Corruption in Venezuela

Corruption in Venezuela permeates all aspects of politics, business, law enforcement, and other sectors.[1] The discovery of oil in Venezuela in the early 20th century worsened political corruption.[2] Under the Chávez and Maduro regimes, corruption reached unprecedented levels, considered among the worst globally. The high levels of corruption and mismanagement in the country have resulted in severe economic difficulties, playing a major role in the crisis in Venezuela.[3] A 2014 Gallup poll found that 75% of Venezuelans believed that corruption was widespread throughout the Venezuelan government.[4] Discontent with corruption was cited by demonstrators as one of the reasons for the 2014 and 2017 Venezuelan protests.[5]
According to Transparency International's 2024 Corruption Perceptions Index, Venezuela scored 10 on a scale from 0 ("highly corrupt") to 100 ("very clean"). When ranked by score, Venezuela ranked 178th among the 180 countries in the Index, where the country ranked first is perceived to have the most honest public sector.[6] For comparison with worldwide scores, the best score was 90 (ranked 1), the average score was 43, and the worst score was 8 (ranked 180).[7] For comparison with regional scores, the highest score among the countries of the Americas[Note 1] was 75, the average score was 42 and the lowest score was Venezuela's, 10.[8]
In 2023, Transparencia Venezuela announced that the amount of money in judicial cases of 26 different countries investigating government corruption amounted to at least $70 billion dollars.[9]
History
The history of Venezuela has been mired with "persistent and intense presence of corruption", according to the
Simón Bolívar (1813–1830)
During the Venezuelan War of Independence in 1813, Simón Bolívar made a decree that any corruption was punishable by death, according to the Cato Institute.[10] Authors Beddow and Thibodeaux stated that Karl Marx called Bolívar a "[f]alsifier, deserter, conspirator, liar, coward, and looter".[12] Marx dismissed Bolívar as a "false liberator who merely sought to preserve the power of the old Creole nobility which he belonged".[12]
According to Marx, after Bolívar arrived in Caracas in 1813, Bolívar's "dictatorship soon proved a military anarchy, leaving the most important affairs in the hands of favorites, who squandered the finances of the country, and then resorted to odious means in order to restore them".
During his presidency in the 1820s, Bolívar made two decrees stating corruption was "the violation of the public interest" and reinforced his edict by saying such actions were punishable by death, according to the Cato Institute.
Antonio Guzmán Blanco and Joaquín Crespo (1870–1899)
In 1884, Guzmán appointed Joaquín Crespo to be his successor and to serve under him. Crespo was renowned for establishing the "ring of iron" by making connections with officials before the end of his first term in 1886. He placed his allies in congressional seats to help guarantee his reelection which angered Guzmán. A power struggle then ensued between the two, leaving Venezuelan politics weakened in its wake. After a rebellion was initiated against Crespo by José Manuel Hernández in March 1898, Crespo led troops to quell the rebels, but was killed by a stray bullet.[16]
Near the end of his life, Guzmán attempted to rule Venezuela from Europe until his death in Paris on 28 July 1899, leaving a political vacuum behind due to the loss of the two leaders a little over one year.[16]
Cipriano Castro (1899–1908)
Cipriano Castro served as governor of Táchira until he was overthrown and exiled to Colombia in 1892. He then amassed considerable wealth through illegal cattle trading and hired a private army with which he intended to march on Caracas. After a successful coup in 1899, his dictatorship was one of the most corrupt periods in Venezuela's history. Once in charge, Castro began plundering the treasury and modifying the constitution to convenience his administration. He had political opponents murdered or exiled, lived extravagantly and broke down diplomacy with foreign countries. He provoked numerous foreign actions, including blockades and bombardments by British, German, and Italian naval vessels seeking to enforce the claims of their citizens against Castro's government.[20] United States Secretary of State Elihu Root called Castro a "crazy brute", while historian Edwin Lieuwen labelled him "probably the worst of Venezuela's many dictators".[21]
Juan Vicente Gómez (1908–1935)
From 1908 to 1935, the dictator
Marcos Pérez Jiménez (1952–1958)

Marcos Pérez Jiménez seized power through a coup in 1952 and declared himself provisional president until being formally elected in 1953. The government's National Security (Seguridad Nacional, secret police) was extremely repressive against critics of the regime and ruthlessly hunted down and imprisoned those who opposed the dictatorship. In 1957 during the time of reelection, voters had only the choice between voting "yes" or "no" to another term for Jiménez. Pérez Jiménez won by a large margin, though by numerous accounts the count was blatantly rigged.
On 23 January 1958, a coup d'état was performed against Pérez Jiménez. Pérez Jiménez, fleeing from Miraflores Palace, went to La Carlota Airport to seek exile in the Dominican Republic. While rushing out of Venezuela, Pérez Jiménez left $2 million in a suitcase on the runway of La Carlota Airport.[22]
Democracy (1958–1999)
During the first administration of Carlos Andrés Pérez from 1974 to 1979, the 1973 oil crisis caused petroleum profits to be at record highs. His government substantially increased debt, nationalized the oil industry into PDVSA, as well as the iron industry, created new state-owned companies, nationalized the central bank and replaced its board with cabinet members, eliminating the bank's independence as a result.[23] The result of these policies was a system of patrimonialism and increased government corruption.[23] In 1980, the Venezuelan Congress found Carlos Andrés politically responsible for the overprice in the purchase of the ship Sierra Nevada, but acquitted him of administrative and moral responsibility.[24]
During the presidency of Jaime Lusinchi, US$36 billion was misused by the foreign exchange program RECADI, according to the Cato Institute.[10] Arrest warrants were issued against five businessmen for false imports into Venezuela as part of the exchange program,[25] of which Chinese businessman Ho Fuk Wing was imprisoned for three years before being sentenced and detained for an additional four months.[26]
On 20 March 1993, Attorney General Ramón Escovar Salom introduced an action against President Pérez for the embezzlement of 250 million bolivars belonging to a presidential discretionary fund, or partida secreta. The issue had originally been brought to public scrutiny in November 1992 by journalist José Vicente Rangel. Pérez and his supporters claim the money was used to support the electoral process in Nicaragua. On 20 May 1993, the Supreme Court considered the accusation valid, and the following day the Senate voted to strip Pérez of his immunity. Pérez refused to resign, but after the maximum 90 days of temporary leave available to the President under Article 188 of the 1961 constitution, the National Congress removed Pérez from office permanently on 31 August.[27]
Bolivarian Revolution

The government in place following the Bolivarian Revolution that was initiated by Hugo Chávez has been frequently accused of corruption, abuse of the economy for personal gain, spreading "Bolivarian propaganda", buying the loyalty of the military, officials involved in the drug trade, assisting terrorists, intimidation of the media, and human rights abuses of its citizens.[28][29][30][31][32][33][34][35][36] According to Foreign Policy, Venezuela's corruption helped Hugo Chávez gain power and worsened under the Bolivarian government.[37] Though the Bolivarian government states that they have implemented strict guidelines and laws to deter corruption, enforcement of such anti-corruption laws has been weak following the centralizing powers in the government, creating less accountability for corruption and making it prevalent throughout Venezuela.[1]

Source: Transparency International Archived 9 May 2019 at the Wayback Machine
Chávez's successor, Nicolás Maduro was criticized for allowing corruption to remain in the government. In an article by The Washington Post, Venezuela's dire situation under Maduro was described as "a man-made disaster". The Bolivarian government was also seen as "a gangster state that doesn't know how to do anything other than sell drugs and steal money for itself" since Maduro's family members and close government officials were accused of being involved in the illicit drug trade.[38]
The Corruption Perceptions Index, produced annually by the NGO Transparency International (TNI) ranked Venezuela among the most corrupt countries in the world[39] A 2013 survey by TNI found that 68% of those believed that the government's efforts to fight corruption were ineffective; a majority of those surveyed said the government's effort against corruption were ineffective, that corruption had increased from 2007 to 2010, and perceived political parties, the judiciary, the parliament and the police to be the institutions most affected by corruption.[40] In 2014, the World Justice Project ranked Venezuela's government in 99th place worldwide and gave it the worst ranking of countries in Latin America according to the Rule of Law Index 2014[35] and in 2015, the World Justice Project's Rule of Law Index 2015 report placed Venezuela as having the worst rule of law in the world, with the majority of Venezuelans believing that the Venezuelan government was not held accountable under the law, was corrupt, lacked transparency and did not respect the privacy of citizens.[41]
Hugo Chávez (1999–2013)
In December 1998,
Public funds
In early 2000, Chávez's friend and co-conspirator in the
$22.5 billion of public funds have been transferred from Venezuela to foreign accounts with half of that money being unaccounted for by anyone, according to the Cato Institute.[42] José Guerra, a former Central Bank executive, claims that most of that money has been used to buy political allies in countries such as Cuba and Bolivia, according to the Cato Institute.[42] Chávez reportedly made promises and carried out most payments of nearly US$70 billion to foreign leaders without consultation with the people of Venezuela and without normal legal procedures, according to the Cato Institute.[42]
Maletinazo scandal
In August 2007,
According to the United States Department of Defense's PRISM journal, the $800,000 in cash may have also been a payment from Iran to Cristina Kirchner. It was alleged that Chávez helped a deal for Iran to obtain nuclear technology from Argentina and to cover up the AMIA bombing information, with Venezuela also purchasing Argentine debt in the dealing. Iranian and Argentine relations improved shortly after the incident.[49]
PDVAL affair
In mid-2010,
Nicolás Maduro (2013–present)

"It's been a big year for Maduro ... I think this year has been the tipping point and his negligence, incompetence and corruption are the cause. When a country's leader can watch his people starve and still oversee a government stealing $70 billion a year all while his family deals drugs, it's a special kind of evil. He deserves this prize.
Allegations have been made that President Nicolás Maduro had cooperated with the Islamist militant group, Hezbollah as well as the Syrian government to receive funds.[57][58][59][60]
In 2016, the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project (OCCRP), an international non-governmental organization that investigates crime and corruption, gave President Maduro the Person of the Year Award that "recognizes the individual who has done the most in the world to advance organized criminal activity and corruption". The OCCRP stated that they "chose Maduro for the global award on the strength of his corrupt and oppressive reign, so rife with mismanagement that citizens of his oil-rich nation are literally starving and begging for medicines" and that Maduro and his family steal millions of dollars from government coffers to fund patronage that maintains President Maduro's power in Venezuela. The group also explains how Maduro had overruled the legislative branch filled with opposition politicians, repressed citizen protests and had relatives involved in drug trafficking.[56]
In early 2019, Bulgarian officials disclosed that millions of Euros were transferred from a Venezuelan oil company to a small Bulgarian bank, Investbank, after disclosing an investigation into suspected money laundering. The Bulgarian government had frozen accounts at the bank, and was looking into accounts at other institutions. The Bulgarian government has frozen accounts at the bank. US Ambassador to Bulgaria Eric Rubin confirmed that the US government "[was] working very closely with Bulgaria and other members of the European Union to ensure that the wealth of the people of Venezuela [was] not stolen".[61] Bulgarian authorities reacted only after they were prompted by the US government.[62] According to legal scholar Radosveta Vassileva, "multiple questions arise about the efficiency of Bulgarian secret services and the anti-money laundering protocols in the Investbank."[63] Investbank was one of six Bulgarian banks, that the European Central Bank assessed to evaluate if Bulgaria was making progress towards joining the Eurozone.[64]
In 2023, Transparencia Venezuela announced that the amount of money in judicial cases of 26 different countries investigating chavismo corruption amounted to at least $70 billion dollars.[9]
Drug trade
Two nephews of Maduro's wife Cilia Flores, Efraín Antonio Campos Flores and Francisco Flores de Freites have been involved in illicit activities such as drug trafficking, with some of their funds allegedly assisting President Maduro's presidential campaign in the 2013 Venezuelan presidential election potentially for the 2015 Venezuelan parliamentary elections.[65][66] One informant stated that the two would often fly out of Terminal 4 of Simon Bolivar Airport, a terminal reserved for the president.[65][66]
Diosdado Cabello
Information presented to the United States State Department by Stratfor claimed that Diosdado Cabello was "head of one of the major centers of corruption in Venezuela."[67] A Wikileaked U.S. Embassy cable from 2009 characterized Cabello as a "major pole" of corruption within the regime, describing him as "amassing great power and control over the regime's apparatus as well as a private fortune, often through intimidation behind the scenes." The communiqué likewise created speculation that "Chavez himself might be concerned about Cabello's growing influence but unable to diminish it."[68]
He is described by a contributor to The Atlantic as the "Frank Underwood" of Venezuela under whose watch the National Assembly of Venezuela has made a habit of ignoring constitutional hurdles entirely—at various times preventing opposition members from speaking in session, suspending their salaries, stripping particularly problematic legislators of parliamentary immunity, and, on one occasion, even presiding over the physical beating of unfriendly lawmakers while the assembly was meeting.[68][69][70] There are currently at least 17 formal corruption allegations lodged against Cabello in Venezuela's prosecutor's office.[71] His figurehead Rafael Sarría, was investigated and deported from the US in 2010.
Drug trade
Cabello has been accused of being involved in the illegal drug trade in Venezuela and was accused of being a leader of the Cartel of the Suns.[72] On 18 May 2015, The Wall Street Journal reported from sources in the United States Department of Justice that there was "extensive evidence to justify that Cabello is one of the heads, if not the head, of the cartel" and that he is "certainly is a main target" of investigations being conducted by the Drug Enforcement Administration involving drug trafficking in Venezuela.[73]
Derwick Associates bribes
In 2014, Cabello was charged by a court in
Colectivos organization
Cabello, along with
Ramón Rodríguez Chacín
Ramón Rodríguez Chacín took part in the 1992 Coup d'état attempts and later became involved in Venezuelan politics under the government of Hugo Chávez.
Drug trafficking
Never has a country that should have been so rich been so poor ... It's a gangster state that doesn't know how to do anything other than sell drugs and steal money for itself ... Venezuela is the answer to what would happen if an economically illiterate drug cartel took over a country. This corruption hasn't just enriched the few. It has also impoverished the many.
According to
In May 2015,
Hugo Chávez government
In the early-2000s, Hugo Chávez's relationship with FARC caused uneasiness among the military in Venezuela.
In 2008, the U.S. Department of Treasury accused two senior Venezuelan government officials Hugo Carvajal and
In a 2011 article by The New York Times, Colonel Adel Mashmoushi, Lebanon's drug enforcement chief, stated that flights between Venezuela and Syria that were operated by Iran could have been used by Hezbollah to transport drugs into the Middle East.[91] According to long-time serving New York district attorney Robert Morgenthau, high-ranking Venezuelan officials turned Venezuela to "a global cocaine hub" and his office had found that cocaine in New York was linked to Venezuela, Iran and Hezbollah.[92] Morgenthau also explained how Hugo Chávez's government allegedly assisted Iran with drug trafficking so Iran could circumvent sanctions and fund their development of nuclear weapons and other armaments.[92]
In March 2012, Venezuela's National Assembly removed Supreme Court Justice Eladio Aponte Aponte from his post after an investigation revealed alleged ties to drug trafficking. On the day he was to face questioning, Aponte Aponte fled the country, and has sought refuge in the U.S., where he began to cooperate with the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) and the Department of Justice. Aponte says that, while serving as a judge, he was forced to acquit an army commander who had connections with a 2 metric-ton shipment of cocaine. Aponte also claimed that Henry Rangel, former defense minister of Venezuela, and General Clíver Alcalá Cordones were involved in the drug trade.[30]
Nicolás Maduro government
In September 2013, an incident involving men from the
On 22 July 2014,
In January 2015, the former security chief of both Hugo Chavez and Diosdado Cabello, Leamsy Salazar, made accusations that Cabello was involved in the drug trade.[72][102] Salazar was placed in witness protection, fleeing to the United States with the assistance of the Drug Enforcement Administration's Special Operations Division after cooperating with the administration and providing possible details on Cabello's involvement with the international drug trade.[102] Salazar claims that Cabello is the leader of the Cartel of the Suns, an alleged military drug trafficking organization in Venezuela.[72] Salazar stated that he saw Cabello give orders on transporting tons of cocaine.[72] The shipments of drugs were reportedly sent from FARC in Colombia and sent to the United States and Europe, with the possible assistance of Cuba.[72][102] The alleged international drug operation had possibly involved senior members of Venezuela's government as well.[72][102]
On 18 May 2015,
Narcosobrinos incident
In October and November 2015, the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) began monitoring two nephews of President Nicolás Maduro's wife Cilia Flores—Efraín Antonio Campo Flores and Francisco Flores de Freites—after the two had contacted a person who was a DEA informant. They wanted advice on how to traffic cocaine. They brought to the meeting a kilogram of the drug so that the informant could understand its quality.[84] On 10 November 2015, Campo Flores and Flores de Freites, were arrested in Port-au-Prince, Haiti by local police while attempting to make a deal to transport 800 kilograms[106] of cocaine destined for New York City and were turned over to the DEA where they were flown directly to the United States.[84][107][108] The men flew from a hangar reserved for the President of Venezuela in Simón Bolívar International Airport into Haiti while being assisted by Venezuelan military personnel, which included two presidential honor guards, with the nephews carrying Venezuelan diplomatic passports which did not have diplomatic immunity according to the former head of DEA international operations Michael Vigil.[65][66][107] A later raid of Efraín Antonio Campo Flores' "Casa de Campo" mansion and yacht in the Dominican Republic revealed an additional 280 lbs of cocaine and 22 lbs of heroin, with 176 lbs of the drugs found in the home while the remainder was discovered in his yacht.[109]
Campo stated on the DEA plane that he was the
A month later on 15 December 2015, United States prosecutors in Brooklyn said that they would prosecute General
Government assistance of terrorist organizations
FARC
Before the 2002 coup attempt, discontent within the military was created when Chávez forced them to assist the

In 2007, authorities in
Independent analyses of the documents by a number of U.S. academics and journalists have challenged the Colombian interpretation of the documents, accusing the Colombian government of exaggerating their contents.[117][118] According to Greg Palast, the claim about Chavez's $300 million is based on the following (translated) sentence: "With relation to the 300, which from now on we will call 'dossier', efforts are now going forward at the instructions of the cojo [slang term for 'cripple'], which I will explain in a separate note." The separate note is allegedly speaking of a hostage exchange with the FARC that Chavez was supposedly helping to negotiate at that time. Palast suggests that the "300" is supposedly a reference to "300 prisoners" (the number involved in a FARC prisoner exchange) and not "300 million".[117]
In 2008, the U.S. Department of Treasury accused two senior Venezuelan government officials and one former official of providing material assistance for drug-trafficking operations carried out by the
Hezbollah and others
Information regarding the sale of Venezuelan passports to foreign individuals became available in 2003.
Statements by the United States on Venezuela's assistance
Members of the Venezuelan government were also accused of providing financial aid to
In a Fox News Sunday interview on 13 August 2017 with Director of the CIA Mike Pompeo, the director stated regarding Venezuela that "the Iranians, Hezbollah are there".[122]
The Trump Administration proposed on 19 November 2018 to list Venezuela as a state sponsor of terrorism.[123][124]
Other research on Venezuela's assistance

In 2003, General Marcos Ferreira, head of Venezuela's Department of Immigration and Foreigners (DIEX) from 2002 (departing after having supported the
In a study by the
In 2015, Spanish journalist Emili Blasco released Bumerán Chávez, a book investigating allegations from high-ranking Chavista whistleblowers. According to former Finance Minister Rafael Isea, while President Nicolás Maduro was Chávez's foreign minister, Maduro was present at a 2007 meeting in Damascus with Hezbollah Secretary General Hassan Nasrallah that was set up by former Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.[57][60] Isea arrived in Damascus and a Syrian security officer escorted Isea to Maduro where he was waiting at a hotel.[60] The two then met with the Hezbollah leader and Maduro promoted Venezuelan diplomat Ghazi Atef Nassereddine, an individual who supposedly raised money for Hezbollah in Latin America.[60] Maduro made other negotiations with Nasrallah and allowed 300 Hezbollah members "to fundraise in Venezuela".[57]
In February 2017,
Following the report, CNN was expelled from Venezuela and the Venezuelan government accused the channel of being "(A threat to) the peace and democratic stability of our Venezuelan people since they generate an environment of intolerance."[131][132]
Kleptocracy
InSight Crime states that state funds "have been pillaged on an industrial scale by the Bolivarian elite" and that "kleptocracy has certainly been one of the main factors that has brought Venezuela to the edge of economic collapse and bankruptcy".[133] Price controls introduced by President Chávez in 2003 helped establish kleptocratic practices that still occur in Venezuela today, allowing officials to buy dollars for cheap and then exchange them bolívares at a higher black market rate so they could exchange for more dollars.[133]
It has been estimated that between the mid-2000s and the mid-2010s, over $300 billion was misused by the Bolivarian government.[38] The opposition-led National Assembly estimated that about $87 billion had been embezzled between multiple projects, including $27 billion by the Ministry of Food, $25 billion by the Ministry of Electricity, $22 billion for unfinished transportation works $11 billion by PDVSA and $1.5 billion by the Ministry of Health.[134]
Petróleos de Venezuela, S.A. (PDVSA)
Bloomberg states that "Chávez's ascent to power also brought about corruption on a scale never before seen at PDVSA".[135] In 2016, it was revealed that from 2004 to 2014, $11 billion was funneled out of PDVSA, with billions of dollars "paid for fraudulent contracts for oil rigs, ships, and refineries". United States officials believe that the Bolivarian government has used PDVSA to launder money for Colombian guerrillas and help them traffic cocaine through Venezuela.[135]
Cronyism and patronage
Boliburguesía
Boliburguesía is a term describing the new
During Hugo Chávez's tenure, he seized thousands of properties and businesses while also reducing the footprint of foreign companies.[142] Venezuela's economy was then largely state-run and was operated by military officers who had their business and government affairs connected.[142] Senior fellow at the Brookings Institution, Harold Trinkunas, stated that involving the military in business was "a danger", with Trinkunas explaining that the Venezuelan military "has the greatest ability to coerce people, into business like they have".[142] According to Bloomberg Markets Magazine, "[b]y showering contracts on former military officials and pro-government business executives, Chávez put a new face on the system of patronage".[142]
Government-owned companies
According to USA Today, the policies of Chávez's "Socialism for the 21st century" included "the bloating of state oil company Petróleos de Venezuela S.A., or PDVSA, with patronage hires" which led to mismanagement of the petroleum industry in Venezuela according to experts.[143] Financial Times also called the PDVSA "a source of patronage" and that "the number of employees, hired on the basis of their loyalty to the 'Bolivarian Revolution', has tripled since 2003 to more than 121,000".[144]
In 2006, Rafael Ramírez, then energy minister, gave PDVSA workers a choice: Support President Hugo Chávez, or lose their jobs. The minister also said: "PDVSA is red [the color identified with Chávez's political party], red from top to bottom". Chávez defended Ramírez, saying that public workers should back the "revolution". He added that "PDVSA's workers are with this revolution, and those who aren't should go somewhere else. Go to Miami".[145] PDVSA continues to hire only supporters of the president, and a large amount of its revenue is used to fund political projects.[146]
Governorships
Under both Chávez and Maduro, if Bolivarian candidates lost gubernatorial elections, the presidents would name the candidates "Protectors" to act as governors of the state, an action that is non-existent in Venezuelan law. Chávez and Maduro would instead recognize the "Protectors" and provide funds to establish a parallel government to opposition governors who were elected.[147]
Local Committees of Supply and Production (CLAP)

While Venezuelans were suffering from shortages of food, the Bolivarian government created the Local Committees of Supply and Production (CLAP) in 2016. The committees, controlled by supporters of President Maduro, were designated to provide subsidized food and goods to poor Venezuelan households directly. According to the Vice President of Venezuela,
Luisa Ortega Díaz, Chief Prosecutor of Venezuela from 2007 to 2017, revealed that President Maduro had been profiting from the food crisis. CLAP made contracts with Group Grand Limited, a group owned by Maduro through frontmen Rodolfo Reyes, Álvaro Uguedo Vargas and Alex Saab. Group Grand Limited, a Mexican entity owned by Maduro, would sell foodstuffs to CLAP and receive government funds.[149][150][151]
On 19 April 2018 after a multilateral meeting between over a dozen European and Latin American countries, United States Department of the Treasury officials stated that they had collaborated with Colombian officials to investigate corrupt import programs of the Maduro administration including CLAP, explaining that Venezuelan officials pocketed 70% of the proceeds allocated for importation programs destined to alleviate hunger in Venezuela. Nations said that they sought to seize the corrupt proceeds that were being funneled into the accounts of Venezuelan officials and hold them for a possible future government in Venezuela.[152][153] A month later on 17 May 2018, the Colombian government seized 25,200 CLAP boxes containing about 400 tons of decomposing food, which was destined to be distributed to the Venezuelan public.[154] The Colombian government stated that they were investigating shell companies and money laundering related to CLAP operations, saying that the shipment was to be used to buy votes during the 2018 Venezuelan presidential election.[154]
Tascón List
The Tascón List is a list of millions of signatures of Venezuelans who petitioned in 2003 and 2004 for the recall of the President of Venezuela, Hugo Chávez, a petition which ultimately led to the 2004 Venezuelan recall referendum, in which the recall was defeated.[155] The list, published online by National Assembly member Luis Tascón, is used by the Venezuelan government to discriminate against those who have signed against Chávez.[155] The list made "sectarianism official" with Venezuelans who signed against Chávez being denied jobs, benefits, documents and were under the threat of harassment.[155]
Police opinion
During the beginning of
Nepotism
Under presidents Chavez and Maduro, nepotism increased within the Venezuelan government.[147]
President Nicolás Maduro and his wife Cilia Flores have been accused of nepotism, with individuals claiming that several of her close relatives became employees of the National Assembly when she became elected deputy.[160][161] According to the Venezuelan newspaper Tal Cual, 16 relatives of Flores were in an office while she was in the National Assembly.[162] In 2012, relatives of Flores were removed from office.[162] However, relatives who were removed from office found other occupations in the government a year later.[163] President Maduro's son, Nicolás Maduro Guerra, and other relatives have also been used as examples of alleged nepotism.[163]
According to The Atlantic, Diosdado Cabello lavishly rewards friends and even helps fill government offices with members of his own family. His wife is a member of the National Assembly, his brother is in charge of the nation's taxation authority, and his sister is a Venezuelan delegate to the United Nations.[68]
Governmental branches
Legislative system
In the 2013 corruption report by Transparency International, 66% of Venezuelan respondents believed that the legislative system was corrupt in Venezuela.
Judicial system
Venezuela's judicial system has been deemed the most corrupt in the world by Transparency International.[166] Human Rights Watch accuse Hugo Chávez and his allies of taking over the Supreme Court in 2004, filling it with supporters and making new measures allowing the government to dismiss justices from the court.[34] In 2010, legislators from Chávez's political party appointed 9 permanent judges and 32 stand-ins, which included several allies.[34] HRW fears that judges may face reprisals if they rule against government interests.[34]
In December 2014, moderate left newspaper El Espectador stated in an article about the accusations against María Corina Machado saying that prosecutions in Venezuela go by a "familiar script", stating that "[t]he executive branch first publicly launches accusations at an opposition politician, state prosecutors then set about compiling formal charges, and the entire process is ultimately confirmed by the Supreme Court".[167]
Public opinion
In a 2014 Gallup poll, 61% of Venezuelans lack confidence in the judicial system.
Authorities
Police
Venezuela's corruption includes widespread corruption in the police force.[168] Criminologists and experts have stated that low wages and lack of police supervision have been attributed to police corruption.[169] Many victims are afraid to report crimes to the police because many officers are involved with criminals and may bring even more harm to the victims.[170] Human Rights Watch has reported that the "police commit one of every five crimes" and that thousands of people have been killed by police officers acting with impunity; only 3% of officers have been charged in cases against them.[34] The Metropolitan Police force in Caracas was so corrupt that it was disbanded and was even accused of assisting in many of the 17,000 kidnappings.[171]
See also
General:
- Crime in Venezuela
- International Anti-Corruption Academy
- Group of States Against Corruption
- International Anti-Corruption Day
- ISO 37001 Anti-bribery management systems
- United Nations Convention against Corruption
- OECD Anti-Bribery Convention
- Transparency International
Notes
- ^ Argentina, Bahamas, Barbados, Bolivia, Brazil, Canada, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Cuba, Dominica, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, El Salvador, Grenada, Guatemala, Guyana, Haiti, Honduras, Jamaica, Mexico, Nicaragua, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, Suriname, Trinidad and Tobago, United States, Uruguay, Venezuela
References
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