Constitution of Thailand
Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand | ||
---|---|---|
Executive Cabinet, led by a Prime Minister | | |
Judiciary | Supreme Court | |
Federalism | Unitary | |
Electoral college | No | |
History | ||
First legislature | 24 March 2019 | |
First executive | 9 June 2019 | |
First court | 1 October 2017 | |
Amendments | 1 | |
Last amended | 7 November 2021 | |
Author(s) | Constitution Drafting Committee | |
Signatories | Vajiralongkorn | |
Supersedes | 2014 interim constitution of Thailand | |
Full text | ||
Constitution of Thailand at Wikisource |
The Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand (
The 1997 constitution of Thailand, often called the "people's constitution", was considered a landmark in terms of the degree of public participation involved in its drafting as well as the democratic nature of its articles. It stipulated an elected bicameral legislature, and many human rights were explicitly acknowledged for the first time. Many of these reforms disappeared in the military coup of 2006.
The current constitution was adopted in 2017. The 105-page, 279-article proposed constitution[2][3] was approved by 61.4 percent of Thai voters with 59.4 percent of the public participating. It allows the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO) to appoint an eight to ten person panel who will choose Senators,[4] and includes six seats reserved for the heads of the Royal Thai Army, Navy, Air Force, and Police, plus the military's supreme commander, and defense permanent secretary. The bicameral Parliament could also select a candidate as Prime Minister who is not one of its members or even a politician. Critics suggest it effectively allows the military to control the government whatever the outcome of subsequent elections.
History
The
The transition from
A significant disadvantage of a codified constitution is that controversies arise due to different understandings of the usages and customs from which the fundamental provisions of the constitution derive.[7]: 167–169
Since 1932, Thailand has had 20 charters or constitutions (as of 2015)—an average of one roughly every four years
All of these called for a
The 1997 constitution of Thailand, often called the "people's constitution", was considered a landmark in terms of the degree of public participation involved in its drafting as well as the democratic nature of its articles. It stipulated a bicameral legislature, both houses of which were elected. Many human rights were explicitly acknowledged for the first time, and measures were established to increase the stability of elected governments.
The
The most recent Constitution went into effect on April 6, 2017.[10]
Overview
This section needs additional citations for verification. (September 2012) |
Thailand portal |
- Temporary Charter for the Administration of Siam Act 1932
- Constitution of the Kingdom of Siam 1932
- Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand 1946
- Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand (Interim) 1947
- Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand 1949
- Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand 1932 (Revised 1952)
- Charter for the Administration of the Kingdom 1959
- Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand 1968
- Interim Charter for Administration of the Kingdom 1972
- Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand 1974
- Constitution for Administration of the Kingdom 1976
- Charter for Administration of the Kingdom 1977
- Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand 1978
- Charter for Administration of the Kingdom 1991
- Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand 1991
- Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand 1997
- Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand (Interim) 2006
- Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand 2007
- Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand (Interim) 2014
- Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand 2017
Charters have traditionally been temporary instruments, promulgated following military
The great number of charters and constitutions since 1932 is indicative of the degree of political instability in Thailand. The majority of charters and constitutions were the direct or indirect result of military coups. Charters and constitutions for much of Thai history can be thought of not as instruments of the people to control the government, but as instruments by which a government controls its people.[citation needed]
All of Thailand's charters and constitutions have allowed a
Based on the degree by which the legislature is elected, Thailand's 20 constitutions and charters can be categorized into three groups:[citation needed]
- Elected legislatures: The legislature is completely elected. This included the 1946 Constitution where the elected House selected the Senate and the 1997 constitution where both the House and Senate are elected.
- Appointed legislatures: The legislature is partly elected and partly appointed by the executive. The appointed members of the legislature are sufficient to limit the power of the elected representatives. The prime minister is either a military leader or a figurehead of the military or the palace. This includes the 1932 constitution (after 1937), the 1947 Charter, the 1949 Constitution, the 1952 Constitution, the 1968 Constitution, the 1974 Constitution, the 1978 Constitution, the 1991 Constitution, the 2007 Constitution, and the Pending 2016 Constitution.
- Absolute executives: The executive has absolute or near absolute power, with either no legislature or a completely appointed legislature. The prime minister is usually a military leader or a figurehead of the military or the palace. This includes the 1932 Charter, the 1932 constitution (before 1937), the 1959 Charter, the 1972 Charter, the 1976 Constitution, the 1991 Charter, the 2006 Interim Charter, and the 2014 Interim Constitution.
1932 temporary charter
On 24 June 1932, the
The People's Party leaders generally followed the British parliamentary structure for the temporary charter. However, there were key differences, particularly regarding the powers of the monarch.
The charter began by stating that
The monarch was not held to be infallible. He had a limited degree of sovereign immunity: although he could not be prosecuted in an ordinary court of law, the Assembly could impeach and try him. The monarch did not have the right to grant pardons.
Several other features would be mirrored in later constitutions. The monarch would not have an absolute veto. Any law vetoed by the king was sent back to the Assembly, which could approve it with a simple majority. The charter followed the 1924 Palace Law with regards to succession. The Assembly, however, reserved the right to formally approve the successor.
In practice, the People's Party made many concessions to the palace in putting together the new government. The premiership and the foreign ministry were given to two hard-line royalists: Phraya
Despite this, the charter provoked fierce resistance from the palace. The new government reduced the palace budget and passed a taxation law that burdened the kingdom's largest landowners, who were mostly nobles. In September 1932, a senior prince threatened the king's abdication if a permanent constitution did not grant the palace greater power.[17]
1932 constitution
The People's Party, facing an internal power struggle and opposition from the king, promulgated a permanent constitution on 10 December 1932 that gave the monarchy a significant increase in authority compared to the temporary charter. This day, 10 December, is currently celebrated as Constitution Day.[citation needed]
The constitution continued to state that
After the new constitution was adopted, a new 20-member cabinet was formed; 10 of whom came from the People's Party. On 7 January 1933, the Nationalist Party (Thai: คณะชาติ) was officially registered, with Luang Vichitvadakan, Phraya Thonawanikmontri, and Phraya Senasongkhram as leaders. The People's Party had been officially registered in August 1932.[16] The Assembly was expanded to 156 members, 76 elected and 76 appointed.
Demands for constitutional reform
On 31 January 1933, the king sent a letter to the premier requesting that all political parties be abolished. On 14 April, the premier disbanded the People's Party. He later adjourned the legislature and reshuffled the leadership of the army, giving leadership to Phraya Phichaisongkhram and Phraya
In August 1933, the government began registering candidates for village representatives who would cast votes in indirect elections for half of the legislature. It also started registering candidates for the legislature. Elections in some provinces started in October, but most were held in November.[citation needed]
In the midst of the elections, in October 1933, royalist factions led by Prince
From London, the king issued an ultimatum: in exchange for his return, and the legitimacy it lent to the People's Party, the king demanded several constitutional reforms. These included the right to select half of the legislature, control over the royal budget, and veto power that could be overridden only by a three-fourths majority of the legislature. The king also demanded the right to try capital cases, in this case, to free rebel soldiers. At the time, The New York Times reported that the king also threatened to sell the throne's substantial assets, including land, palaces, and the Emerald Buddha.[18]: 53 The People's Party rejected the ultimatum, and in March 1935, Prajadhipok abdicated.
Direct democratic elections for half of the People's Assembly were first held on 7 November 1937.[15] Women had the right to vote and stand for elections.
1946 constitution
At the end of the
A new constitution, Thailand's most democratic until the enactment of the 1997 People's constitution, was drafted in his honor.[19] In 1972, Pridi Banomyong called it the constitution that gave the Thai people the most complete democratic rights,[20] though these guarantees were later surpassed by those of the 1997 and 2007 constitutions. One key difference from previous constitutions was that the House of Representatives would, for the first time, be fully elected by the people (176 members). A Senate (80 members) was also established, which would, unlike the British House of Lords, be elected by the House for six-year terms. In addition, active civil servants and soldiers were banned from serving in the parliament or cabinet, thus reducing the power of the military. A ban on senior princes participating in electoral politics was repealed, thus precluding only the king and four other people from politics.[14]
The constitution was promulgated on 9 May 1946. One month later, on 9 June 1946, the king was found shot to death. His death was soon followed by a military uprising on 8 November 1947 that abrogated the 1946 constitution.
1947 charter
The military
The regent, Prince
The new charter gave the palace a persistent demand: a permanent Supreme State Council (later to be transformed into the Privy Council) to advise the monarch and handle his personal affairs. The council would be composed of five members, appointed by the monarch and acting as a regency council in his absence. The Supreme State Council had been banned after the 1932 revolution.[20] The palace was also given increased control over its own operations, including the royal household, the privy purse, and the royal guards. The king was given several emergency prerogatives, such as the ability to declare war and martial law.
A monarch-appointed senate with 100 members was established, equal in size to the house of representatives. As in previous constitutions, the monarch still did not have an absolute veto. However, the monarch-appointed senate could, through a simple majority over the combined houses of parliament, sustain a royal veto. The chairman of the Supreme State Council had to countersign any royal orders in order to make them official (when the constitution was announced, Bhumibol Adulyadej was still a minor and the privy council performed the king's regnal duties on his behalf. Thus in practice, the Supreme Council of State itself selected and appointed senators and had the power of veto).[20] The ban on civil servants and soldiers serving in parliament and the cabinet was removed. Another key change stated that the policies of one government could not be altered by a succeeding government without royal approval. A multi-member constituency system replaced the single member constituency system which had been in effect since 1932.[19] The minimum age of electoral candidates was raised from 23 to 35. Numerous MPs elected under the 1946 constitution had been under the age of 30, but were ineligible under the junta's constitution.[20]
Surprisingly, the palace/privy council rejected the slate of senate appointees proposed by the military. It instead filled the senate with princes, nobles, and palace-friendly businessmen, leaving only eight appointees from the military's slate. With control over palace operations, the palace purged nearly 60 officials, clearing out earlier appointees from previous governments.[24]
Khuang Aphaiwong was appointed prime minister, and it was agreed that a new constitution would be drafted following House elections, which occurred on 29 January 1948. The Seni Pramoj and Khuang Aphaiwong-led Democrats won a majority and appointed a cabinet packed with palace allies. Tension between the military and the palace increased, until in April, a group of generals met with Khuang and Prince Rangsit, successfully demanding that Khuang resign and Marshal Plaek be appointed premier.
1949 constitution
The constitution of 1949 was promulgated on 23 January 1949 as a permanent instrument to replace the temporary 1948 charter. The drafting committee was headed by Seni Pramoj and dominated by royalists under the direction of Prince Rangsit and Prince Dhani.[14]
The 1949 constitution elevated the throne to its most powerful position since the
The king could issue his own decrees with authority equal to that of the government. The king also gained the power to call for a
1952 constitution
On 29 November 1951, as the king was returning to Thailand from Switzerland via ship, the military seized power from Privy Council President Dhani, abrogated the 1949 constitution, and appointed Marshal Plaek as regent. A single 123-member national assembly was appointed, 103 of whom were from the military or police.
The assembly re-used the 1932 constitution with some additional amendments, namely allowing a privy council rather than a supreme council of state and using multi-member legislative constituencies rather than single-member constituencies.[19] Half of the legislature was appointed. After much confrontation between the government and the palace in early 1952, the king promulgated the constitution unchanged on 8 March 1952.[14] Democratic elections were held for half of the legislature in March 1952. Nearly all of the appointed parliamentary members were army officers.[25] Legislative elections were held again in March 1957.
1959 charter
On the evening of 16 September 1957, General
A temporary charter was promulgated in February 1959 and remained in place for nine years, even after Sarit's death in 1964. The charter has been called "perhaps the most repressive in Thailand's history."[19] It granted the premier near absolute power, including the authority to order summary executions.[26] It banned political parties and called for an appointed unicameral parliament, consisting of 240 mostly military appointees.[19] It contained only 20 articles, making it the shortest charter in Thai history.
1968 constitution
General
Despite resistance from
In February 1969, the first democratic elections in over a decade were held, resulting in parties aligned with Thanom winning a majority in the house.[14]
1972 temporary charter
Amid rising social and political conflict, on 17 November 1971, Thanom Kittikachorn and his deputy
Massive protests and strikes resulted, coinciding with a recession and high inflation. A disastrous offensive against the Communist Party of Thailand (CPT) was launched. As tensions reached a boiling point in December 1972, Thanom drafted a new charter. Similar in many ways to Sarit's 1959 charter, it reinforced the power of the military dictatorship. Political parties were banned, and a wholly appointed, unicameral, 299-member national legislative assembly, 200 of whom were military and police, was established. The executive retained strong control over the legislature.[19]
1974 constitution
Thanom's interim charter failed to stem opposition to the "three tyrants". On 13 October 1973, a 400,000-person protest took place at the
Prime Minister Sanya appointed a constitution-drafting committee consisting of Justice Minister Prakob Hutasing, Kukrit Pramoj, and a number of academics. They produced a first draft by 8 January 1974.
There were concerns that the Thanom-appointed parliament would be inappropriate for approving the draft. The king suggested a royally appointed 2,347-person group, who would appoint a 299-person committee, who would nominate a 100-person convention to scrutinize the draft.
The first draft of the drafting committee swung the balance of power to an elected legislature for the first time since 1946. Political parties would once again be legalized. A hybrid between single-member and multiple-member constituencies was created: constituencies were once again province-wide with one MP for a population of 150,000, but a province with over three MPs was to be divided into two or more constituencies, each with at least one, but not more than three, MPs. This prevented populous provinces from dominating the legislature.[19]
The draft allowed the elected house to appoint the senate. A simple majority could override the royal veto. Cabinet members had to be MPs. In an unprecedented move, the drafters required a popular referendum on the draft prior to the king's approval.
The draft faced staunch opposition by royalist members of the convention, led by
The palace added two clauses. First, in the absence of a prince, parliament could select a princess as successor to the throne. The
The new draft was very different from the intentions of the drafting committee, and at one point, Sanya actually resigned from the premiership, only to be pressured back into position.[14] The new draft was approved by the convention and promulgated on 7 October 1974. The majority of the constitution conformed to the convention's alternative draft. However, the premier, rather than the privy council president, was allowed to countersign the royal declaration appointing senators.[19] Legislative elections were held in January 1975, resulting in none of the 22 parties coming close to winning a majority. The Democrats, led by Seni Pramoj, formed a coalition government in February 1974. The coalition was highly unstable, and was replaced in less than a month by a Social Action Party-led coalition which appointed Kukrit Pramoj as premier.
1976 constitution
Kukrit's coalition government was highly controversial, and governed amid escalating anti-leftist violence. Kukrit's own house was attacked and ransacked by police in August 1975. The palace was increasingly involved in the political maelstrom, and in January 1976, the military successfully demanded that Kukrit dissolve parliament. Elections were scheduled on 14 April. The months leading up to the election were extremely violent.[30] Seni Pramoj's Democrats won the most seats in the election, and formed a shaky coalition government.
Seni's government came under great pressure. A bill to extend elections to local levels was passed by parliament 149-19, but the king refused to sign the bill or return it to parliament, effectively vetoing it.
The military coup was clearly endorsed by the king, who declared that it was "a manefestation of what the people clearly wanted."[34]: 91
The new constitution, promulgated in 1976, gave the premier near absolute powers, including the power of summary justice. Political parties were banned. The king was allowed to appoint a 360-member unicameral national assembly of bureaucrats and soldiers. In addition, the king was granted a new prerogative, the power to introduce his own legislation directly into the assembly.[19]
Tanin made criminal cases the jurisdiction of military tribunals and gave police sweeping powers to detain people without charges for up to six months. The penalty for
Symbolically, Tanin planned to renovate the
1977 charter
Tanin's dictatorship provoked harsh opposition, even from the military, whose slate of legislative appointees was largely rejected by Tanin. On 20 October 1977, the military, led by
The 1977 charter was virtually the same as the 1976 constitution. The only key difference was that the name of the junta was changed to the National Policy Council.[19]
The new regime pledged a permanent constitution and elections in 1979. The National Policy Council appointed only three of its members to the cabinet. Relations with communist China, Laos, and Vietnam were improved. This foreign policy, as well as conciliatory government policies, weakened the Communist Party of Thailand and greatly reduced domestic political tensions.
Kriangsak's government continued to be snubbed by the king. Deposed Premier Tanin was appointed to the king's
1978 constitution
This article needs additional citations for verification. (June 2013) |
Kriangsak drafted a more democratic constitution in 1978. The constitution established a bicameral national assembly, consisting of an elected 301-member house of representatives and an appointed 225-member senate. The premier, not the king, appointed the senate. The house could submit a motion for parliamentary debate for a vote of no-confidence. However, the senate could block house legislation concerning national security, the economy, the budget, and
House elections, for which political parties were banned, were held in April 1979, resulting in a coalition government which continued to appoint Kriangsak as premier. The
Prem ruled for another eight years, never once running in an election. He retained power despite
In early 1983, facing the end of the constitutional transitory period on 21 April, after which he would be banned from appointment to the premiership, Prem planned to amend the constitution to make the transitory period permanent. Prem's aid, Pichit Kullavanich, hinted at a military coup if the amendment was not ratified.[38]: 284 The amendment faced harsh public opposition while the military itself was distracted by internal conflicts[39] leading to the failure of the amendment its 3rd reading on 16 March 1983.
On 19 March 1983, Prem dissolved parliament and scheduled house elections on 18 April. The new government would thus be formed under the transitory clauses, allowing Prem to continue as premier for up to four more years. Prem's plan was successful and allowed him to consolidate his power base. Prem noted that "The armed forces will play an important role in the defense of the country, national independence, and the democratic system under the monarchy."[40]
Parliament revolted again in 1986, prompting Prem to dissolve parliament and schedule house elections on 27 July. The Democrats campaigned against Prem's domination and managed to win the most seats. But the government coalition they formed still reappointed Prem as premier.[41] Later, Prem was accused of using the king's name and the military's strength as the means to retain power.[42]
Parliament was dissolved and house elections scheduled for 24 July 1988, with Prem again not standing for election. As in 1986, the election resulted in no single party winning enough seats to govern without a coalition. Thousands protested in front of Prem's house against the prospect of an unelected premier, until Prem finally announced that he would not accept the premiership.
1991 constitutions
On 23 February 1991, Army Commander Suchinda Kraprayoon led the military in seizing power from the Chatichai government, abrogating the 1978 constitution, and replacing it with a temporary charter.[14] Calling themselves the National Peace Keeping Council (NPKC), the coup makers appointed a new unicameral national assembly of 292 military officers and supporters, headed by Ukrit Mongkolnavin.[19] Ukrit and appointed Premier Anand Panyarachun were tasked with drafting a permanent constitution.
The drafting of a new constitution became a virtual battleground between the military and its opponents. The military favored a position of continued strength, a larger and more powerful NPKC-appointed senate with power over an elected house, a larger privy council, and the ability for non-elected officials to become cabinet members. This last clause allowed an acting military leader to become premier. The public mobilized to protest the draft, with 50,000 people demonstrating at Sanam Luang on 19 November 1991, the largest protest in Thailand since 1976. The king intervened in his 4 December birthday speech, urging the public to accept the draft and noting that "procedures or principles that we have imported for use are sometimes not suitable to the conditions of Thailand or the character of Thai people."[14][44] The constitution allowed Suchinda Kraprayoon to be appointed as prime minister, which led to a violent public uprising in May 1992 that brought down the government.
1997 constitution
The 1997 constitution was widely hailed as a landmark in democratic political reform. Promulgated on 11 October 1997, it was the first constitution to be drafted by an elected assembly, and hence was popularly called the "people's constitution".[45]
The constitution drafting process
The "
The 1996 amendment called for the creation of an entirely new constitution by a 99-member Constitution Drafting Assembly (CDA). Seventy-six members would be directly elected from each province and 23 members would be selected by parliament.
Key features
The 1997 constitution had several innovations compared to previous constitutions, including:
- Election reform.election commissionwas established.
- Strengthening the executive branch.vote of no confidence debate against a prime minister. A successful vote of no confidence required a majority of one-half of the house. Only one-fifth of the house was required for a no confidence motion against an individual minister. These measures were aimed at increasing the stability of governments.[47]
- Greater separation between the executive and legislative branches. MPs were forced to resign from the house in order to become cabinet ministers.
- Human rights. A number of human rights were explicitly recognized, including the right to free education, the rights of traditional communities, and the right and duty to peacefully protest coups and other extra-constitutional means of acquiring power.[12] The right to protest coups was banned following the 2006 coup.
- Decentralization of government, including the establishment of elected Tambon Administrative Organizations (TAOs) and Provincial Administrative Organizations (PAOs). School administration was also decentralized.
- Increased checks and balances, including new independent government agencies like the Constitutional Court, the Administrative Court, the Office of the Auditor-General, the National Counter Corruption Commission, the National Human Rights Commission, the Consumer's Protection Organization, the Environmental Conservation Organization, and an Ombudsman.
Praise and criticism
The constitution was highly praised for the inclusive process involved in its drafting, its enshrinement of human rights, and its significant advances in political reform.[12] It was viewed as successful in fostering democratic development and increasing political stability.[48] Its measures to politically empower and protect citizens were also praised.[49] The January 2001 house election, the first house election contested under the 1997 constitution, was called the most open, corruption-free election in Thai history.[15] Political parties were effectively strengthened, and the effective number of parties in the legislature fell.[50]
Most criticism was based on the perspective that the constitution was too effective in some of its reforms. One of the members of the drafting committee,
The constitution was also criticized for the lack of clarity with which it defines the king's role in politics (see
2006 interim constitution
2006 coup d'état
On the evening of 19 September 2006, less than a month before
The drafting process
The junta appointed a legal panel to draft an interim charter (later officially called a "constitution"). The team was led by former senate speaker
Key features and criticism
A draft of the interim charter was released on 27 September 2006, to much criticism. The draft interim charter allowed the junta, which would be transformed into a permanent Council for National Security (CNS), to appoint an extremely powerful executive branch. The junta would also appoint a 250-member unicameral legislature.[56] Other major concerns included:
- The lack of controls for the drafting of a permanent constitution. The CNS would appoint a 2,000-member National People's Assembly which would select 200 of its members to be candidates for the Constitution Drafting Assembly. The CNS would select 100 of those candidates for royal appointment to the assembly. It would also select the assembly head. The assembly would then appoint 25 of its members as constitution writers, with the CNS directly appointing 10 writers. This process effectively gave the junta complete control over the drafting of the permanent constitution.
- The use of an old charter if the permanent constitution was not completed by a CNS-set deadline. The specific charter to revert to was not specified. The CNS and the cabinet would choose which of Thailand's 16 previous charters to use.
- The lack of a clear timeline for a permanent constitution.
- The inclusion of King Bhumibol's theory of a self-sufficient economyin the preamble.
- The granting of legal authority for the junta's post-coup announcements and orders, including bans against demonstrations and political activities (Article 36).
- The granting of amnesty to the junta for staging the coup (Article 37).
- The inability of the public to file comments on parliamentary bills.[57]
The draft's content as well as drafting process met with much public criticism.[58][59] However, the interim charter did call for one democratic innovation: it required that a permanent constitution would have to be ratified by public referendum. Nonetheless, the referendum proposal too was condemned, as the junta would have complete authority to propose a permanent alternative constitution if the draft were to be rejected.[60]
The draft interim charter was promulgated unchanged on 1 October 2006.
2007 constitution
The 2006 interim constitution specified the terms and conditions for the drafting of a permanent constitution. The drafting committee consisted of drafters both directly and indirectly appointed by the CNS junta. The draft was subject to a public referendum, but under the terms of the 2006 constitution, the CNS would be allowed to promulgate any constitution of their choosing if the draft failed the referendum. The draft was criticized by the Thai Rak Thai party and supported by the Democrat party. Criticism of the draft was banned. The CNS attempted to link loyalty to the king with support for the draft, and ran a campaign with the slogan "Love the King. Care about the King. Vote in a referendum. Accept the 2007 draft charter."[61][62] The draft was approved by 59.3 percent of the voters on 19 August 2007, with 55.6 percent of qualified voters voting.
Under the 2007 constitution, only half of the senate was elected; the other half was appointed. The executive branch was weakened, and half as many MPs were needed to propose a no-confidence vote compared to the 1997 constitution. The judiciary was strengthened and high-ranking judges became part of the appointment committees for the senate, the election commission, and virtually all other independent agencies, causing critics to label The 2007 constitution as "the absolute rule of judges."
2014 suspension of 2007 constitution
On 20 May 2014, in what was described as a partial repeal of the 2007 constitution,
On 29 May, Gen Prayut directly addressed public television audiences to announce plans for administering the country, emphasizing financial stability and transparency. He explained that because peace and reforms must first be achieved, national elections might not take place for more than a year, with no timetable for reinstating a codified constitution.[64]
2014 interim constitution
2017 constitution
The National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO) unveiled a draft constitution on 29 March 2016.[65] In the run-up to the 7 August 2016 referendum on the new constitution, the army conducted a "grassroots information campaign." There was no debate permitted on its merits.[66] Under the junta's rules, "people who propagate information deemed distorted, violent, aggressive, inciting or threatening so that voters do not vote or vote in a particular way" faced up to 10 years in jail and a fine of up to 200,000 baht.[67] The 105-page, 279-article constitution[2][3] was approved by 61.4 percent of Thai voters on 7 August 2016 with 59.4 percent of the public participating.[68]
Under the constitution, Parliament is bicameral, consisting of a 250-member nominated Senate and a 500-member House of Representatives of whom 350 are elected from single-member constituencies and 150 members from party lists.[3] The proposed constitution also allows the NCPO to appoint an eight to ten person panel who will choose Senators,[4] to include six seats reserved for the heads of the Royal Thai Army, Navy, Air Force, and Police, plus the military's supreme commander, and defense permanent secretary. A sitting of both houses of the bicameral Parliament became required to name a prime minister, and that meeting could also select a candidate as Prime Minister who is not one of its members or even a politician. That person could become Prime Minister if the appointed Senate approves. Some suspected that with the new constitution the military sought to hobble political parties in order to create disposable coalition governments. The military would then remain the real power, whatever the outcome of the referendum and the election.[67] The process for amending the constitution was also made more complex and difficult, effectively allowing the military to entrench its power via the Senate.[69]
Six changes were made to the voter approved constitution by the time it was ratified on April 6, 2017.[70] These changes give the Thai monarch great power on the appointment of Regents, require disclosure of Regents by the Privy Council in order to obtain approval from the Thai Parliament, and also restores the 2007 Constitution's requirement that the monarch has personal management of any constitutional crisis.[71] Additionally, the constitutional change expanded the right to a healthy environment.[72]
See also
- Law of Thailand
- Politics of Thailand
- Human rights in Thailand
- History of Thailand (1932–1973)
- History of Thailand (1973–2001)
- History of Thailand since 2001
Notes and references
- ^ a b Rojanaphruk, Pravit (2015-09-05). "Activist warns citizens against becoming 'pets of rulers' with new charter". The Nation. Archived from the original on 2018-11-18. Retrieved 5 September 2015.
- ^ a b "Proposed constitution". Thai National Assembly. Retrieved 30 March 2016.
- ^ a b c "Draft Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand 2016 Unofficial English Translation" (PDF). United Nations Thailand. Office of the United Nations Resident Coordinator, Thailand. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2016-08-16. Retrieved 1 July 2016.
- ^ a b "Politicians have no rights to disagree with me: Thai junta leader". Prachatai English. 2016-04-11. Retrieved 11 April 2016.
- Manuic laws of India.
- ISBN 0824813936.
- ISBN 978-8183820615.
- ^ This article incorporates text from this source, which is in the public domain. Barbara Leitch LePoer, ed. (1987). Thailand: A Country Study. Federal Research Division. History.
- ^ Somroutai Sapsomboon, Supalak G Khundee (July 6, 2007). "Referendum law or penalty law?". Politics. The Nation (Thailand). Archived from the original on 2012-09-21. Retrieved February 10, 2013.
Focus is on punishments rather than procedures and guidelines for holding a vote on new charter.
- ^ "Wave of attacks across southern Thailand after new constitution signed". Reuters. 2017-04-07.
- ^ The Council of State, Constitutions of Thailand Archived 2006-08-16 at the Wayback Machine. This list contains two errors: it states that the sixth constitution was promulgated in 1912 (rather than 1952), and it states that the 11th constitution was promulgated in 1976 (rather than 1974).
- ^ a b c d Thanet Aphornsuvan, The Search for Order: Constitutions and Human Rights in Thai Political History Archived February 26, 2008, at the Wayback Machine, 2001 Symposium: Constitutions and Human Rights in a Global Age: An Asia Pacific perspective
- ^ For the remainder of the article, "charter" (Thai: ธรรมนูญ or ธรรมนูญการปกครอง) and "constitution" (Thai: รัฐธรรมนูญ) will be used interchangeably
- ^ ISBN 0-300-10682-3
- ^ a b c Robert B. Albritton and Thawilwadee Bureekul, Developing Democracy under a New Constitution in Thailand Archived November 8, 2006, at the Wayback Machine, National Taiwan University and Academia Sinica Asian Barometer Project Office Working Paper Series No. 28, 2004
- ^ a b c d Eiji Murashima, Democracy and the Development of Political Parties in Thailand, 1932-1945 Archived September 22, 2006, at the Wayback Machine, Chapter 1 of Eiji Murashima, Nakharin Mektrairat, and Somkiat Wanthana, The Making of Modern Thai Political Parties, Joint Research Programme Series No.86, Institute of Developing Economies, Tokyo, 1991
- ^ Scott Barme, "Luang Wichit Wathakan and the Creation of a Thai Identity, Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1993, page 72
- ISBN 0-300-10682-3
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m Paul Chambers, Good governance, political stability, and constitutionalism in Thailand 2002: The state of democratic consolidation five years after the implementation of the 1997 constitution[permanent dead link], King Prajadhipok's Institute, 10 August 2002
- ^ a b c d Pridi Banomyong, "Some Aspects of the Establishment of the People's Party and Democracy", 1972
- ^ Bangkok Post, 5 April 1948
- ^ The palace's complicity in the coup has been challenged, with one biographer claiming the prince only accepted the coup at gunpoint (See Kobkua Suwannathat-Pian, "Thailand's Durable Premier", Oxford University Press: 1995, page 39).
- ^ Kobkua Suwannathat-Pian, "Thailand's Durable Premier", Oxford University Press: 1995, page 39
- ^ Bangkok Post, 18 January 1949
- ^ Nations Encyclopedia, Thailand - A Country Study: November 1951 Coup, Nations Encyclopedia, Based on the Country Studies Series by Federal Research Division of the Library of Congress
- ^ The Nation, Sarit's Legacy - the original strongman Archived 2007-09-30 at the Wayback Machine, 16 June 2005
- ^ Benedict Anderson, "Withdrawal Symptoms: Social and Cultural Aspects of the October 6 Coup", Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars, July–September 1990, page 30
- ^ The Nation, Uprising: Narong 'is distorting history' Archived 2005-10-24 at the Wayback Machine, 31 August 2003
- Bhumibol had just one son, Prince Vajiralongkorn, but several daughters. The ability to amend the 1924 Palace Law allowed the king to appoint anyone he wished as successor (see Aryan, Gothan (September 15–16, 2004). Thai Monarchy Archived June 23, 2006, at the Wayback Machine(PDF format). International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance).
- Chart Thai Partywas established with the slogan "Right Kills Left".
- ^ Such a refusal to either sign or reject legislation was very rare. King Bhumibol did it again in 2005, when he refused to endorse a replacement for a disqualified auditor-general. As in 1976, the government did not dare to pressure him to reject the law, and simply passed over the issue.
- ^ David Morell and Chai-Anan Samudavanija, "Political Conflict in Thailand: Reform, Reaction, Revolution"
- ^ 46 was the official deathcount, see Bryce Beemer, Forgetting and Remembering "Hok Tulaa", the October 6 Massacre Archived September 2, 2006, at the Wayback Machine. Students were also lynched and their bodies mutilated in front of cheering crowds
- ^ Andrew Turon, Jonathan Fast, and Malcolm Caldwell, eds. "Thailand: Roots of Conflict", Spokesman: 1978
- Thai king. See David Streckfuss, "Kings in the Age of Nations: The Paradox of Lèse-Majesté as Political Crime in Thailand", Comparative Studies in Society and History 37 (3): 445-475.
- Asian Wall Street Journal(23 December 1981) and jailing anyone critical of the throne.
- ^ The plan was dropped after Tanin was overthrown.
- ^ Far Eastern Economic Review, 17 January 1983, cited in Handley (2006)
- ^ Particularly between the Chulachomklao Royal Military Academy's Class 5 alumni (who would later form the National Peace Keeping Council in the successful 1991 coup) and Class 7 alumni (the so-called "Young Turks", who led unsuccessful coups in 1981 and 1985), see Nations Encyclopedia, Thailand: Political Developments, 1980-87, Based on the Country Studies Series by the Federal Research Division of the Library of Congress. Prem also engaged in a public conflict with his Army Commander, Arthit Kamlang-ek
- ^ Far Eastern Economic Review, 2 June 1983, cited in Handley (2006), page 285
- Red Gaurleader Prachuab Suntharangkul, was given the powerful position of interior minister.
- ^ Prem offered the king the title of Maharaja, making him Bhumibol Adulyadej the Great. Democrat Sukhumbhand Paribatra noted "The substance of his [Prem's] accomplishments consists of balancing one military group against another to maintain his position. His style of leadership is one of maintaining a royalty-like aloofness from all major political problems." (Far Eastern Economic Review, 4 June 1987). A year later, frustration with the Prem/palace link led 99 well-known academics and technocrats to petition the king, asking him to stop allowing Prem to use the throne to legitimize his rule (see Far Eastern Economic Review, 16 June 1988).
- ^ Prem went on to the king's privy council and was later promoted to privy council president
- ^ Bangkok Post, "King calls for compromise on charter", 5 December 1991
- ^ Archive-It
- ^ a b c d Borwornsak Uwanno and Wayne D. Burns, The Thai Constitution of 1997 Sources and Process, part 2
- ^ Borwornsak Uwanno and Wayne D. Burns, The Thai Constitution of 1997 Sources and Process, part 1
- ^ Thawilwadee Bureekul and Stithorn Thananithichot, The Thai Constitution of 1997: Evidence of Democratization[permanent dead link]
- ^ Niyom Rathamarit, The 1997 constitution: the path of reform[permanent dead link]
- ^ Allen Hicken, Thailand: Combating Corruption through Electoral Reform
- ^ The Nation, "Thai Talk: Third party – not such a wild idea Archived 2007-09-26 at the Wayback Machine, 15 April 2004
- ^ Xinhua, New Senate election casts shadow on political prospect in Thailand
- ^ a b Duncan McCargo, Countries at the Crossroads 2006, Country Report - Thailand, Freedom House
- ^ The Nation, Wissanu, Borwornsak withdraw from team Archived 2006-11-24 at the Wayback Machine, 27 September 2006
- ^ The Nation, Restore basic civil rights, NGOs urge Archived 2007-03-12 at the Wayback Machine, 24 September 2006
- ^ The Nation, Draft charter criticised Archived 2007-09-30 at the Wayback Machine, 28 September 2006
- ^ The Nation, Interim charter draft Archived 2007-02-06 at the Wayback Machine, 27 September 2006
- ^ Bangkok Post, Draft charter loopholes can 'resurrect Thaksin regime', 28 September 2006
- ^ The Nation, Law lecturers attack interim charter Archived 2007-03-12 at the Wayback Machine, 30 September 2006
- ^ Asian Human Rights Commission, THAILAND: MILITARY COUP - Constitutional fictions, 9 October 2006
- ^ Bangkok Post, [1], 12 July 2007
- ^ The Nation, Publicity blitz to counter moves to reject new charter Archived 2007-09-29 at the Wayback Machine, 11 July 2007
- ^ Pakorn Nilprapunt (2 April 2012). "Martial Law, B.E. 2457 (1914) unofficial translation" (PDF). Thailand Law Forum. Office of the Council of State (Thailand). Archived from the original (PDF) on 2013-04-16. Retrieved May 30, 2014.
Reference to Thai legislation in any jurisdiction shall be to the Thai version only. This translation has been made so as to establish correct understanding about this Act to the foreigners.
- ^ "Thai army chief: elections could occur in 1 year". Asian Correspondent. Bristol, England: Hybrid News Limited. Associated Press. May 31, 2014.
The head of the military junta that took control of Thailand in a coup last week says elections may not take place for more than a year because peace and reforms must be achieved first.
- ^ Ehrlich, Richard C. (2016-03-29). "Thailand's new constitution falls short of return to democracy, critics say". The Washington Times. Retrieved 30 March 2016.
- ^ "A charter for the people" (Opinion). Bangkok Post. 6 March 2020. Retrieved 7 March 2020.
- ^ a b Ghosh, Nirmal (2016-04-04). "Thai military's grand design in politics" (Editorial). Straits Times. Retrieved 5 April 2016.
- ^ Bangprapa, Mongkol (2016-08-11). "Official charter referendum figures posted". Bangkok Post. Retrieved 29 September 2016.
- ^ "Do you hear the people sing?: Thais demand a democratic constitution to replace the junta". ConstitutionNet. Retrieved 2023-08-24.
- National Public Radio, April 6, 2017
- ^ Six changes in constitution, Bangkok Post, 6 Apr 2017
- ^ "Prosperous and green in the Anthropocene: The human right to a healthy environment in Southeast Asia". The Raoul Wallenberg Institute of Human Rights and Humanitarian Law. Retrieved 2021-04-22.
External links
- Websites
- Unofficial English translation by the Legal Opinion and Translation Section, Foreign Law Division under the Office of the Council of State
- Constitutional Court of Thailand
- Constitutions of Thailand - Council of State of Thailand (in Thai)
- Constitutions of Thailand (Translations) - Asian Legal Information Institute
- Draft Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand, 2016; Unofficial English Translation
- Articles
- Andrew Harding (n.d.). "May there be Virtue: "New Asian Constitutionalism" in Thailand". Archived from the original on March 12, 2007.
- Cabient Secretariat of Thailand (n.d.). "History of Thai Prime Ministers". Archived from the original on 2011-04-26.
- Eoseewong, Nidhi (1991). "The Thai Cultural Constitution". Kyoto Review of Southeast Asia. Retrieved 23 June 2015.
- E-books
- Kanin Boonsuwan (1998). 585 Questions About New Constitution (pdf) (in Thai). Bangkok: Winyuchon. ISBN 9742824541.
- Kittisak Prokati (2006). Thai Legal Reform under European Influence (pdf) (in Thai). Bangkok: Winyuchon. ISBN 9789742884727.
- House of Representatives Secretariat General (1996). Thai Parliament (PDF) (in Thai). Bangkok: Amarin Printing and Publishing.
- House of Representatives Secretariat General (1997). Constitutional History (PDF) (in Thai). Bangkok: House of Representatives Secretariat General.
- Manit Jumpa (2007). A Comment on Reform of Thai Constitution in 2007 (pdf) (in Thai). Bangkok: Chulalongkorn University Press. ISBN 9789740319078.
- Noranit Setabutr (2007). Constitutions and Thai Politics (pdf) (in Thai). Bangkok: Thammasat University Press. ISBN 9789745719996.
- Prime Minister's Secretariat General (1990). Thai Constitution Development (PDF) (in Thai). Bangkok: Aksonthai. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2021-09-02. Retrieved 2014-09-15.
- Yut Saeng-uthai (2008). A Legal Treatise on the Provisions of the Constitution governing the King (pdf) (in Thai). Bangkok: Winyuchon. ISBN 9789742886332.
Further reading
- Kobkua, Suwannathat-Pia (n.d.). Kings, Country and Constitutions: Thailand's Political Development 1932-2000. RoutledgeCurzon. ISBN 0700714731.