Arab Socialist Ba'ath Party – Syria Region

Arab Socialist Ba'ath Party – Syria Region حزب البعث العربي الاشتراكي – قطر سوريا
Governing body	Central Command (from 2018)[1]
General Secretary	Bashar al-Assad
Assistant General Secretary	Ibrahim al-Hadid[2][3]
Founded	7 April 1947; 77 years ago (1947-04-07)
Headquarters	Damascus, Syria
Newspaper	Al-Ba'ath[4] and Al-Thawra[5][6]
Student wing	National Union of Students Ba'ath Vanguards[7]
Youth wing	Revolutionary Youth Union[8]
Paramilitary wing	Ba'ath Brigades (2012–2018)[9][10]
Membership	1.2 million (2010 est.)[11]
Ideology	Neo-Ba'athism Pan-Arabism[12] Assadism[13][14] Authoritarian socialism[a] Militarism[23][24][b] Left-wing nationalism[27][28][29] Arab nationalism[30][31] Arab socialism[32][33] Syrian nationalism[34][35] Syrian irredentism[36] State secularism[37][38] Socialist patriotism[39] Moderate socialism[40] Anti-imperialism[41] Vanguardism[42][43][44] Anti-Zionism[45] Historical: Revolutionary socialism[46][47] (1963–1970)
Far-left[48]
Popular front	National Progressive Front[49]
Regional affiliation	Arab Socialist Ba'ath Party
Colors	Black   White   Green   Red (Pan-Arab colors)
Slogan	"Unity, Freedom, Socialism" "Long Live The Arabs"[50]
Seats in the People's Assembly	167 / 250
Seats in the Council of Ministers	8 / 30
Party flag
Website
www.baathparty.sy
Politics of Syria Political parties Elections

The Arab Socialist Ba'ath Party – Syria Region (

Founding and early years: 1947–1963

The Ba'ath Party, and indirectly the Syrian Regional Branch, was established on 7 April 1947 by

The assassination of Ba'athist colonel Adnan al-Malki by a member of the Syrian Social Nationalist Party (SSNP) in April 1955 allowed the Ba'ath Party and its allies to launch a crackdown, thus eliminating one rival.^[57] In 1957, the Ba'ath Party partnered with the Syrian Communist Party (SCP) to weaken the power of Syria's conservative parties.^[57] By the end of that year, the SCP weakened the Ba'ath Party to such an extent that in December the Ba'ath Party drafted a bill calling for a union with Egypt, a move that was very popular.^[57] The union between Egypt and Syria went ahead and the United Arab Republic (UAR) was created, and the Ba'ath Party was banned in the UAR because of Nasser's hostility to parties other than his own.^[57] The Ba'ath leadership dissolved the party in 1958, gambling that the legalisation against certain parties would hurt the SCP more than it would the Ba'ath.^[57] A military coup in Damascus in 1961 brought the UAR to an end.^[58] Sixteen prominent politicians, including al-Hawrani and Salah al-Din al-Bitar – who later retracted his signature, signed a statement supporting the coup.^[59] The Ba'athists won several seats during the 1961 parliamentary election.^[58]

Coup of 1963

The military group preparing for the overthrow of the separatist regime in February 1963 was composed of independent Nasserite and other unionist, including Ba'thi officers.^[60] The re-emergence of the Ba'tha's a majority political force aided in the coup; without a political majority the coup would have remained a military take over .^[60] Ziyad al-Hariri controlled the sizable forces stationed at the Israeli Front, not far from Damascus, Muhammad as-Sufi commanded the key brigade stationes in Homs, and Ghassan Haddad, one of Hariri's independent partners, commanded the Desert Forces.^[61] Early in March it was decided the coup would be brought into action March ninth. But on March fifth several of the officers wanted to delay the coup in hope of staging a bloodless coup .^[61] It was presumed that the Nasserite were preparing a coup of their own which effectively canceled the delay.^[61] The coup began at night and by the morning of March eighth it was evident that a new political era had begun in Syria. ^[62]

Ruling party: 1963 onwards

The secession from the UAR was a time of crisis for the party; several groups, including Hawrani, left the Ba'ath Party.^[63] In 1962, Aflaq convened a congress which re-established the Syrian Regional Branch.^[64] The division in the original Ba'ath Party between the National Command led by Michel Aflaq and the "regionalists" in the Syrian Regional Branch stemmed from the break-up of the UAR.^[65] Aflaq had sought to control the regionalist elements – an incoherent grouping led by Fa'iz al-Jasim, Yusuf Zuayyin, Munir al-Abdallah and Ibrahim Makhus.^[65] Aflaq retained the support of the majority of the non-Syrian National Command members (13 at the time).^[66]

Following the success of the

1970 Coup

After the 1967 Six-Day War, tensions between Jadid and Hafez al-Assad increased, and al-Assad and his associates were strengthened by their hold on the military. In late 1968,^[73] they began dismantling Jadid's support network, facing ineffectual resistance from the civilian branch of the party that remained under Jadid's control.^[74] This duality of power persisted until the Corrective Revolution of November 1970, when al-Assad ousted and imprisoned Atassi and Jadid.^[75] He then set upon a project of rapid institution-building, reopened parliament and adopted a permanent constitution for the country, which had been ruled by military fiat and a provisional constitutional documents since 1963.^[75] Assad significantly modified his predecessor's radical socialist economic policies, encouraged several wealthy urban families to increase their activities in the private sector, and allowed limited foreign investment from Arab countries in the Persian Gulf region States.^[76]

Reign of the Assads (1970s – present)

By the late 1970s, the state apparatus of the Baath regime under Assad had consolidated into an

Hafez's son

The General Congress is supposed to be held every fourth year to elect members of the Central Command. Since 1980, its functions have been eclipsed by the Central Committee, which was empowered to elect the Central Command. By 1985's 8th Regional Congress, the Command Secretary was empowered to elect the Central Committee.[100] The 8th Regional Congress would be the last congress held under Hafez al-Assad's rule.^[101] The next Regional Congress was held in June 2000 and elected Bashar al-Assad as Command Secretary and elected him as a candidate for the next presidential election.^[102]

Delegates to the General Congress are elected beforehand by the Central Command leadership. While all delegates come from the party's local organisation, they are forced to elect members presented by the leadership. However, some criticism is allowed. At the 8th Regional Congress, several delegates openly criticised the growing political corruption and the economic stagnation in Syria. They could also discuss important problems to the Central Command, which in turn could deal with them.^[103]

Central Command

The Central Command is according to the Syrian Constitution has the power to nominate a candidate for president.^[104] While the constitution does not state that the Secretary of the Central Command is the President of Syria, the charter of the National Progressive Front (NPF), of which the Ba'ath Party is a member, states that the President and the Central Command Secretary is the NPF President, but this is not stated in any legal document.^[104] The 1st Extraordinary Regional Congress held in 1964 decided that the Secretary of the Central Command would also be head of state.^[105] The Central Command is officially responsible to the General Congress.^[106]

Central Committee

The Central Committee (

In 1963, the Military Committee established the Military Organisation, which consisted of 12 branches resembling their civilian counterparts. The Military Organisation was led by a Central Committee, which represented the Military Committee. These new institutions were established to stop the civilian faction meddling in the affairs of the Military Committee. The Military Organisation met with the other branches through the Military Committee, which was represented at the Regional and National Congresses and Commands. The Military Organisation was a very secretive body. Members were sworn not to divulge any information about the organisation to officers who were not members in order to strengthen the Military Committee's hold on the military. In June 1964, it was decided that no new members would be admitted to the organisation. The Military Committee was built on a democratic framework, and a Military Organization Congress was held to elect the members of the Military Committee. Only one congress was ever held.[110]

The lack of a democratic framework led to internal divisions within the Military Organisation among the rank-and-file.

Ali Diab is the current head of the Ba'ath Party's Central Party School.[113]

Lower-level organizations

The party has 19 branches in Syria: one in each of the thirteen provinces, one in Damascus, one in Aleppo and one at each of the country's four universities. In most cases the governor of a province, police chief, mayor and other local dignitaries comprise the Branch Command. The Branch Command Secretary and other executive positions are filled by full-time party employees.^[107]

Members

Since 1970, membership of the Ba'ath Party in Syria expanded dramatically. In 1971, the party had 65,938 members; ten years later it stood at 374,332 and by mid-1992 it was 1,008,243. By mid-1992, over 14 percent of Syrians aged over 14 were members of the party. In 2003, the party membership stood at 1.8 million people, which is 18 percent of the population.[114] The increase in membership was not smooth. In 1985 a party organisational report stated that thousand of members had been expelled before the 7th Regional Congress held in 1980 because of indiscipline. The report also mentioned the increased tendency of opportunism among party members.^[114] Between 1980 and 1984, 133,850 supporter-members and 3,242 full members were expelled from the party.^[115]

The increase in members has led official propaganda, and leading members of the party and state, to say that the people and the party are inseparable.

Since the end of the

Assad personality cult is portrayed as integral to the prosperity and security of the nation; with Hafez al-Assad being depicted as the father figure of the Syrian nation. Ceremonies and slogans of loyalty, praise and adulation of Assads are a daily party of schools, party centres, government offices, public spaces and the military. Official state propaganda attributes Assad with supernatural abilities combined by repetitive usage of symbolism that discouraged wider society from arenas for political activism. Upon the death of Hafez al-Assad in 2000, his successor Bashar al-Assad was depicted as a reformist and youthful hope. Hafez's inner circle elite was replaced by a far more restricted faction of elites closer to Bashar, often referred to as the "New Guard". Major posts in the armed forces were awarded to Alawite loyalists, family relatives and many non-Alawite elites that served under Hafez were expelled. Another important shift was the end of Ba'th party's practical significance; with it being reduced to a formal structure for affirming fealty to Bashar and support his revamped crackdowns on the newly established independent civil society groups, political activists and reformist voices that arose during the Damascus Spring in the 2000s.^{[126][127][128][129]}

Describing the nature of Assadist ideological propaganda in her work Ambiguities of Domination, Professor of political science Lisa Wedeen writes:

"Asad's cult is a strategy of domination based on compliance rather than legitimacy. The regime produces compliance through enforced participation in rituals of obeisance that are transparently phony both to those who orchestrate them and to those who consume them. Asad's cult operates as a disciplinary device, generating a politics of public dissimulation in which citizens act as if they revere their leader.. It produces guidelines for acceptable; it defines and generalizes a specific type of national membership; it occasions the enforcement of obedience; it induces complicity by creating practices in which citizens are themselves "accomplices," upholding the norms constitutive of Asad's domination; it isolates Syrians from one another; and it clutters public space with monotonous slogans and empty gestures, which tire the minds and bodies of producers and consumers alike... Asad is powerful because his regime can compel people to say the ridiculous and to avow the absurd."^[130][129]

Religion

Like

With the outbreak of the

Arab nation. The recent slogan of ‘Bashar, Allah, Suriyya wa-bas’ (Bashar, God, and Syria – that’s it) possibly best epitomises how close the regime has come to creating a Syrian public religion in its own right. Whether the outward performance of ‘regime rituals’ was actually fully internalised or secretly mocked, it had to be practised and obeyed."^[146]

Status

Part of a series on
Ba'athism
Organisations Arab Ba'ath 1940–1947 Arab Ba'ath Movement 1940–1947 Ba'ath Party 1947–1966 Baath Party (pro-Iraqi) 1968–2003 Baath Party (pro-Syrian) 1966–present
People Zaki al-Arsuzi Michel Aflaq Salah al-Din al-Bitar Abdullah Rimawi Wahib al-Ghanim Fuad al-Rikabi Salah Jadid Hafez al-Assad Ahmed Hassan al-Bakr Saddam Hussein Bashar al-Assad Izzat Ibrahim al-Douri
Literature On the Way of Resurrection The Battle for One Destiny The Genius of Arabic in Its Tongue
History Ba'athist Iraq Ramadan Revolution November 1963 coup d'état 17 July Revolution Iran–Iraq War Gulf War UN sanctions Iraq War De-Ba'athification Baathist Syria Syrian Committee to Help Iraq 1963 / 1966 coup d'états Corrective Revolution Intervention in Lebanon Syrian occupation of Lebanon Syrian civil war
Regional organisations Algeria pro-Iraq pro-Syria Bahrain pro-Iraq pro-Syria Egypt pro-Iraq pro-Syria Iraq pro-Iraq pro-Syria Jordan pro-Iraq pro-Syria Kuwait pro-Iraq Lebanon pro-Iraq pro-Syria Libya pro-Iraq Mauritania pro-Iraq pro-Syria Palestine pro-Iraq pro-Syria Sudan pro-Iraq pro-Syria Syria pro-Iraq pro-Syria Tunisia pro-Iraq pro-Syria Yemen pro-Iraq pro-Syria
Splinter groups Arab Socialist Revolutionary Ba'ath Party 1960–1962/63 Socialist Lebanon 1965–1970 Arab Revolutionary Workers Party 1966–present Democratic Socialist Arab Ba'ath Party 1970–present Sudanese Ba'ath Party 2002–present
Related topics Arab nationalism Arab socialism Nasserism Pan-Arabism
Politics portal Socialism portal
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According to Subhi Hadidi, a Syrian dissident, "The Ba'ath is in complete disarray. ... It's like a dead body. It's no longer a party in any normal sense of the word."[147] Hanna Batatu wrote, "Under Assad the character of the Ba'ath changed ... Whatever independence of opinion its members enjoyed in the past was now curtailed, a premium being placed on conformity and internal discipline. The party became in effect another instrument by which the regime sought to control the community at large or to rally it behind its policies. The party's cadres turned more and more into bureaucrats and careerists, and were no longer vibrantly alive ideologically as in the 1950s and 1960s, unconditional fidelity to Assad having ultimately overridden fidelity to old beliefs."^[148]

According to Volker Perthes, the Ba'ath Party was transformed under Assad; Perthes wrote, "It was further inflated such as to neutralise those who had supported the overthrown leftist leadership, it was de-ideologised; and it was restructured so as to fit into the authoritarian format of Assad's system, lose its avant-garde character and became an instrument for generating mass support and political control. It was also to become the regime's main patronage network."^[108]

The Ba'ath Party was turned into a patronage network closely intertwined with the bureaucracy, and soon became virtually indistinguishable from the state, while membership rules were liberalized. In 1987, the party had 50,000 members in Syria, with another 200,000 candidate members on probation.^[149] The party lost its independence from the state and was turned into a tool of the Assad government, which remained based essentially in the security forces. Other parties that accepted the basic orientation of the government were permitted to operate again. The National Progressive Front was established in 1972 as a coalition of these legal parties, which were only permitted to act as junior partners to the Ba'ath, with very little room for independent organisation.^[150]

Despite its social and political subservience to

Assadism, the Ba'ath party apparatus and its working establishments are crucial components in daily governance. The party facilitates Assad family's tight control over the state, serves to organize supporters and mobilize mass-rallies for social legitimacy. Despite affirmation of multiple parties in the 2012 constitution; no real opposition is allowed to operate in practice. All candidates to the People's Assembly and local councils are from the National Progressive Front (NPF), a Ba'athist-led alliance firmly committed to the government. After 2018, the Ba'ath party expanded its political dominance and fielded more candidates in regional and national electoral processes, at the expense of other parties in the NPF. Internally, the party is strictly monitored by the High Command and regional Ba'athist leaders suspected of insufficient loyalty are expelled as "grey members" (al-Ramadiyyin).^[151][152]

As of 2022, the Ba'athists continue to dominate the regional councils, civil services, parliament, army and Mukhabarat. Vast majority of legalized trade unions, students associations also belong to the Ba'ath party. More than a third of government employees in rural regions are Baath members; whereas in urban areas about half the officers are Baathists. Baath party institutions remain vital to establish bureaucratic functioning in the government controlled regions. Other parties of the National Progressive Front are minority in size.^[153]

Anthem

Arabic script	Arabic transliteration	English translation
يا شباب العرب هيا وانطلق يا موكبي وارفع الصوت قوياً عاش بعث العـرب يا شباب العرب هيا وانطلق يا موكبي وارفع الصوت قوياً عاش بعث العـرب نحن فلاح وعامل وشباب لا يلين نحن جندي مقاتل نحن صوت الكادحين من جذور الأرض جئنا من صميم الألم بالضحايا ما بخلنا بالعطاء الأكرم يا شباب العرب هيا وانطلق يا موكبي وارفع الصوت قوياً عاش بعث العـرب خندق الثوار واحد أو يقال الظلم زال صامد يا بعـث صامد أنت في ساح النضال وحد الأحـرار هيا وحد الشعب العظـيم وامض يا بعث قوياً للغد الحر الكريم يا شباب العرب هيا وانطلق يا موكبي وارفع الصوت قوياً عاش بعث العـرب	ya šabāba-l'arbi hayyā wanṭaliq yā mawkibī warfa'i-ṣṣawta qawiyān 'aša Ba'athu-l'arabi ya šabāba-l'arbi hayyā wanṭaliq yā mawkibī warfa'i-ṣṣawta qawiyān 'aša Ba'athu-l'arabi naḥnu fallaḥu wa'āmil washabābu-lla yalīn naḥnu jundi yun muqātil naḥnu sawtu-lkādaḥin min juðūri-l'Arḍi ji.nā min samimi-l-alami bī-ḍḍaḥāyā mā bakhilnā bi-l'aṭā il'akrami ya šabāba-l'arbi hayyā wanṭaliq yā mawkibī warfa'i-ṣṣawta qawiyān 'aša Ba'athu-l'arabi khandaqu-ththuwwāri wāḥid .aw yuqāla-ẓẓulmu zāl ṣāmidun ya Ba'athu ṣāmid .anta fī sāḥi-nniḍāl waḥidi-l.aḥrara hayyā waḥidi-shsha'aba-l'aẓīm wāmḍi yā Ba'athu qawiyyān lilġadi-lḥurri-lkarīm ya šabāba-l'arbi hayyā wanṭaliq yā mawkibī warfa'i-ṣṣawta qawiyān 'aša Ba'athu-l'arabi	Arab youth, raise and march to fight your enemies, Raise your voice: "Long live the Arab Ba'ath!" Arab youth, raise and march to fight your enemies, Raise your voice: "Long live the Arab Ba'ath!" We are farmers, workers and persistent youth, We are soldiers, we are the voice of labourers, We came from roots of this land and pain from hearts, We weren't misers in giving sacrifice nobly. Arab youth, raise and march to fight your enemies, Raise your voice: "Long live the Arab Ba'ath!" All revolutionaries into the trenches, there's still injustice, The Ba'ath will never surrender and stop struggling. Go Ba'ath. Unite all revolutionaries, unite all great people, Go strong for tomorrow in freedom and dignity. Arab youth, raise and march to fight your enemies, Raise your voice: "Long live the Arab Ba'ath!"

Electoral history

Presidential elections

Election	Party candidate	Votes	%	Result
1971	Hafez al-Assad	1,919,609	99.2%	Elected Y
1978		3,975,729	99.9%	Elected Y
1985		6,200,428	100%	Elected Y
1991		6,726,843	99.99%	Elected Y
1999		8,960,011	100%	Elected Y
2000	Bashar al-Assad	8,689,871	99.7%	Elected Y
2007		11,199,445	99.82%	Elected Y
2014		10,319,723	88.7%	Elected Y
2021		13,540,860	95.1%	Elected Y

Syrian People's Assembly elections

Election	Party leader	Seats	+/–
1949		1 / 114	1
1953		0 / 82	1
1954	Akram al-Hawrani	22 / 140	22
1961	Nureddin al-Atassi	20 / 140	2
1973	Hafez al-Assad	122 / 250	102
1977		125 / 250	3
1981		127 / 250	2
1986		130 / 250	3
1990		134 / 250	4
1994		135 / 250	1
1998		135 / 250
2003	Bashar al-Assad	167 / 250	32
2007		169 / 250	2
2012		168 / 250	1
2016		172 / 250	4
2020		167 / 250	5

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      . The change has been particularly marked under Asad. He has created a fairly popular Presidential regime: radical left, the most advanced socialist regime in the Arab world, it is progressively widening the frame to include more peasants and labourers.
    • The Israel Economist. Vol. 26–27. University of Minnesota: Kollek & Son, Limited. 1970. p. 61. The ideology propounded by the Ba'ath changed completely. The accent on Arab nationalism was discarded as was moderate socialism. Their place was taken by Syrian nationalism and extreme left-wing ideas verging on communism.
    • Abadi, Jacob (2004). Israel's Quest for Recognition and Acceptance in Asia: Garrison State Diplomacy. London, UK: Frank Class Publishers. p. 22.
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      . radical left-wing Ba'ath party in Syria.
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      . The leadership now in control of Syria does not represent the gamut of the Ba'th party. It is composed mainly of extreme leftists vesting almost exclusive authority in the military wing of the party.
    • Hopwood, Derek (2013). Syria 1945–1986: Politics and Society. Routledge. pp. 45–46, 73–75, 90.
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      . The period 1963 to 1970 when Asad finally succeeded was marked ideologically by uncertainty and even turbulence. It was a period of transition from the old nationalist politicians to the radical socialist Baathis.. struggle between 'moderates' and radicals was centred on the dispute whether to impose a radical left wing government and a social revolution on Syria or to follow a more moderate Arab unionist course which would possibly appease opponents of the Baath. The radicals largely held the upper hand and worked to strengthen the control of the party over the state.
    • Phillips, Christopher (2020). The Battle for Syria: International Rivalry in the New Middle East. London, UK: Yale University Press. p. 11.
      ISBN 978-0-300-21717-9
      . In 1963.. the socialist Ba'ath Party, seized power. The radical left wing of the party then launched an internal coup in 1966, initiating accelerated land reform
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      . Syrian Baathist version of Arab nationalism and socialism offered plenty of points of contact with Soviet policy.. when the left-wing Baathist faction led by Nureddin Atasi came to power, accelerated Syria's rapprochement with the Soviet Union.. for the USSR Syria remained an uneasy ally whose actions were beyond control, often unpredictable and the cause of complications. The ultra-leftist slogans originating from Damascus (such as a "people's war") were not received enthusiastically in Moscow. Mustafa Tlas, the new Syrian chief of staff, was a theoretician of guerrilla warfare and had even translated works by Che Guevara who was not particularly popular among the Soviet leaders."
    • Climent, James (2015). World Terrorism: An Encyclopedia of Political Violence from Ancient Times to the Post-9/11 Era (2nd ed.). New York: Routledge. p. 383.
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104. ^ ^{a b} Perthes 1997, p. 140.
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Notes

1. ^ Sources:^{[15][16][17][18][19][20][21][22]}
2. ^ ^[25][26]
3. ^ Sources:
   • Wieland, Carsten (2018). "6: De-neutralizing Aid: All Roads Lead to Damascus". Syria and the Neutrality Trap: The Dilemmas of Delivering Humanitarian Aid Through Violent Regimes. London: I. B. Tauris. p. 68.
     ISBN 978-0-7556-4138-3
     .
   • Keegan, John (1979). "Syria". World Armies. New York, USA: Facts on File Inc. pp. 683–684.
     ISBN 0-87196-407-4
     .
   • Meininghaus, Esther (2016). "Introduction". Creating Consent in Ba'thist Syria: Women and Welfare in a Totalitarian State. I. B. Tauris. pp. 1–33.
     ISBN 978-1-78453-115-7
     .

Bibliography

Journals and papers

• Bar, Shmuel (2006). "Bashar's Syria: The Regime and its Strategic Worldview" (PDF). Comparative Strategy. 25 (5): 353–445.
  S2CID 154739379. Archived from the original
  (PDF) on 23 July 2011.
• Ghadbian, Najib (2001). "The New Asad: Dynamics of Continuity and Change in Syria" (PDF). The Middle East Journal. 55 (4). Middle East Institute: 624–641. Archived from the original (PDF) on 12 December 2018. Retrieved 9 July 2013.
• Jouejati, Murhaf (2006). "The Strategic Culture of Irredentist Small Powers: The Case of Syria" (PDF). Federation of American Scientists.

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