Ulster Volunteer Force
Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) | |
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Battles and wars | The Troubles |
The Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) is an
The UVF's declared goals were to combat
The Mid-Ulster Brigade was also responsible for the 1975 Miami Showband killings, in which three members of the popular Irish cabaret band were shot dead at a bogus security checkpoint by gunmen wearing military uniforms. Two UVF men were accidentally blown up in this attack. The UVF's last major attack was the 1994 Loughinisland massacre, in which its members shot dead six Catholic civilians in a rural pub. The group was noted for secrecy and a policy of limited, selective membership.[15][16][17][18][19]
Since the ceasefire, the UVF, especially the East Belfast UVF, has been involved in rioting, drug dealing, organised crime, loan-sharking and prostitution.[20][21][22] Some members have also been found responsible for orchestrating a series of racist attacks.[23]
History
Background
Since 1964 and the formation of the
Beginnings
On 7 May 1966, loyalists
From this day, we declare war against the Irish Republican Army and its splinter groups. Known IRA men will be executed mercilessly and without hesitation. Less extreme measures will be taken against anyone sheltering or helping them, but if they persist in giving them aid, then more extreme methods will be adopted. ... we solemnly warn the authorities to make no more speeches of appeasement. We are heavily armed Protestants dedicated to this cause.[28]
On 27 May, Spence sent four UVF members to kill IRA volunteer Leo Martin, who lived in Belfast. Unable to find their target, the men drove around the Falls district in search of a Catholic. They shot John Scullion, a Catholic civilian, as he walked home.[29] He died of his wounds on 11 June.[24] Spence later wrote "At the time, the attitude was that if you couldn't get an IRA man you should shoot a Taig, he's your last resort".[29]
On 26 June, the group shot dead a Catholic civilian and wounded two others as they left a pub on Malvern Street, Belfast.
Violence escalates
By 1969, the Catholic civil rights movement had escalated its protest campaign, and O'Neill had promised them some concessions. In March and April that year, UVF and UPV members bombed water and electricity installations in Northern Ireland, blaming them on the dormant IRA and elements of the civil rights movement. Some of them left much of Belfast without power and water.[32] The loyalists "intended to force a crisis which would so undermine confidence in O'Neill's ability to maintain law and order that he would be obliged to resign".[33] There were bombings on 30 March, 4 April, 20 April, 24 April and 26 April. All were widely blamed on the IRA, and British troops were sent to guard installations.[32] Unionist support for O'Neill waned, and on 28 April he resigned as Prime Minister.[32]
On 12 August 1969, the "Battle of the Bogside" began in Derry. This was a large, three-day riot between Irish nationalists and the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC). In response to events in Derry, nationalists held protests throughout Northern Ireland, some of which became violent. In Belfast, loyalists responded by attacking nationalist districts. Eight people were shot dead and hundreds were injured. Scores of houses and businesses were burnt out, most of them owned by Catholics. In response, the British Army was deployed on the streets of Northern Ireland and Irish Army units set up field hospitals near the border. Thousands of families, mostly Catholics, were forced to flee their homes and refugee camps were set up in the Republic of Ireland.[32]
On 12 October, a loyalist protest in the Shankill became violent. During the riot, UVF members shot dead RUC officer Victor Arbuckle. He was the first RUC officer to be killed during the Troubles.[34]
The UVF had launched its first attack in the Republic of Ireland on 5 August 1969, when it bombed the RTÉ Television Centre in Dublin.[35][36] There were further attacks in the Republic between October and December 1969. In October, UVF and UPV member Thomas McDowell was killed by the bomb he was planting at Ballyshannon power station. The UVF stated that the attempted attack was a protest against the Irish Army units "still massed on the border in County Donegal".[37] In December, the UVF detonated a car bomb near the Garda central detective bureau and telephone exchange headquarters in Dublin.[38]
Early to mid-1970s
In January 1970, the UVF began bombing Catholic-owned businesses in Protestant areas of Belfast. It issued a statement vowing to "remove republican elements from loyalist areas" and stop them "reaping financial benefit therefrom". During 1970, 42 Catholic-owned licensed premises in Protestant areas were bombed.[39] Catholic churches were also attacked. In February, it began to target critics of militant loyalism – the homes of MPs Austin Currie, Sheelagh Murnaghan, Richard Ferguson and Anne Dickson were attacked with improvised bombs.[39] It also continued its attacks in the Republic of Ireland, bombing the Dublin-Belfast railway line, an electricity substation, a radio mast, and Irish nationalist monuments.[40]
The IRA had split into the
The following year, 1972, was the most violent of the Troubles. Along with the newly formed
The UVF launched further attacks in the Republic of Ireland during December 1972 and January 1973, when it detonated
The UVF's Mid-Ulster Brigade was founded in 1972 in Lurgan by Billy Hanna, a sergeant in the UDR and a member of the Brigade Staff, who served as the brigade's commander, until he was shot dead in July 1975. From that time until the early 1990s the Mid-Ulster Brigade was led by Robin "the Jackal" Jackson, who then passed the leadership to Billy Wright. Hanna and Jackson have both been implicated by journalist Joe Tiernan and RUC Special Patrol Group (SPG) officer John Weir as having led one of the units that bombed Dublin.[46] Jackson was allegedly the hitman who shot Hanna dead outside his home in Lurgan.[47]
The brigade formed part of the Glenanne gang, a loose alliance of loyalists which the Pat Finucane Centre (PFC) has linked to 87 killings in the 1970s. The gang comprised, in addition to members the UVF, rogue elements of the UDR and RUC, all of which were allegedly acting under the direction of the Intelligence Corps and/or the RUC Special Branch according to the PFC.[48]
Mid- to late 1970s

In 1974, hardliners staged a coup and took over the Brigade Staff.[49] This resulted in a sharp increase in sectarian killings and internecine feuding, both with the UDA and within the UVF itself.[49] Some of the new Brigade Staff members bore nicknames such as "Big Dog" and "Smudger".[50] Beginning in 1975, recruitment to the UVF, which until then had been solely by invitation, was now left to the discretion of local units.[51]
The UVF's Mid-Ulster Brigade carried out further attacks during this same period. These included the Miami Showband killings of 31 July 1975 – when three members of the popular showband were killed, having been stopped at a fake British Army checkpoint outside Newry in County Down. Two members of the group survived the attack and later testified against those responsible. Two UVF members, Harris Boyle and Wesley Somerville, were accidentally killed by their own bomb while carrying out this attack. Two of those later convicted (James McDowell and Thomas Crozier) were also serving members of the Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR), a regular Army regiment consisting of Northern Irish reservists.
From late 1975 to mid-1977, a unit of the UVF dubbed the
The group had been proscribed in July 1966, but this ban was lifted on 4 April 1974 by
In October 1975, after staging a counter-coup, the Brigade Staff acquired a new leadership of moderates with Tommy West serving as the Chief of Staff. West died in 1980.
On 17 February 1979, the UVF carried out its only major attack in
Early to mid-1980s
In the 1980s, the UVF was greatly reduced by a series of police

The arms are thought to have consisted of:
- 200 Czechoslovak Sa vz. 58automatic rifles,
- 90 Browning pistols,
- 500 RGD-5 fragmentation grenades,
- 30,000 rounds of ammunition and
- 12 RPG-7 rocket launchers and 150 warheads.
The UVF used this new infusion of arms to escalate their campaign of sectarian assassinations. This era also saw a more widespread targeting on the UVF's part of IRA and Sinn Féin members, beginning with the killing of senior IRA member Larry Marley[65] and a failed attempt on the life of a leading republican which left three Catholic civilians dead.[66]
Late 1980s and early 1990s
The UVF also attacked republican paramilitaries and political activists. These attacks were stepped up in the late 1980s and early 1990s, particularly in the east Tyrone and north Armagh areas. The largest death toll in a single attack was in the 3 March
According to journalist and author Ed Moloney, the UVF campaign in Mid-Ulster in this period "indisputably shattered Republican morale", and put the leadership of the republican movement under intense pressure to "do something",[72] although this has been disputed by others.[who?]
1994 ceasefire
In 1990, the UVF joined the Combined Loyalist Military Command (CLMC) and indicated its acceptance of moves towards peace. However, the year leading up to the loyalist ceasefire, which took place shortly after the Provisional IRA ceasefire, saw some of the worst sectarian killings carried out by loyalists during the Troubles. On 18 June 1994, UVF members machine-gunned a pub in the Loughinisland massacre in County Down, on the basis that its customers were watching the Republic of Ireland national football team playing in the World Cup on television and were therefore assumed to be Catholics. The gunmen shot dead six people and injured five.
The UVF agreed to a ceasefire in October 1994.
Post-ceasefire activities
1994–2005
More militant members of the UVF who disagreed with the ceasefire, broke away to form the Loyalist Volunteer Force (LVF), led by Billy Wright. This development came soon after the UVF's Brigade Staff in Belfast had stood down Wright and the Portadown unit of the Mid-Ulster Brigade, on 2 August 1996, for the killing of a Catholic taxi driver near Lurgan during Drumcree disturbances.[73]

There followed years of violence between the two organisations. In January 2000 UVF Mid-Ulster brigadier Richard Jameson was shot dead by a LVF gunman which led to an escalation of the UVF/LVF feud. The UVF was also clashing with the UDA in the summer of 2000. The feud with the UDA ended in December following seven deaths. Veteran anti-UVF campaigner Raymond McCord, whose son, Raymond Jr., a Protestant, was beaten to death by UVF men in 1997, estimates the UVF has killed more than thirty people since its 1994 ceasefire, most of them Protestants.[citation needed] The feud between the UVF and the LVF erupted again in the summer of 2005. The UVF killed four men in Belfast and trouble ended only when the LVF announced that it was disbanding in October of that year.[74]
On 14 September 2005, following
2006–2010
On 12 February 2006, The Observer reported that the UVF was to disband by the end of 2006. The newspaper also reported that the group refused to decommission its weapons.[76]
On 2 September 2006, BBC News reported the UVF might be intending to re-enter dialogue with the Independent International Commission on Decommissioning, with a view to decommissioning of their weapons. This move came as the organisation held high-level discussions about its future.[77]
On 3 May 2007, following recent negotiations between the
In January 2008, the UVF was accused of involvement in
In 2008, a loyalist splinter group calling itself the "Real UVF" emerged briefly to make threats against Sinn Féin in County Fermanagh.[83]
In the twentieth IMC report, the group was said to be continuing to put its weapons "beyond reach", (in the group's own words) to downsize, and reduce the criminality of the group. The report added that individuals, some current and some former members, in the group have, without the orders from above, continued with "localised recruitment", and although some continued to try and acquire weapons, including a senior member, most forms of crime had fallen, including shootings and assaults. The group concluded a general acceptance of the need to decommission, though there was no conclusive proof of moves towards this end.[84]
In June 2009 the UVF formally decommissioned their weapons in front of independent witnesses as a formal statement of decommissioning was read by Dawn Purvis and Billy Hutchinson.[85] The IICD confirmed that "substantial quantities of firearms, ammunition, explosives and explosive devices" had been decommissioned and that for the UVF and RHC, decommissioning had been completed.[86]
2010–2019
The UVF was blamed for the shotgun killing of expelled RHC member Bobby Moffett on the Shankill Road on the afternoon of 28 May 2010, in front of passers-by including children.[87] The Independent Monitoring Commission stated Moffett was killed by UVF members acting with the sanction of the leadership.[87] The Progressive Unionist Party's condemnation, and Dawn Purvis and other leaders' resignations as a response to the Moffett shooting, were also noted.[87] Eleven months later, a man was arrested and charged with the attempted murder of the UVF's alleged second-in-command Harry Stockman, described by the Belfast Telegraph as a "senior Loyalist figure".[88][89] Fifty-year-old Stockman was stabbed more than 10 times in a supermarket in Belfast; the attack was believed to have been linked to the Moffett killing.[88][89]
On 25–26 October 2010, the UVF was involved in rioting and disturbances in the Rathcoole area of Newtownabbey with UVF gunmen seen on the streets at the time.[90][91]
On the night of 20 June 2011, riots involving 500 people erupted in the Short Strand area of East Belfast. They were blamed by the PSNI on members of the UVF, who also said UVF guns had been used to try to kill police officers.[92] The UVF leader in East Belfast, who is popularly known as the "Beast of the East" and "Ugly Doris" also known as by real name Stephen Matthews, ordered the attack on Catholic homes and a church in the Catholic enclave of the Short Strand. This was in retaliation for attacks on Loyalist homes the previous weekend and after a young girl was hit in the face with a brick by Republicans.[92][93] A dissident Republican was arrested for "the attempted murder of police officers in east Belfast" after shots were fired upon the police.[94]
In July 2011, a UVF flag flying in Limavady was deemed legal by the PSNI after the police had received complaints about the flag from nationalist politicians.[95]
During the Belfast City Hall flag protests of 2012–13, senior UVF members were confirmed to have actively been involved in orchestrating violence and rioting against the PSNI and the Alliance Party throughout Northern Ireland during the weeks of disorder.[96] Much of the UVF's orchestration was carried out by its senior members in East Belfast, where many attacks on the PSNI and on residents of the Short Strand enclave took place.[citation needed] There were also reports that UVF members fired shots at police lines during a protest.[97] The high levels of orchestration by the leadership of the East Belfast UVF, and the alleged ignored orders from the main leaders of the UVF to stop the violence has led to fears that the East Belfast UVF has now become a separate loyalist paramilitary grouping which doesn't abide by the UVF ceasefire or the Northern Ireland Peace Process.[98][99]
In October 2013, the policing board announced that the UVF was still heavily involved in gangsterism despite its ceasefire. Assistant chief constable Drew Harris in a statement said "The UVF are subject to an organised crime investigation as an organised crime group. The UVF very clearly have involvement in drug dealing, all forms of gangsterism, serious assaults, intimidation of the community."[20]
In November 2013, after a series of shootings and acts of intimidation by the UVF, Police Federation Chairman Terry Spence declared that the UVF ceasefire was no longer active. Spence told Radio Ulster that the UVF had been "engaged in murder, attempted murder of civilians, attempted murder of police officers. They have been engaged in orchestrating violence on our streets, and it's very clear to me that they are engaged in an array of mafia-style activities. "They are holding local communities to ransom. On the basis of that, we as a federation have called for the respecification of the UVF [stating that its ceasefire is over]."[100]
In June 2017, Gary Haggarty, former UVF commander for north Belfast and south-east Antrim, pleaded guilty to 200 charges, including five murders.[101]
On 23 March 2019, eleven alleged UVF members were arrested during a total of 14 searches conducted in Belfast, Newtownards and Comber and the suspects, aged between 22 and 48, were taken into police custody for questioning. Officers from the PSNI's Paramilitary Crime Task Force also seized drugs, cash and expensive cars and jewellery in an operation carried out against the criminal activities of the UVF crime gang.[102][103]
2020s
On 4 March 2021, the UVF, Red Hand Commando and UDA renounced their current participation in the Good Friday Agreement.[104]
In April 2021, riots erupted across Loyalist communities in Northern Ireland.[relevant?][105] On 11 April, the UVF reportedly ordered the removal of Catholic families from a housing estate in Carrickfergus.[106]
The UVF was suspected of organising a hoax bomb attack targeting a "peace-building" event in Belfast where Irish Foreign Minister Simon Coveney was speaking on 27 March 2022.[107][108] Armed men hijacked a van on the nearby Shankill Road and forced the driver to take a device to a church on the Crumlin Road. The community centre hosting the event and 25 nearby homes were evacuated and a funeral was disrupted. A controlled explosion was carried out and the bomb was declared a hoax.
On 26 March 2022, the UVF was linked to a hoax bomb alert at a bar in Warrenpoint, County Down.[citation needed]
The group also continues to carry out racist and sectarian attacks against Black people and Eastern Europeans in Northern Ireland. The police stated the group had contributed to a 70% rise in hate crime: "It has a deeply unpleasant taste of a bit of ethnic cleansing."[109][110][111]
Leadership
Brigade Staff

The UVF's leadership is based in Belfast and known as the Brigade Staff. It comprises high-ranking officers under a Chief of Staff or Brigadier-General. With a few exceptions, such as Mid-Ulster brigadier Billy Hanna (a native of Lurgan), the Brigade Staff members have been from the Shankill Road or the neighbouring Woodvale area to the west.[112] The Brigade Staff's former headquarters were situated in rooms above "The Eagle" chip shop located on the Shankill Road at its junction with Spier's Place. The chip shop has since been closed down.
In 1972, the UVF's imprisoned leader Gusty Spence was at liberty for four months following a staged kidnapping by UVF volunteers. During this time he restructured the organisation into brigades, battalions, companies, platoons and sections.[43] These were all subordinate to the Brigade Staff. The incumbent Chief of Staff, is alleged to be John "Bunter" Graham, referred to by Martin Dillon as "Mr. F".[61][62][113] Graham has held the position since he assumed office in 1976.[61]
The UVF's nickname is "Blacknecks", derived from their uniform of black polo neck jumper, black trousers, black leather jacket, black
Chiefs of Staff
- Gusty Spence (1966). Whilst remaining de jure UVF leader after he was jailed for murder, he no longer acted as Chief of Staff.
- Samuel Stevenson (1966‐1969). Stevenson, a close ally of Rev. Ian Paisley, confessed to being UVF chief of staff while undergoing questioning on explosives, a charge he later admitted 1970.[117][118]
- Sam "Bo" McClelland (1969–1973)[31] Described as a "tough disciplinarian", he was personally appointed by Spence to succeed him as Chief of Staff, due to his having served in the Korean War with Spence's former regiment, the Royal Ulster Rifles. He was interned in late 1973, although by that stage the de facto Chief of Staff was his successor, Jim Hanna.[31][119]
- Jim Hanna (1973 – April 1974)[119] Hanna was allegedly shot dead by the UVF as a suspected informer.[119]
- Ulster Workers' Council Strike in May 1974.[120]
- Unnamed Chief of Staff (1974 – October 1975). Leader of the Young Citizen Volunteers (YCV), the youth wing of the UVF. Assumed command after a coup by hardliners in 1974. He, along with the other hawkish Brigade Staff members, was overthrown by Tommy West and a new Brigade Staff of "moderates" in a counter-coup supported by Gusty Spence. He left Northern Ireland after his removal from power.[59][121]
- Tommy West (October 1975 – 1976)[56] A former British Army soldier, West was already the Chief of Staff at the time UVF volunteer Noel "Nogi" Shaw was killed by Lenny Murphy in November 1975 as part of an internal feud.[56]
- John "Bunter" Graham, also referred to as "Mr. F" (1976–present)[61][62][113]
Aim and strategy

The UVF's stated goal was to combat
Like the
Strength
The strength of the UVF is uncertain. The first Independent Monitoring Commission report in April 2004 described the UVF/RHC as "relatively small" with "a few hundred" active members "based mainly in the Belfast and immediately adjacent areas".[135] Historically, the number of active UVF members in July 1971 was stated by one source to be no more than 20.[136] Later, in September 1972, Gusty Spence said in an interview that the organisation had a strength of 1,500.[137] A British Army report released in 2006 estimated a peak membership of 1,000.[138] Information regarding the role of women in the UVF is limited. One study focusing in part on female members of the UVF and Red Hand Commando noted that it "seem[ed] to have been reasonably unusual" for women to be officially asked to join the UVF.[139] Another estimates that over a 30-year period women accounted for, at most, just 2% of UVF membership.[140]
Finance
Prior to and after the onset of the Troubles the UVF carried out armed robberies.
A Canadian branch of the UDA also existed and sent $30,000 to the UDA's headquarters in Belfast by 1975. The Northern Ireland Affairs Select Committee noted in its report that "in 1992 it was estimated that Scottish support for the UDA and UVF might amount to £100,000 a year."[150]
Drug dealing
The UVF have been implicated in drug dealing in areas from where they draw their support. Recently it has emerged from the Police Ombudsman that senior North Belfast UVF member and Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) Special Branch informant Mark Haddock has been involved in drug dealing. According to the Belfast Telegraph, "70 separate police intelligence reports implicating the north Belfast UVF man in dealing cannabis, Ecstasy, amphetamines and cocaine."[152]
According to Alan McQuillan, the assistant director of the Assets Recovery Agency in 2005, "In the loyalist community, drug dealing is run by the paramilitaries and it is generally run for personal gain by a large number of people." When the Assets Recovery Agency won a High Court order to seize luxury homes belonging to ex-policeman Colin Robert Armstrong and his partner Geraldine Mallon in 2005, Alan McQuillan said "We have further alleged Armstrong has had links with the UVF and then the LVF following the split between those organisations." It was alleged that Colin Armstrong had links to both drugs and loyalist terrorists.[153]
Billy Wright, the commander of the UVF Mid-Ulster Brigade, is believed to have started dealing drugs in 1991[154] as a lucrative sideline to paramilitary murder. Wright is believed to have dealt mainly in Ecstasy tablets in the early 90s.[155] It was around this time that Sunday World journalists Martin O'Hagan and Jim Campbell coined the term "rat pack" for the UVF's murderous mid-Ulster unit and, unable to identify Wright by name for legal reasons, they christened him "King Rat." An article published by the newspaper fingered Wright as a drug lord and sectarian murderer. Wright was apparently enraged by the nickname and made numerous threats to O'Hagan and Campbell. The Sunday World's offices were also firebombed. Mark Davenport from the BBC has stated that he spoke to a drug dealer who told him that he paid Billy Wright protection money.[156] Loyalists in Portadown such as Bobby Jameson have stated that the LVF (the Mid-Ulster Brigade that broke away from the main UVF - and led by Billy Wright) was not a 'loyalist organisation but a drugs organisation causing misery in Portadown.'[157]
The UVF's satellite organisation, the Red Hand Commando, was described by the IMC in 2004 as "heavily involved" in drug dealing.[135]
Arms importation
In contrast to the IRA, overseas support for loyalist paramilitaries including the UVF has been limited.[158] Its main benefactors have been in central Scotland,[159] Liverpool,[160] Preston[160] and the Toronto area of Canada.[161]
Great Britain
Scotland was a source of funding and aid, supplying explosives and guns.[162][163] Former MI5 agent Willie Carlin said: “There were safe houses in Glasgow and Stirling. The ferry [between Scotland and Northern Ireland] was pivotal in getting arms into the north – and anything like checkpoints, or armed police and Army in Scotland would have b******d that all up.”[164] An Irish government memo written by David Donoghue stated: "The commonest contribution of Scots UDA and UVF is to send gelignite. Explosives for the north were mostly shipped in small boats which set out at night from the Scottish coast and made contact at sea with vessels from Ulster ports." Donoghue noted the links between Orange Lodges in Scotland and loyalist paramilitary groups in Northern Ireland and that membership of the Orange Order in Scotland at the time was 80,000, and was concentrated in Glasgow, Lanarkshire and Inverness.[165] It is estimated that the UVF nevertheless received hundreds of thousands of pounds in donations to its Loyalist Prisoners Welfare Association.[166]
North America
Protestants in Canada also supported the loyalist paramilitaries in the conflict. Sociologist Steven Bruce described the support networks in Canada as "the main source of support for loyalism outside the United Kingdom . . . Ontario is to Ulster Protestants what Boston is to Irish Catholics." After the Troubles began, an Orange-Canadian loyalist organization known as the Canadian Ulster Loyalist Association (CULA) sprang to life to provide the 'besieged' Protestants with the resources to arm themselves.[167] In 1972, five Toronto businessmen shipped weapons in grain container ships out of Halifax, bound for ports in Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland which were destined for loyalist militants.[167][168]
Middle East
In June 1987, the UVF stole over £325,000 during an armed robbery at a branch of the
Eastern Europe
On 24 November 1993, following a tip off from
List of weapons used by the UVF
Firearms
Handguns
Model | Image | Caliber | Type | Origin | Details | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Browning Hi-Power | ![]() |
9×19mm Parabellum | Pistol | ![]() |
Imported from Lebanon in 1987 [172] | |
Star Model B | ![]() |
9×19mm Parabellum | Pistol | ![]() |
||
Smith & Wesson Model 27 | ![]() |
.357 Magnum | Revolver | ![]() |
Imported from Canada in the early 1980s[169] |
Submachine guns
Model | Image | Caliber | Type | Origin | Details | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Sten | ![]() |
9×19mm Parabellum | Submachine Gun | ![]() |
[178] | |
Sterling | 9×19mm Parabellum | Submachine Gun | ![]() |
[179] | ||
Uzi | ![]() |
9×19mm Parabellum | Submachine Gun | ![]() |
Imported from Canada in the early 1980s[169] | |
MAC-10 | ![]() |
.45 ACP | Submachine Gun | ![]() |
Imported from Canada in the early 1980s[169] |
Assault rifles
Model | Image | Caliber | Type | Origin | Details | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Colt Commando | ![]() |
5.56×45mm NATO | Assault rifle | ![]() |
Imported from Canada in the early 1980s [169] | |
ArmaLite AR-18 | ![]() |
5.56×45mm NATO | Assault rifle | ![]() |
Stolen from Provisional Irish Republican Army arms dumps | |
Ruger Mini-14 | ![]() |
5.56×45mm NATO | Assault rifle | ![]() |
Imported from Canada in the early 1980s [169] | |
Vz. 58 | ![]() |
7.62×39mm | Assault rifle | ![]() |
Imported from Lebanon in 1987[172] | |
SA80 | 5.56×45mm NATO | Assault rifle | ![]() |
Stolen from a UDR base in 1989[180] | ||
L1A1 Self-Loading Rifle | ![]() |
7.62×51mm NATO | Battle rifle | ![]() |
Stolen from a UDR base in 1972 |
Machine guns
Model | Image | Caliber | Type | Origin | Details | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Bren gun | ![]() |
.303 British | Light machine gun | ![]() |
||
M60 | ![]() |
7.62×51mm NATO | General-purpose machine gun | ![]() |
Imported from Canada in the early 1980s[181] |
Anti-tank weapons
Model | Image | Caliber | Type | Origin | Details |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
RPG-7 | ![]() |
40mm | Rocket-propelled grenade | ![]() |
Imported from Lebanon in 1987[172] |
Explosives
Model | Image | Type | Origin | Details |
---|---|---|---|---|
IED | Improvised explosive device | ![]() |
As well as ANFO car bombs, Gelignite was used for pipe bombs and satchel charges[165] | |
RGD-5 | ![]() |
Hand Grenade |
![]() |
Imported from Lebanon in 1987[172] |
Affiliated groups
- The Red Hand Commando (RHC) is an organisation that was established in 1972 and is closely linked with the UVF. It also allowed other groups to claim attacks under its name.[182]
- The Young Citizen Volunteers (YCV) is the youth section of the UVF. It was initially a youth group akin to the Scouts, but became the youth wing of the UVF during the Home Rule crisis.
- The Progressive Unionist Party (PUP) is the political wing of the UVF.[183] In June 2010, its sole member in the Northern Ireland Assembly, party leader Dawn Purvis, resigned from the PUP over the UVF being accused of involvement in the Moffett murder.
- The Protestant Action Force (PAF) was a cover name used by the UVF to avoid directly claiming responsibility for killings and other acts of violence. The names were first used during the early 1970s.[184]
Deaths as a result of activity
The UVF has killed more people than any other loyalist paramilitary group. Malcolm Sutton's Index of Deaths from the Conflict in Ireland, part of the Conflict Archive on the Internet (CAIN), states that the UVF and RHC was responsible for at least 485 killings during the Troubles, and lists a further 256 loyalist killings that have not yet been attributed to a particular group.[9] According to the book Lost Lives (2006 edition), it was responsible for 569 killings.[185]
Of those killed by the UVF and RHC:[186]
- 414 (~85%) were civilians, 11 of whom were civilian political activists
- 44 (~9%) were members or former members of loyalist paramilitary groups
- 21 (~4%) were members or former members of republican paramilitary groups
- 6 (~1%) were members of the British security forces
There were also 66 UVF/RHC members and four former members killed in the conflict.[187]
See also
- Independent International Commission on Decommissioning (IICD) – Organisation overseeing Decommissioning
- Independent Monitoring Commission (IMC) – Organisation monitoring activity by paramilitary groups
- Irish issue in British politics
- Larne Gun Running
- UVF Mid-Ulster Brigade
- Young Citizen Volunteers
Footnotes
- ^ The flag was never standardized; numerous variations of this flag exist.
References
- ^ Haagerup, N.J. (1983–1984). "Report drawn up on behalf of the Political Affairs Committee on the situation in Northern Ireland" (PDF). European Parliament. European Communities. Archived (PDF) from the original on 8 October 2018. Retrieved 9 October 2018.
- ^ McDonald, Henry; Cusack, Jim (30 June 2016). "UVF - The Endgame". Poolbeg Press Ltd. Archived from the original on 18 May 2021. Retrieved 21 October 2020 – via Google Books.
- ^ McDonald, Henry; Cusack, Jim (30 June 2016). "UVF - the Endgame". Archived from the original on 18 May 2021. Retrieved 21 October 2020.
- ^ Aaron Edwards - UVF: Behind the Mask pp. 206, 207
- ^ 21:00 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TfGe4WO8yok Archived 24 February 2021 at the Wayback Machine
- ^ [1] Archived 2 December 2020 at the Wayback Machine, BBC
- ^ Billy Hutchinson and Gareth Mulvenna, My Life in Loyalism (2020), p. 11
- ^ "Proscribed Organisations". Terrorism Act 2000 (c. 11, sched. 2). UK Public General Acts. 20 July 2000. Archived from the original on 21 January 2013.
- ^ a b "Sutton Index of Deaths: Organisation responsible for the death". Conflict Archive on the Internet (CAIN). Archived from the original on 9 July 2017. Retrieved 1 September 2014.
- ^ "Sutton Index of Deaths: Crosstabulations". Conflict Archive on the Internet (CAIN). Archived from the original on 14 May 2011. Retrieved 1 September 2014. (choose "religion summary" + "status" + "organisation")
- ^ a b David McKittrick (12 March 2009). "Will loyalists seek bloody revenge?". The Independent. London. Archived from the original on 14 March 2009. Retrieved 21 June 2011.
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Further reading
- Birgen, Julia. "Overstating and Misjudging the Prospects of Civil War: The Ulster Volunteer Force and the Irish Volunteers in the Home Rule Crisis, 1912–1914." (Thesis 2017). online Archived 23 June 2018 at the Wayback Machine
- Boulton, David (1973). UVF 1966–1973: An Anatomy of Loyalist Rebellion. Torc Books. ISBN 978-0-7171-0666-0.
- Bowman, Timothy. Carson's Army: The Ulster Volunteer Force, 1910–22 (2012), a standard scholarly history
- Bruce, Steve (1992). The Red Hand: The Protestant Paramilitaries in Ulster. ISBN 0-19-215961-5.
- Cusack, Jim; McDonald, Henry (2000). UVF. Poolbeg. ISBN 1-85371-687-1.
- Dillon, Martin (1991). The Dirty War. Arrow Books. ISBN 0-09-984520-2.
- Edwards, Aaron (2017). UVF: Behind the Mask. Merrion Press. ISBN 978-1-78537-087-8.
- Geraghty, Tony (2000). The Irish War. Harper Collins. ISBN 0-00-638674-1.
- Grob-Fitzgibbon, Benjamin. (2006) "Neglected Intelligence: How the British Government Failed to Quell the Ulster Volunteer Force, 1912–1914." Journal of Intelligence History 6.1 (2006): 1-23.
- O'Brien, Brendan (1995). The Long War – the IRA and Sinn Féin. The O'Brien Press. ISBN 0-86278-606-1.
- Orr, David R. (2016) Ulster will Fight. Volume 1: Home Rule and the Ulster Volunteer Force 1886-1922 (2016) excerpt Archived 24 March 2021 at the Wayback Machine; a standard scholarly history
- Taylor, Peter (1999). Loyalists: War and Peace in Northern Ireland. TV Books Ltd. ISBN 1-57500-047-4.