NTU: 為政略殉-論抗戰初期京滬地區作戰, 李君山著, 國立台灣大學出版, 台北市, 1992, ISBN 957-9019-26-6
- Brief History: A Brief History of the Sino-Japanese War (1937-1945), by Hu Pu-Yu, Chung Wu Publishing Co., Taipei, Taiwan, ROC, 1974
- Wi Hsiang-hsiang: The Second Sino-Japanese War (1931-1945) 第二次中日戰爭史, by Hsiang-hsiang Wu (吳相湘), Tsung Ho Book Co. Ltd (綜和圖書公司), Taipei, Taiwan, ROC, 1973
Notes
- ^ Warren, Alan. Singapore, 1942: Britain's Greatest Defeat, pg. 18
- ^ China's Bitter Victory, p.143
- ^ Military History of Modern China, p.199
- ^ Nationalist China at War p.44
- ^ Nationalist China at War p.41
- ^ Nationalist China at War p.42
- ^ Military History of Modern China, p.198
- ^ Nationalist China During the Sino-Japanese War, p.53
- ^ Nationalist China During the Sino-Japanese War, p.56
- ^ Nationalist China at War p.45
- ^ Nationalist China at War p.47
- ^ Facing Japan, p.49
- ^ NTU, p.13
- ^ NTU, p.13
- ^ NTU, p.14
- ^ Guofangbu, 202
- ^ NTU, p.26
- ^ NTU, p.26
- ^ NTU, p.28
- ^ Guofangbu, p.202
- ^ NTU, p.22
- ^ Nationalist China at War, p.41
- ^ Jheng Lan-ping, p.387
- ^ Wu Hsiang-hsiang, p.385
- ^ Wu Hsiang-hsiang, p.386
- ^ NTU. p.44
- ^ NTU. p.45
- ^ NTU. p.46
- ^ NTU. p.46
- ^ NTU. p.47
- ^ "This terrified baby was almost the only human being left alive in Shanghai's South Station after brutal Japanese bombing. China, August 28, 1937., 1942 - 1945". U.S. National Archives. Retrieved 2007-08-27.
- ^ LOOK Magazine, pp. 52–53, Dec. 21
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(help) - ^ Wu Hsiang-hsiang, p.387
- ^ Brief History DS777.53 H8555, p.146
- ^ See Soviet Fighters in the Sky of China, by Anatolii Demin.
- ^ Brief History DS777.53 H8555, p.146
- ^ Brief History DS777.53 H8555, p.145
- ^ Brief History DS777.53 H8555, p.150
- ^ Brief History DS777.53 H8555, p.150-151
- ^ Tigers, p.36
- ^ NTU, p,49
- ^ NTU, p.54
- ^ NTU, p.55
- ^ NTU, p.56
- ^ NTU, p.55
- ^ NTU, p.57
- ^ NTU, p68
- ^ NTU, p.69
- ^ NTU, p.69
- ^ Jheng Lan-ping, p.397
- ^ NTU, p.75
- ^ When Tigers Fight, p.40
- ^ NTU, p.90
- ^ NTU, p.91
- ^ NTU, p.92
- ^ NTU, p.95
- ^ When Tiger Fight, p,42
- ^ China's Bitter Victory, p.143
- ^ Wu Hsiang-hsiang, p.391
- ^ NTU, p.106
- ^ Military History of Modern China, p.199
- ^ Military History of Modern China, p.112
- ^ Military History of Modern China, p. 147
- ^ Seeds of Destruction, p. 144
- ^ NTU, p.243
- ^ Personnel, p.112
- ^ Wedemeyer, p.323
- ^ NTU, p.138
- ^ Wu Hsiang-hsiang, p.418
- ^ Wu Hsiang-hsiang, p.420
- ^ NTU, p.140
- ^ NTU, p.146
- ^ NTU, p.130
- ^ NTU, p.158
- ^ Costello, p.53-54.
- ^ Wu Hsiang-hsiang, p.424
- ^ Military History of Modern China, p. 143
- ^ Military History of Modern China, p. 198
- ^ Nationalist Era in China, p.130
- ^ Nationalist China at War, p.144
- ^ Chiang Wei-guo, p. 126
- ^ Nationalist China at War, p.86
- ^ Li Zongren, p.459
- ^ NTU, p.280
- ^ Wedemeyer, p.279
- ^ Seeds, p.130
- ^ Nationalist China During the Sino-Japanese War, p.53
- ^ Nanking, Katsuichi
- ^ Wedemeyer, p.279