Infamous Decade

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Argentine Republic
República Argentina (Spanish)
1930–1943
Flag of Infamous Decade
Flag
Coat of arms of Infamous Decade
Coat of arms
Motto: 
  • "
    authoritarian government
President 
• 1930-1932
José Félix Uriburu
• 1932-1938
Agustín Pedro Justo
• 1938-1942
Roberto Marcelino Ortiz
• 1940-1942
Ramón Castillo
Historical era
  • Roca-Runciman Treaty
1 May, 1933
• Assassination of Enzo Bordabehere
23 July, 1935
• Disestablished (1943 Argentine Revolution
) 		4 June 1943
Population
• 1940 census
13,320,641 [1]
GDP (PPP)estimate
• Total
$99.17 billion (1943) ; (expressed in international-$ at 2011 prices)[2]
CurrencyArgentine peso (moneda nacional)
Preceded by		 Succeeded by
History of Argentina (1916-1930)
1943 Argentine Revolution
Ortiz and Castillo
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The Infamous Decade (

Armed Forces, which triggered the rise to power of Juan Perón
.

The Infamous Decade

The Coup d'état of September 6, 1930

Besides electoral fraud, this period was characterised by persecution of the

anarchist ideas, these new city-dwellers would provide the social base, in the next decade, for Peronism.[4]

Political and economic scandals

The democratic liberal senator Lisandro de la Torre (founder in 1914 of the Democratic Progressive Party) denounced various scandals, directing an investigation on the meat trade starting in 1935. In the midst of the investigation, de la Torre's disciple, senator-elect Enzo Bordabehere, was murdered by Ramón Valdez Cora on the Senate floor, and the province of Santa Fe was intervened. The murder was depicted by Juan José Jusid's 1984 film, Asesinato en el Senado de la Nación.

CHADE (Companía Hispano Argentina de Electricidad, an offshoot of the Sofina multinational conglomerate) was also at the heart of an important political and financial scandal. The CHADE scandal, symbol of the Infamous Decade, led to investigations following the revolution of 1943 that deposed Ramón Castillo's government in a military coup, and to the subsequent Rodríguez Conde report on concessions given to the electrical companies.

Execution of Severino Di Giovanni and other anarchist show trials

In 1931, a year after the execution of the Italian anarchist

1902 Law on Residency which legalised the expulsion of immigrants who "compromise national security or disturb public order", were considered as public enemies by Uriburu's dictatorship.[5][6] Prior to their execution, three anarchist bombs had detonated at three strategic places on the Buenos Aires railway network on 20 January 1931, killing three and wounding 17.[7]

In 1942 Minister Solano Lima signed the prisoners' releases; their names were cleared by a 1993 law upheld by Socialist deputy Guillermo Estévez Boero.[5] In 2003 a law granted a pension to the daughter of one of the anarchist victims of this show trial.[5]

Justo's presidency (1932–1938)

In 1933 Arturo Jauretche took part in a failed uprising, led by Col. Francisco Bosch and Col. Gregorio Pomar in Paso de los Libres, in the province of Corrientes. He was subsequently detained.

Economic and social policy

Further information: Economy of Argentina

The Roca-Runciman Treaty

Main article:
Roca-Runciman Treaty

It was during Justo's term that Argentina signed the

transportation in Argentina
, given certain economic concessions from Argentina, such as giving control over the public transport in Buenos Aires to a British company, the Corporación de Transportes.

At the 1932

Ottawa Conference, the British had adopted measures that favored imports from its own colonies and dominions. The pressure from Argentine landowners for whom the government restored trade with the main buyer of Argentine grain and meat had been very strong. Led by the president of the British Trade Council, Viscount Walter Runciman
, they were intense and resulted in the signing on April 27 of the Roca-Runciman Treaty.

The treaty created a scandal, because the UK allotted Argentina a quota less than any of its dominions—390,000 tons of meat per year were allotted to Argentina in exchange for many concessions to British companies, and 85% of exportation had to be arranged through British refrigerated shippers. In addition, the tariffs of the railways operated by the UK were not regulated, the treaty did not establish customs fees over coal, had given special dispensation to British companies with investments in Argentina and had reduced the prices of their exports. So many problems resulted from the treaty that Vice President Roca, after the signing of the treaty, declared, "By its economic importance, Argentina resembles just a large British dominion." [citation needed] Lisandro de la Torre, one of Roca's principal and most vociferous opponents, mocking his words in an editorial, wrote, "In these conditions we wouldn't be able to say that Argentina had been converted into a British dominion because England does not take the liberty to impose similar humiliations upon its dominions." [citation needed]

The National Democratic Party, one of the parties that had supported the nomination of Justo for President, had split because of this controversy. Finally the Senate rescinded the treaty on July 28. Many workers strikes followed the deliberations, especially in

Santa Fé Province
, which ended with government intervention.

Import substitution industrialization and Pinedo's economic policies

On the other hand, the trade isolationism of the world powers ultimately prompted the beginning of Argentine industrial development via

import substitution. Important firms, such as the Bunge & Born agribusiness food company and the Tornquist group, previously turned towards exports but began to diversify their activities and invest in national industries aimed at local consumption.[8]

Under the direction of

interest rates.[8] Writer and thinker Raúl Scalabrini Ortiz
was a strong critic of British involvement in Argentina, of which the BCRA itself was the prime example.

The Juntas Reguladores Nacionales were also created during this period, aimed at developing private and state activities and controlling the quality of products, both for national consumption and for export.[8] In order to support prices of products and avoid overproduction, the Juntas destroyed entire loads of corn, used as fuel for locomotives, despite popular hunger.[8] Thirty million pesos per year were spent to destroy wine products.[8]

Furthermore, Pinedo launched a national project of road construction, the national network reaching 30,000 kilometers in 1938 (although many remained without pavement).

railway system, in the hands of mostly British companies, and furthered the penetration of US firms selling motor vehicles in the Argentine market.[8] US foreign direct investment (FDI) grew during this time, with companies such as the textile firms Sudamtex, Ducilo and Anderson Clayton establishing themselves in Argentina, as well as the tire companies Firestone and Goodyear, the electronics firm Philco and the chemistry firm Johnson & Johnson.[8]

Notable exceptions to these conservative policies were the policies of

National Agricultural Technology Institute (INTA).[9]

However, fearing electoral defeats for the Concordancia both in Santa Fe and in the Electoral College, Justo ordered military intervention in the Santa Fe Province on October 3, 1935, sending the Colonel Perlinger and the minister Joaquín F. Rodríguez to take control of the local government.[11] Armed resistance against the federal intervention occurred, but in order to avoid a bloodbath, Molinas and De la Torre rejected the resistance.[10] Rodríguez soon abrogated again the 1921 Constitution and progressively dismantled Molinas' achievements.[10]

Justo had already ordered intervention in the

FORJA (Fuerza Orientadora Radical de la Juventud Argentina, Radical Orienting Force of Argentine Youth), which had as leaders Arturo Jauretche, Raúl Scalabrini Ortiz and Gabriel del Mazo. FORJA's motto was: "We are a colonial Argentina, we want to be a free Argentina."[13] Among other things, FORJA denounced the silence of the government on many problems such as the creation of the Central Bank, "economic sacrifices imposed in benefices of foreign capitalism", "petroleum politics", "arbitrary military interventions", "restrictions to freedom of opinion", "incorporation to the League of Nations", "suppression of relations with Russia", "parliamentary investigations", "the Senate crime", etc.[14]

The workers' movement

At the time of the 1930 coup, three

anarcho-syndicalist) and the FORA V (dissolved by Uriburu). On September 20, 1930, the COA and the USA merged in the General Confederation of Labour
(CGT), although the two rival tendencies remained.

Meanwhile, the syndicalist current of the CGT was discredited, because of its supporting alliance with the government in order to achieve social advances, while the socialist current proposed open opposition, tied to political support to the Socialist party. The syndicalist current was in particular affected by its agreements with the pro-

governor of Buenos Aires, Manuel Fresco (1936–1940).[15] The latter, who had been elected during one of the "most burlesque" and "fraudulent" elections of the Infamous Decade (according to the words of the US ambassador,[12]) commissioned the architect Francisco Salamone various buildings, which combined Art Deco, functionalism, Futurism and Fascist architectures.[16]

Although the

rural exodus had brought many politically inexperienced workers to Buenos Aires, the spontaneous import substitution industrialization enabled, starting in 1935,[15] coupled to the strengthening of trade unions, wages' increase.[15] Henceforth, a 48-hour general strike was launched in January 1936 by workers' in construction, during which 3 workers and 3 policemen were killed.[15]

Ortiz and Castillo administration (1938–1943)

Province of Buenos Aires, governed by Manuel Fresco, and cancelling the fraudulent elections which had been won by the conservative Alberto Barceló.[12]

Federico Pinedo, still Minister of Economy, presented on 18 November 1940 an "Economic Reactivation Plan", which was to implement some protectionist measures and building of social lodging in order to face the crisis. He also proposed the nationalization of the British railways, having agreed upon advantageous terms for their owners with them beforehand. However, the conservatives voted against his plan, which led him to resign.[17]

During World War II, Argentina maintained the same neutrality it had adopted during the

Rio de Janeiro Conference, Argentina resisted, with support from the British.[18]
A few months later, in June 1942, Ortiz resigned because of his sickness, and died a month later.

He was replaced by his vice-president Castillo, who began to work to launch the candidacy of

Communist Party) had been formed in 1942. Their electoral platform, aimed against endemic corruption, announced the needs to guarantee "freedom of thought and assembly" and "labor union rights", as well as vouching for "active solidarity with the people struggling against the Nazi-Fascist aggression".[18]

June 1943 coup

Main article:
Revolution of '43

On 4 June 1943, the nationalist faction of the army, gathered around the

Fascist Italy,[19] the GOU established General Pedro Ramírez as chief of state, despite a short attempt by General Arturo Rawson
to claim the office.

Presidents of the Infamous Decade

References

  1. ^ https://biblioteca.indec.gob.ar/bases/minde/4si2_7.pdf. {{cite web}}: Missing or empty |title= (help)
  2. ^ "Gross domestic product (GDP)".
  3. ^ "Las cuentas pendientes del Desarrollo Humano". 4 February 2011.
  4. ^ a b Felipe Pigna, Los Mitos de la Historia Argentina, 3, ed. Planeta, 2006, p. 285
  5. ^ a b c d Los "presos de Bragado", historia que culmina después de 70 años Archived 2008-12-07 at the Wayback Machine, Clarín, 15 October 2002 (in Spanish)
  6. ^ Felipe Pigna, 2006, pp. 265–281
  7. ^ The New York Times, "Blasts Kill Three in Buenos Aires", 21 January 1931.
  8. ^ a b c d e f g h i Felipe Pigna, Los Mitos de la Historia Argentina, 3, ed. Planeta, 2006, p. 284
  9. ^ a b c d e f Felipe Pigna, 2006, p. 289
  10. ^ a b c Felipe Pigna, 2006, p. 290
  11. ^ Felipe Pigna, 2006, pp. 290–292
  12. ^ a b c d e Felipe Pigna, 2006, p. 297
  13. ^ Spanish: Somos una Argentina colonial, queremos ser una Argentina libre. Quoted by Felipe Pigna, 2006, p. 296
  14. ^ Felipe Pigna, 2006, p. 296
  15. ^ a b c d Felipe Pigna, Los Mitos de la Historia Argentina, 3, ed. Planeta, 2006, p. 286
  16. ^ Alberto Belluci, Monumental Deco in the Pampas: The Urban Art of Francisco Salamone Archived 2023-01-14 at the Wayback Machine, The Journal of Decorative and Propaganda Arts, Vol. 18, Argentine Theme Issue (1992), pp. 91–121. (in English)
  17. ^ Felipe Pigna, 2006, pp. 298–299
  18. ^ a b Felipe Pigna, 2006, p. 302
  19. ^ Felipe Pigna, 2006, p. 304

Bibliography

  • Nállim, Jorge. "Between the Local and the Transnational: New Historiographical Approaches on Argentine Political History, 1930 to 1943." Estudios Interdisciplinarios de América Latina y el Caribe 25.1 (2014): 103–120. online
  • Felipe Pigna, Los Mitos de la Historia Argentina, 3, ed. Planeta, 2006 (reed. 2007)
  • Gisela Cramer, "Argentine Riddle. The Pinedo Plan of 1940 and the Political Economy of the Early War Years", Journal of Latin American Studies, 30 (octubre 1998), pp. 519–550
  • Gisela Cramer, "Pre-peronist Argentina and the Origins of IAPI", en: Iberoamericana Vol. 2, No. 5 (2002), pp. 55–78.
  • Juan José LLach, "El Plan Pinedo de 1940, su significado histórico y los orígenes de la economía política del peronismo", Desarrollo Económico (enero-marzo 1984)
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