Dimitrije Ljotić
Dimitrije Ljotić | |
---|---|
Minister of Justice of Yugoslavia | |
In office 16 February 1931 – 17 August 1931 | |
Monarch | Alexander I |
Prime Minister | Petar Živković |
Preceded by | Milan Srškić |
Succeeded by | Dragutin S. Kojić |
Personal details | |
Born | Belgrade, Kingdom of Serbia | 12 August 1891
Died | 23 April 1945 Ajdovščina, Kingdom of Yugoslavia[1] | (aged 53)
Resting place | Unknown |
Political party | Yugoslav National Movement (Zbor) |
Other political affiliations | People's Radical Party (1920–27) |
Spouse | Ivka Mavrinac (1920–45; his death) |
Relations | Milan Nedić (cousin) Milutin Nedić (cousin) |
Children | 3 |
Parent(s) | Vladimir Ljotić Ljubica Stanojević |
Alma mater | University of Belgrade |
Profession | Lawyer |
Military service | |
Allegiance | Kingdom of Serbia Kingdom of Yugoslavia |
Branch/service | Army |
Years of service |
|
Rank | Corporal |
Battles/wars | Balkan Wars World War I |
Dimitrije Ljotić (
He joined the
Ljotić was publicly denounced as a traitor by the
Early life
Dimitrije Ljotić was born in Belgrade on 12 August 1891 to Vladimir Ljotić and his wife Ljubica (née Stanojević).[3][4] His father was a prominent politician in the port town of Smederevo[5] and served as the Serbian government consul to Greece.[6]
The Ljotić family was descended from two brothers, Đorđe and Tomislav Dimitrijević, who hailed from the village of
In 1858, the rival
Ljotić finished
In the autumn of 1913, he accepted a state scholarship to study in Paris. He stayed in the city for nearly a year,
Ljotić returned from Paris on 1 September 1914, and rejoined the Serbian Army. He attained the rank of
Interwar political career
People's Radical Party and Ministry of Justice
Ljotić joined the
On 20 June 1928, Montenegrin politician
In 1929, Ljotić was granted the first of several audiences with Alexander.
Zbor
In 1934, Alexander was assassinated in
Zbor was created by the merger of three fascist movements—Yugoslav Action from Zagreb, the "Fighters" from Ljubljana, and Buđenje from Petrovgrad. It was officially established in Belgrade on 6 January 1935, the sixth anniversary of King Alexander's dictatorship proclamation. Its members elected Ljotić its president, the Croat Juraj Korenić its vice-president, the Slovene Fran Kandare as second vice-president and the Serb Velibor Jonić as its secretary-general. Zbor's official stated goal was the imposition of a planned economy and "the racial and biological defense of the national life-force and the family". Otadžbina became its official newspaper.[27]
Zbor was declared illegal upon establishment, since virtually all political parties in Yugoslavia had been banned since the declaration of King Alexander's dictatorship in 1929. On 2 September 1935, Jonić and attorney Milan Aćimović petitioned the Yugoslav Ministry of the Interior to legalize Zbor. On 8 November, the Ministry of the Interior conceded and recognized Zbor as an official political party.[28] German officials in Yugoslavia quickly took notice of the movement, with the German envoy to Yugoslavia, Viktor von Heeren, providing it with financial assistance and infiltrating it with German agents.[12] A German observer noted: "The movement Zbor represents a kind of national socialist party. Its principles are the struggle against Freemasons, against Jews, against Communists and against western capitalism."[28] German industrial firms provided Zbor with further financial aid, as did German intelligence services.[28]
Since 1935, Ljotić was a member of the Braničevo Diocese Council whose vice-president was a member of the Patriarchal Council of the Serbian Orthodox Church in Belgrade. Through these connections, Ljotić developed strong relations with bishop Nikolaj Velimirović, under whose influence some members of his clerical organization Bogomoljci became part of the Zbor movement.[29]
Most of the support that Zbor received in Serbia came from members of the urban middle class, as well as right-wing students and members of the armed forces. The majority of Zbor's members were ethnic
During
Elections
Despite its opposition to parliamentary democracy, Zbor participated in the 1935 Yugoslav parliamentary elections.[32] It offered 8,100 candidates throughout Yugoslavia.[35] On 5 May the Yugoslav government first announced the results of the elections, which showed that 72.6 percent of the eligible electorate had cast a total of 2,778,172 ballots. The party of Bogoljub Jevtić had received 1,738,390 (62.6%) votes and 320 seats in parliament and the Opposition Bloc led by Vladko Maček had received 983,248 (35.4%) votes and 48 seats. Zbor finished last in the polls, with 23,814 (0.8%) votes, and had acquired no seats in parliament.[36] Of all the votes it had received, 13,635 came from the Danube Banovina, in which Ljotić's home district of Smederevo was located.[37] The election results initially published by authorities caused an upheaval amongst the public, forcing the government to publish the results of a recount on 22 May. The recount showed that 100,000 additional ballots that had not been recorded on 5 May had been cast and that Jevtić's party had received 1,746,982 (60.6%) votes and 303 seats, the Opposition Bloc had received 1,076,345 (37.4%) and 67 seats, and that Zbor had received 24,008 (0.8%) votes and again no seats.[36]
In 1937, Ljotić began attacking Stojadinović through Zbor publications and accused him of complicity in King Alexander's assassination three years earlier.
On 10 October, Stojadinović dissolved the
Anti-Jewish propaganda
Among Ljotić's anti-Jewish propaganda activity was a brochure from 1938 entitled Drama savremenog čovečanstva (Drama of Modern Humanity), where he wrote that "Judaism is the greatest evil of the present. It is the most insidious and most dangerous opponent for all Christian nations. Judaism must therefore be liquidated quickly and vigorously, because otherwise the collapse of Christian civilization and the Christian world is inevitable".[43]
World War II
Activities in Yugoslavia
In August 1939, Ljotić's cousin,
With the outbreak of World War II, Ljotić supported Yugoslavia's policy of neutrality in the conflict while promoting the position that Yugoslav diplomacy should focus on relations with Berlin.[37] He vehemently opposed the August 1939 Cvetković–Maček Agreement[37][45] and repeatedly wrote letters to Prince Paul urging him to annul it.[46] In these letters, he advocated an immediate re-organization of the government according to Zbor ideology, the abolishment of Croatian autonomy, the division of the Royal Yugoslav Army into contingents of mostly ethnic Serbs, with some Croat and Slovene volunteers, who would be armed, and contingents of most Croats and Slovenes in the armed forces, who would serve as labour units and would be unarmed. Effectively, the purpose of all these points was to reduce non-Serbs in Yugoslavia to the status of second-class citizens.[47] By this point, Zbor was infiltrated by the German Gestapo, the Abwehr (German military intelligence), and the Schutzstaffel (SS).[48] In 1940, the Royal Yugoslav Army purged its pro-German elements and Ljotić lost much of the influence he held over the armed forces.[20]
Ljotić's followers responded to the Cvetković–Maček Agreement with violence, clashing with the youth wing of the
On 23 October 1940, White Eagles members massed outside the campus of the University of Belgrade.[49] University president Petar Micić was a Zbor sympathizer. The Belgrade police, who were alleged to have had foreknowledge of the riots, withdrew from the area before violence erupted.[48] The White Eagles members then threatened faculty and students with pistols and knives, stabbed some of them, hailed Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini as their heroes and shouted "down with the Jews!"[49] Members of Slovenski Jug (Slavic South), a Serbian nationalist movement, participated in the riots, which were orchestrated by Ljotić to provoke martial law and bring about a more centralized system of control in the university. The Serbian public responded to the riots with outrage. On 24 October, the Yugoslav government revoked Zbor's legal status. On 2 November, the Ministry of Interior sent a list of Zbor members to all municipal administrators in Serbia.[48] The government cracked down on Zbor by detaining several hundred members, forcing Ljotić into hiding.[26] One of the only public figures in Serbia to speak in favour of Ljotić during this period was Serbian Orthodox Bishop Nikolaj Velimirović, who praised his "faith in God" and "good character".[50]
Although a government investigation found Zbor guilty of high treason for accepting German funds, the authorities were careful not to arrest Ljotić in order to not provoke the Germans. Ljotić was placed under government surveillance but authorities quickly lost track of him. He hid with friends in Belgrade and remained in contact with Nedić and Velimirović. On 6 November, Nedić resigned from his post to protest the government crackdown on Zbor. Additional issues of Bilten continued to be printed despite his resignation. These supported a pro-Axis Yugoslav foreign policy, criticized the government's tolerance of Jews and Freemasons and attacked pro-British members of the government for their opposition to Yugoslavia signing the Tripartite Pact.[46] Ljotić remained in hiding until April 1941.[51]
Occupation of Yugoslavia
With the
When they first occupied the country, the Germans prohibited the activity of all Serbian political parties except Zbor.
In July and August, the Germans gave Ljotić permission to broadcast three of his speeches over Radio Belgrade and consulted him prior to appointing Nedić as leader of the Government of National Salvation in the Territory of the Military Commander in Serbia.[37] In one of his July speeches, Ljotić proclaimed that the ultimate aim of the Soviet Union was "the destruction of the national and Christian order, which would be followed by the rule of Jews over all nations."[30]
Formation of the Serbian Volunteer Detachments
In response to the Communist uprising that had erupted in the aftermath of the German occupation of Serbia, hundreds of prominent and influential Serbs signed an "Appeal to the Serbian Nation" which was published in major Belgrade newspapers on 11 August. The appeal called upon the Serbian population to help the authorities in every way in their struggle against the Communist rebels, and called for loyalty to the Nazis and condemned the Partisan resistance as unpatriotic.[59] Ljotić was one of 546 signatories.[60]
The Germans trusted Ljotić more than any other ethnic Serb in occupied Yugoslavia.[
In direct response to the Communist uprising, the Germans decreed that 100 Serbian civilians would be executed for every German soldier killed and 50 would be executed for every German soldier wounded. This policy culminated in the Kragujevac massacre of October 1941, in which a division of Ljotić's volunteers was involved.[61] Earlier that month, the Chetniks and Partisans had ambushed a column of German soldiers near Gornji Milanovac, killing 10 and wounding 26.[62] The Germans turned to Kragujevac for retaliation, not because of anti-German activity in the town but because not enough adult males could be found otherwise to meet the required quota for executions.[63]
According to eyewitnesses, SDO commander Marisav Petrović and his men entered barracks in which hostages were being held and, with German approval, freed those whom they recognized as supporters of Ljotić and Nedić, as well as those whose political attitudes they considered to be "nationally correct". Petrović accused those whom he had failed to free of supporting the Communists and spreading Communist propaganda, thus "infecting" Serbian society with their leftist ideas. Most of those who remained in German hands and were subsequently executed were high school students. According to the post-war testimony of Kosta Mušicki, another high-ranking SDO commander, Petrović also ordered the arrests of countless Romani civilians from surrounding villages and handed them over to the Germans for execution.[61] More than 3,000 citizens of Kragujevac were killed during the massacre.[64]
Serbian Volunteer Corps and propaganda efforts
On 22 October,[65] the Grand Anti-Masonic Exhibition opened in Belgrade,[66] organized by Zbor with German financial support. The exhibition sought to expose an alleged Judeo-Masonic/Communist conspiracy for world domination through several displays featuring anti-Semitic propaganda.[65] Serbian collaborationist newspapers such as Obnova (Renewal) and Naša Borba (Our Struggle) wrote positively of the exhibit, declaring Jews to be "the ancient enemies of the Serbian people" and that "Serbs should not wait for the Germans to begin the extermination of the Jews."[67] The latter newspaper, Naša Borba, had been established by Ljotić earlier in the year and its title echoed that of Hitler's Mein Kampf (My Struggle). Most of its contributors were well educated and included university students, teachers, lawyers and engineers.[68] Ljotić and his associates were responsible for the printing of fifty antisemitic titles between 1941 and 1944.[66] He also founded the Radna Služba (Labour Service), a youth movement similar to the Hitler Youth.[24]
In November, Ljotić intervened on behalf of 300–500 men detained by the Germans as suspected
On 28 March 1942, Nedić indicated to Turner that, in the event of his departure, Ljotić was the only person who could be considered his successor as leader of the Government of National Salvation. Turner remarked that "[Nedić] could not [have been] serious about this because Ljotić was a prophet and visionary, not a leader and statesman."
The SDK helped the Gestapo track down and round up Jewish civilians who had managed to evade capture by the Germans[75] and was involved in sending Jewish prisoners to the Banjica concentration camp.[76] SDK units were not allowed to move from their assigned territory without German authorization.[70] Members took an oath in which they pledged to fight to the death against both Communist forces and the Chetniks, to stay in the SDK for at least six months and to "serve the cause of the Serbian people."[77] Ljotić himself had no control over the SDK, which was directly commanded by Mušicki. Most officers in the SDK came either from the ranks of the disbanded Royal Yugoslav Army or the Yugoslav gendarmerie. Morale was high amongst the volunteers, with education officers similar to those employed by the Soviets and the Yugoslav Partisans being assigned to each company, battalion and regiment to teach and indoctrinate soldiers and help maintain high levels of morale. According to SDK ideology, Ljotić was a "guiding spirit" in his "political and philosophical pronouncements".[78] In his instructions to unit commanders, Ljotić stressed the importance of volunteers believing in and having respect for God. He urged them to pray regularly and warned that poor battlefield results and failure to gain the support of the Serbian public came as a result of the "wavering religiosity and faith" of commanders and their frequent cursing of God's name. Ljotić criticized the widespread practice of alcoholism, gambling and sexual decadence found among volunteers. He condemned acts of unnecessary violence when they were reported to him.[79]
On 15 July 1942, Mihailović sent a telegram to the Yugoslav government-in-exile asking them to publicly denounce Ljotić, Nedić and the openly collaborationist Chetnik leader
Retreat and death
In February 1944, the 2nd Battalion of the 5th SDK Regiment was sent to Montenegro to assist Đurišić's Chetniks, in accordance with Ljotić's plans. Of the 893 men who were sent, 543 were killed in action fighting the Partisans. On 6 September, Mihailović took control of several Serbian collaborationist formations, including the SDK.[83] Ljotić sent Ratko Parežanin, a Zbor member and editor of Naša Borba, and a detachment of 30 men to Montenegro to persuade Đurišić to withdraw his Chetniks towards German-held Slovenia, where Ljotić had a plan to mass Serbian forces and launch an attack against the NDH.[84] On 4 October, Ljotić, along with Nedić and about 300 Serbian government officials, escaped from Belgrade with German officials.[85] In early October, the SDK was tasked to defend the Šabac bridgehead on the Sava River against the Partisans, together with some German units under the command of Colonel Jungenfeld, head of the 5th Police Regiment. The battle for Belgrade commenced on 14 October, and the Germans decided to evacuate the SDK to a location where it could be used in guarding duties and anti-Partisan actions, since it was considered unsuitable for conventional operations. Hitler ordered that the SDK be moved to the Operational Zone of the Adriatic Littoral, and placed it under the command of the Higher SS and Police Leader Odilo Globocnik. The commander of Army Group F ordered the evacuation of the SDK from the railway station in Ruma on 17 October. Between 19–21 October, the High Command of the Southeast cleared the SDK for transport west.[86] At the end of October, Ljotić and the SDK arrived in the city of Osijek. It was here that German official Hermann Neubacher agreed to arrange their safe passage towards the Slovenian coast.[84] While the retreat of collaborationist troops through the NDH was easy, there were exceptions. In November, the Ustaše removed between thirty and forty SDK officers from transports moving through Zagreb, after which they were summarily executed.[87]
In December, Ljotić arranged for the release of
The Germans urged Nedić to raise a force of 50,000 men to fight advancing Soviet forces. Nedić agreed in principle to the creation of such an army, but insisted that it could not be used to fight the Soviets. He also demanded that any new collaborationist government include Mihailović. Ljotić stood vehemently opposed to the creation of a new Serbian government in any form, insisting that the Kingdom of Yugoslavia be re-established under Peter II. This plan received the support of both Dožić and Velimirović.[89]
In early 1945, Đurišić decided to move to the
Between March and April 1945, Ljotić and Mihailović exchanged messages concerning a last-ditch alliance against the Partisans. Although the agreement was reached too late to be of any practical use, the forces of Ljotić and Mihailović came together under the command of Chetnik General Miodrag Damjanović on 27 March.[74] Together, they tried to contact the western Allies in Italy in an attempt to secure foreign aid for a proposed anti-Communist offensive to restore royalist Yugoslavia.[92] In mid-April, at Ljotić's request, Dožić and Velimirović blessed approximately 25,000 members of the SDS, SUK, Serbian Border Guard, and the Special Police, as well as Đujić's and Dobroslav Jevđević's Chetniks and Slovene collaborators, who had gathered on the Slovenian coast.[93]
On 22 April, Đujić contacted Ljotić and requested to meet with him in the town of Postojna to coordinate a general Chetnik–SDK withdrawal towards Italy. Ljotić left from the village of Dobravlje the following day to meet with Đujić. His chauffeur, Ratko Živadinović, had very poor eyesight and, on approaching a bridge on the Hubelj River, failed to notice that it had been partially destroyed by Partisan saboteurs.[94]
Ljotić was killed on 23 April 1945 in the ensuing car accident in
Aftermath
In early May, Damjanović led most of the troops under his command into northwestern Italy, where they surrendered to the British and were placed in detention camps.[74] Many were extradited to Yugoslavia, where between 1,500 and 3,100 were executed by the Partisans[96] and buried in mass graves in the Kočevski Rog plateau.[69] Others immigrated to western countries, where they established émigré organizations intended to promote Zbor's political agenda.[69] Many of Ljotić's followers settled in Munich, where they ran their own publishing house and printed a newspaper called Iskra (Spark)[citation needed].
In 1974, Ljotić's brother was shot and killed by agents of the Yugoslav
Following the war, Ljotić's body was removed from the tomb in which it was buried. Two theories exist about what happened to it. One claims it was removed by Ljotić's followers and taken to an unknown location following the creation of the Free Territory of Trieste in 1947. The other theory holds that Ljotić was buried in Šempeter pri Gorici until the signing of the Treaty of Osimo in 1977, when his followers removed his body from the tomb in which it was buried and took it to an unknown location outside Yugoslavia, possibly to Italy.[94]
Views
Ljotić was staunchly anti-Semitic.[25][32][98] He is said to have advocated the extermination of Jews for years prior to the outbreak of World War II.[99][100] He claimed in his speeches that a "Great Director" was behind all of the world's problems and referred to "a collective personality consisting of a people without land, language, a stable religion ... a people without roots ... the Jews." Ljotić claimed that the supposed Jewish conspiracy began during the French Revolution and was involved in every significant historical event since then. He also claimed that Jews and Freemasons were responsible for the Russian Revolution. In his writings, Ljotić portrayed Jews as being responsible for the advent of liberal democracy, Freemasonry and Communism, and, as such, enemies of both Zbor and the Yugoslav state.[32] Ljotić advocated "liquidating the influence of Masons, Jews, and every other spiritual progeny of Jews" as the only way of preventing the outbreak of war in Yugoslavia. He also attributed the political unpopularity of Zbor to the "subversive influence" of Serbian Jews on education and the media. Nevertheless, Ljotić's antisemitism largely lacked racialist ideology due to its incongruity with Christian belief.[32] Despite Ljotić's efforts and those of Zbor, antisemitism in Serbia did not reach the levels seen in other regions of Europe and the Jewish community there was largely spared from harassment and violence until the arrival of German troops in April 1941.[30]
Ljotić considered fascism the only form of resistance to future global Jewish control. He lauded Hitler for exposing the "conspiracy of World Jewry"[32] and dubbed him "the saviour of Europe".[101] Ljotić's admiration of Germany stemmed partly from his fascination with the country's military power and fear of its political ambitions. Although the ideology of Zbor itself shared many parallels with other European fascist movements, Ljotić often stressed the differences between the fascism of Zbor and that of the fascist movements in Germany and Italy despite their numerous similarities.[30] Most authors describe Ljotić as a fascist, but the historian Jozo Tomasevich claims this view is "too one-sided a characterization".[102]
Ljotić believed that divine providence had "destined the Serbian people for a certain grand role". This concept became a recurring theme in his writings.[6] A staunchly patriotic and deeply religious man who believed in the core religious ethics of the Serbian Orthodox Church, he advocated absolute loyalty to the Karađorđević dynasty. An ardent monarchist who believed in authoritarianism, the corporative organization of the state, and the integrity of Yugoslavia,[102] he considered himself a Christian politician,[98] His devotion to his faith earned him the nickname Mita Bogomoljac (Devotionalist Mita).[103] He often regarded Serbian Orthodox clerics with suspicion, accusing some of being Freemasons and/or British agents, while encouraging others to join Zbor.[104] Many did, but at least two are known to have been murdered by Ljotić's forces during the war.[105]
Legacy
Following the
Using devices drawn from modern experimental theatre, Serbian playwright Nebojša Pajkić has written a stage production about Ljotić's life titled Ljotić.[109] Stock footage of Ljotić attending the funeral of a Colonel Miloš Masalović is featured in Dušan Makavejev's 1968 film Innocence Unprotected.[110]
Notes
- ^ Mihók 2009, p. 486.
- ^ Hehn 1971, official name of the occupied territory.
- ^ a b c Taylor 1937, p. 573.
- ^ Dušan Dostanić; (2010) ЈНП Збор и српско православље(JNP Zbor i Srpsko pravoslavlje) p. 50; Зборник Матице српске за друштвене науке, [1]
- ^ a b c d e Byford 2011, p. 296.
- ^ a b c d Cohen 1996, p. 13.
- ^ Stefanović 1984, p. 16.
- ^ a b c Levy 2005, p. 431.
- ^ a b c d e Perić 2001.
- ^ Popov 2000, p. 305.
- ^ Marković 2012, p. 119.
- ^ a b Kranjc 2013, p. 39.
- ^ Byford 2011, pp. 296–297.
- ^ Cohen 1996, pp. 13–14.
- ^ Byford 2011, p. 7.
- ^ a b c d e f Byford 2011, p. 297.
- ^ Stefanović 1984, p. 19.
- ^ Propadović 1990, p. 44.
- ^ Stefanović 1984, p. 20.
- ^ a b c Byford 2011, p. 300.
- ^ a b c d e Cohen 1996, p. 14.
- ^ Vucinich 1969, p. 18.
- ^ Klemenčić & Schofield 2001, p. 9.
- ^ a b Byford 2006, p. 392.
- ^ a b Ramet 2006, p. 101.
- ^ a b c Lampe 2000, p. 197.
- ^ Cohen 1996, pp. 14–15.
- ^ a b c Cohen 1996, p. 15.
- ^ Stefanović 1984, p. 31.
- ^ a b c d e f Byford 2011, p. 299.
- ^ Pribičević 1999, p. 194.
- ^ a b c d e f Byford 2011, p. 298.
- ^ a b Vucinich 1969, p. 24.
- ^ Pešić 2008, p. 207.
- ^ a b Cohen 1996, p. 16.
- ^ a b Rothschild 1974, p. 249.
- ^ a b c d e f Tomasevich 2001, p. 187.
- ^ a b c d Cohen 1996, p. 17.
- ^ a b c Vucinich 1969, p. 26.
- ^ Payne 1996, p. 326.
- ^ Crampton 1997, p. 163.
- ^ Cohen 1996, p. 18.
- ^ Darko Gavrilović, Miloš Savin;(2016) Aнтисемитизам у србији у време доласка јевреја Избеглица y Краљевинy Југославијy (in Serbian) p.76-77; Kultura – Polis Novi Sad; [2] Archived 19 July 2020 at the Wayback Machine
- ^ Cohen 1996, pp. 18–21.
- ^ a b Byford 2011, pp. 300–301.
- ^ a b Cohen 1996, p. 21.
- ^ a b c Tomasevich 2001, p. 188.
- ^ a b c Cohen 1996, p. 20.
- ^ a b Israeli 2013, p. 13.
- ^ a b Byford 2008, p. 51.
- ^ a b Byford 2011, p. 301.
- ^ Cohen 1996, p. 29.
- ^ Israeli 2013, p. 23.
- ^ Tomasevich 2001, p. 230.
- ^ a b Cohen 1996, p. 30.
- ^ Ramet & Lazić 2011, pp. 19–20.
- ^ Cohen 1996, p. 31.
- ^ Byford 2011, p. 310.
- ^ Tomasevich 2001, pp. 178–179.
- ^ Cohen 1996, pp. 137 & 138.
- ^ a b Antić 2012, p. 29.
- ^ Cohen 1996, p. 37.
- ^ Singleton 1985, p. 194.
- ^ Tomasevich 2001, p. 69.
- ^ a b Israeli 2013, p. 24.
- ^ a b Byford 2011, p. 302.
- ^ Israeli 2013, pp. 24–25.
- ^ Cohen 1996, p. 73.
- ^ a b c d Byford 2011, p. 307.
- ^ a b Tomasevich 2001, p. 189.
- ^ Tomasevich 2001, p. 183.
- ^ Dimitrijević 2014, p. 321.
- ^ Stefanović 1984, p. 176.
- ^ a b c d Tomasevich 2001, p. 191.
- ^ Byford 2011, p. 305.
- ^ Cohen 1996, p. 48.
- ^ Tomasevich 2001, pp. 189–190.
- ^ a b Tomasevich 2001, p. 190.
- ^ Antić 2012, pp. 21, 23.
- ^ Roberts 1987, p. 63.
- ^ Cohen 1996, p. 45.
- ^ Tomasevich 1975, p. 350.
- ^ Cohen 1996, p. 57.
- ^ a b c d Cohen 1996, p. 59.
- ^ Portmann 2004, p. 13.
- ^ Dimitrijević 2014, p. 505.
- ^ Tomasevich 1975, p. 445.
- ^ Byford 2008, pp. 54–55.
- ^ a b Cohen 1996, pp. 59–60.
- ^ Cohen 1996, pp. 45–47.
- ^ Tomasevich 1975, pp. 447–48.
- ^ Tomasevich 1969, p. 111.
- ^ a b Cohen 1996, p. 60.
- ^ a b Telegraf.rs & 28 October 2013.
- ^ a b c Milanović, Nikola (1984). Poraz, knjiga 2: Rasulo. Slom. Odmetništvo. Emigracija. Belgrade: Rad. pp. 326–328.
- ^ Mojzes 2011, p. 127.
- ^ Hockenos 2003, p. 119.
- ^ a b c Buchenau 2011, p. 124.
- ^ Ramet 2006, p. 133.
- ^ Cohen 1996, p. 83.
- ^ Israeli 2013, p. 14.
- ^ a b Tomasevich 2001, p. 186.
- ^ Byford 2008, p. 50.
- ^ Pavlowitch 2002, p. 160.
- ^ Tomasevich 2001, p. 572.
- ^ MacDonald 2002, p. 140.
- ^ Ramet 2005, p. 268.
- ISBN 978-8-69176-750-1.
- ^ Milin 2008, p. 218.
- ^ Levi 2007, pp. 18–19.
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