History of Venezuela

The second Spanish expedition, led by Alonso de Ojeda, sailing along the length of the northern coast of South America in 1499, gave the name Venezuela ("little Venice" in Spanish) to the Gulf of Venezuela—because of its perceived similarity to the Italian city.

Spain's

Word of Spain's troubles in 1808 in the Napoleonic Wars but only on 19 April 1810 did its "cabildo" (city council) decide to follow the example set by the Spanish provinces two years earlier. On 5 July 1811, seven of the ten provinces of the Captaincy General of Venezuela declared their independence in the Venezuelan Declaration of Independence. The First Republic of Venezuela was lost in 1812 following the 1812 Caracas earthquake and the Battle of La Victoria (1812). Simón Bolívar led an "Admirable Campaign" to retake Venezuela, establishing the Second Republic of Venezuela in 1813; but this did not last either, falling to a combination of a local uprising and Spanish royalist reconquest. Only as part of Bolívar's campaign to liberate New Granada in 1819–20 did Venezuela achieve a lasting independence from Spain (initially as part of Gran Colombia).

On 17 December 1819, the

Some Venezuelans began to grow resistant to colonial control towards the end of the eighteenth century. Spain's neglect of its Venezuelan colony contributed to Venezuelan intellectuals' increased zeal for learning.^[

The first organized conspiracy against the colonial regime in Venezuela occurred in 1797, organized by Manuel Gual and José María España. It took direct inspiration from the French Revolution, but was put down with the collaboration of the "mantuanos" because it promoted radical social changes.

European events sowed the seeds of Venezuela's declaration of independence. The

The first major defeat that Napoleonic France suffered occurred at the Battle of Bailén in Andalusia (July 1808). Despite this Spanish victory, the French soon regained the initiative and advanced into southern Spain. The Spanish government had to retreat to the island redoubt of Cádiz. Here, the Supreme Central Junta dissolved itself and set up a five-person regency to handle the affairs of state until the deputies of the Cortes of Cádiz could convene.

Word of Spain's troubles in 1808 in the

The Venezuelan War of Independence ensued. It ran concurrently with that of New Granada.^[9] The First Republic of Venezuela was lost in 1812 following the 1812 Caracas earthquake and the Battle of La Victoria.

The campaign of 1813 and the Second Republic

Bolívar arrived in Cartagena and was well received, as he was later in Bogotá, where he joined the army of the

Gran Colombia and Bolívar's campaign to liberate New Granada

In Spain in 1820, liberal sections of the military under Rafael del Riego established a constitutional monarchy, which precluded new Spanish invasions of America. Before his recall to Spain, Morillo signed a truce with Bolívar. Morillo left Miguel de la Torre in command of the royalist forces.

The truce ended in 1821 and in Bolívar's campaign to liberate New Granada, Bolívar had all available forces converge on Carabobo, a hilly plain near Valencia, to face de la Torre and Morales. The defeat of the Spanish right in the Battle of Carabobo, which is credited to the British Legions whose commander Thomas Farriar fell, decided the battle. The general Morales with the remnants of the royalists tried to resist in Puerto Cabello. After Carabobo, a congress met in Cúcuta, Santander's birthplace, and approved a federalist constitution for Gran Colombia. Subsequent battles included a key naval victory for the independence forces on 24 July 1823 at the Battle of Lake Maracaibo and in November 1823 José Antonio Páez occupied Puerto Cabello, the last Royalist stronghold in Venezuela.

Independence from Gran Colombia

In Venezuela, nominally a province of Gran Colombia,

In 1828, in view of the political opposition he faced, both in Venezuela and in New Granada, and because his Great Colombia had started to disintegrate, Bolívar named himself

Following the Venezuelan War of Independence (part of the Spanish American wars of independence), Venezuela initially won independence from the Spanish Empire as part of Gran Colombia. Internal tensions led to the dissolution of Gran Colombia in 1830–31, with Venezuela declaring independence in 1831. For the rest of the nineteenth century, independent Venezuela saw a range of caudillos (strongmen) compete for power. Leading political figures include José Antonio Páez, Antonio Guzmán Blanco and Cipriano Castro.

In a succession of rebellions, the

1908–1958

Juan Vicente Gómez (1908–1935)

In 1908, President Cipriano Castro was too sick to be cured in Venezuela and he left for Germany leaving Juan Vicente Gómez in charge. Castro had not gone further than the outer Antilles when Gómez took over the government and forbade Castro from returning. This was the beginning of a regime that lasted until 1935 and is interwoven with the early development of the oil industry, the greatest influence ever on the history of Venezuela.

One of Gómez's first measures was to start canceling outstanding Venezuelan international debts, a goal which was soon achieved. Under Gómez, Venezuela acquired all the appurtenances of a regular national army staffed and officered almost entirely by Andeans.^[10] At the time, the country had a widespread telegraphic system. Under these circumstances, the possibility of caudillo uprisings was curtailed. The only armed threat against Gómez came from a disaffected former business partner to whom he had given a monopoly on all maritime and riverine commerce. Although there are many tales of Gómez's cruelty and ruthlessness, they are mostly exaggerations by his enemies. ^{[citation needed]} The man who had tried to overthrow him, Román Delgado Chalbaud, spent fourteen years in jail. He later claimed that he was in ball and chains during all that time, but he was released by Gómez.^[11] His son, Carlos Delgado Chalbaud, would later become president of Venezuela. When university students staged a street demonstration in 1928 (Generation of 1928), they were arrested but were soon released. But Gómez was indeed ruthless in throttling all opposition and he allowed a personality cult, but this was as much his doing as that of his sycophants, who were numerous all over Venezuela.^[12] Gómez, unlike Guzmán Blanco, never erected a statue of himself anywhere in Venezuela. He was a stickler for legal formalisms, which in essence meant that he introduced new constitutions any time it suited his political ends, although this was also the rule during the 19th century. During his dictatorship, Gómez appointed two figurehead presidents while he kept a tight hold on the armed forces from Maracay, his favorite city, west of Caracas, which he embellished and made the main Venezuelan garrison, a status which it retained until at least the 1960s.

The discovery of oil

It did not take much geological expertise to know that Venezuela had large petroleum deposits, because the petroleum oozed out from seeps all over the country and an asphalt lake had formed naturally. Venezuelans themselves had tried to extract oil for a small hand-pumped refinery early in the 20th century. When word spread internationally of Venezuela's oil potential, representatives of large foreign companies came to the country and started lobbying for rights of exploration and exploitation, and Gómez established the concessionary system. Venezuela had inherited from Spain the law that the ground surface—presumably, as deep as a plow or a water well went—could belong to individuals but everything under the soil was state property. Thus, Gómez began to grant huge concessions to family and friends. Any one who was close to Gómez eventually would become rich in one way or another. Gómez himself accumulated immense expanses of grasslands for cattle-raising, which had been his original occupation and was a lifelong passion. The Venezuelan concessionaires leased or sold their holdings to the highest foreign bidders. Gómez, who didn't trust industrial workers or

It has been said^[by whom?] that Gómez did not tax the oil companies and that Venezuela did not benefit from oil production, but this is only a half-truth.^[14] The Venezuelan government derived considerable income from the concessions and from taxes of one sort of another, but the original fiscal laws which applied to the oil companies were hammered out between the government and American lawyers. The laws were relatively lenient, but Gómez, who had an acute business sense, understood that it was necessary to create incentives for investors in the Venezuelan oil fields, some of which were very accessible but others were deep in jungles. Oil income allowed Gómez to expand Venezuela's rudimentary infrastructure and the overall impact of the oil industry on Venezuela was a modernizing trend in the areas where it operated. But in a wider sense, the Venezuelan people, except for those who worked for the oil companies and lived badly but had a steady income, benefited little or not all from the country's oil riches.

Gómez took power in a very poor illiterate country. The white/pardos social divide was still very much in place. When Gómez died in his bed in 1935, Venezuela was still a poor illiterate country and if anything the social stratification had been accentuated. The population had grown from perhaps one million and a half to two million.

Gómez's minister of war, Eleazar López Contreras, succeeded him: a tall, thin, disciplined soldier with a solid education. Before arriving at his post, he served the Gomecista government loyally wherever he was sent, including at one time Venezuela's eastern land's end, a village called Cristobal Colón, across from Trinidad. In power, López Contreras allowed the pardo masses to vent for a few days before clamping down. He had Gómez's properties confiscated by the state, but the dictator's relatives, with some exceptions who left the country, were not harassed. Gómez never married but he had various illegitimate children. Initially, López Contreras permitted political parties to come into the open, but they tended to become rambunctious and he proscribed them, although he did not use strong repressive means (which weren't necessary anyway) as the politicians that led them, called in Venezuelan historiography the "1928 Generation", did not yet have large popular followings. One of the reasons for this hard stance was that, during his first year as president, López Contreras was faced with a labor strike which paralyzed the oil industry in Zulia state in western Venezuela, whose capital was Maracaibo, where the most productive fields were located.

López Contreras had created a labor ministry and his representative there, Carlos Ramírez MacGregor, received orders to make a report of the situation, which confirmed the workers' grievances. He also had instructions to declare the strike illegal, (which he did). Government forces made the workers return to their jobs, although after that incident the oil companies did start taking serious initiatives to improve conditions for Venezuelan workers. Among the notable goals of López Contreras was a campaign to eradicate malaria in the llanos. This task was finally accomplished during the following presidency through the use of DDT.

Two

After a vote in the same congress for the 1941–1946 term, López Contreras handed power to his war minister and personal friend, the Andean general Isaías Medina Angarita, who in many ways made a strong foil to his predecessor. He was stout and good natured and did not make excessive demands on himself. Medina Angarita legalized all political parties, including the divided communists: some were hard-line, such as the Machado brothers of a traditional Caracas family; and others, gradualists or conciliatory, led by Luis Miquilena, a union leader who supported Medina's step-by-step approach and for a time was allied to one of the Machado brothers. Under Medina there was an indirect democracy, which followed the 19th century custom of elections at the municipal council level. But Medina was committed to a still restricted but wider national democratic election. For that he had officialdom in all the Venezuelan states form a pro-government party named Partido Democratico Venezolana or PDV (Venezuelan Democratic Party). But the real genius at political organization was Rómulo Betancourt, who created from the bottom up what was in effect a pardo party with a strongly reformist, but not Marxist, agenda.

El Trienio Adeco (1945–1948)

El Trienio Adeco was a three-year period in Venezuelan history, from 1945 to 1948, under the government of the popular party Democratic Action (Accion Democratica, its adherents adecos). The party gained office via the 1945 Venezuelan coup d'état against President Isaías Medina Angarita and held the first elections with universal suffrage in Venezuelan history. The 1947 Venezuelan general election saw Democratic Action formally elected to office, but it was removed from office shortly after in the 1948 Venezuelan coup d'état.

There was no particular incident that set off the bloodless 1948 coup, which was led by Carlos Delgado Chalbaud. There was no popular opposition. This might have meant that the odds were too great or that the general populace had not noticed any particular improvement in their lives despite the incessant government propaganda. All prominent adecos were expelled. The other parties were allowed but muzzled.

1948–1958

Punto Fijo Pact

power-transition agreement.

1958–1999

History of Venezuela (1958–99) Second Andrés Pérez administration Serving as president from 1974 to 1979, better source needed] his economic agenda was later focused on cutting subsidies, privatizations, and legislation to attract foreign investment. Naím began at the lowest rung of economic liberalization, which was freeing controls on prices and a ten percent increase in that of gasoline,[18] which in Venezuela is sacrosantly very low. The increase in petrol price fed into a 30 percent increase in fares for public transport[18] In February 1989, barely into his second term, Pérez faced a series of widespread protests and lootings, which started in Guarenas and later spread to Caracas, known as El Caracazo. The response resulted in the declaration of a state of emergency and led to a large number of deaths, ranging from the official estimate of 277 dead[19] to over 2000.[citation needed ] The MBR officers started plotting seriously, and on 4 February 1992, they struck. Chávez was a lieutenant-colonel, but generals were involved in the coup attempt. They saw as their first priority the capture Pérez, who had recently returned[citation needed ] from a junket. They almost had him cornered in the presidential palace, but he managed to escape to the presidential residence and from there he got loyal troops to corner Chávez in turn and to arrest him. In exchange for prompting his co-conspirators to lay down their arms, Chávez, fully uniformed and unbowed, gained permission to speak on television to the entire nation. This led to quite some discussion after he said his objectives had not yet been reached. Several civilians and military were killed during the uprising. On 27 November 1992, officers of higher rank than Chávez tried to overthrow Pérez, but on this occasion the authorities suppressed the conspiracy easily. Pérez's downfall came when a legal process was begun to force him to reveal how he had used a secret but legal[ elections of 1993 , and these were at once familiar and unique. Second Caldera administration Main article: Second presidency of Rafael Caldera Caldera, who had been candidate for the presidency six times and won once, wanted another go, but COPEI resisted, led by Herrera Campins, and Caldera founded his own brand-new political movement, called COPEI chose a mediocrity from within its ranks. The adecos chose Claudio Fermín . Petkoff had seen the futility of trying again and backed Caldera. Even Velázquez got into the act. When the returns were in, Caldera won and in the process shattered the strict bipolarity thesis. Abstentions reached a record of 40%. The main reason Caldera, who was 76 years old, won was in essence the same as for Pérez's victory in 1973: Everybody knew him, and the middle classes, probably decisive for the only time in Venezuela's history, thought that he could do the miracle that had been expected of Pérez. That is, in some manner to get the country back on track to the "good old times". Once back in the presidential palace, Caldera confronted the Hugo Chávez Frías was elected president. 1999–present Further information: History of Venezuela (1999–present) Chávez and the Bolivarian Revolution re-elected Chávez, also placing many members of his Fifth Republic Movement party in the National Assembly. Supporters of Chávez call the process symbolised by him the Bolivarian Revolution and were organised into different government-funded groups, including the Bolivarian Circles . In April 2002, Chávez was briefly ousted from power in the 2002 Venezuelan coup d'état attempt following actions by some of the military and media and demonstrations by the minority opposition,[20] but he was returned to power after two days as a result of demonstrations by the majority of the public and actions by most of the military.[21] Chávez also remained in power after a national strike that lasted more than two months in December 2002 – February 2003, including a strike/lockout in the state oil company PDVSA and an August 2004 recall referendum. He was elected for another term in December 2006. In December 2007 in a constitutional referendum, Chávez suffered his first electoral defeat when the voters rejected constitutional changes proposed by the president, some of which would have increased the power of the presidency. The referendum saw a very high level of abstention by the standards of recent polls in Venezuela.[22] However, in February 2009 Chavez called another referendum, proposing the removal of term limits for all elected officials (previously, the constitution limited presidents to two terms, and other officials also had term limits). The referendum took place on 15 February 2009, and was approved. The Coalition for Democratic Unity, win nearly as large a share of the vote as the United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV) but with only 65 seats compared to PSUV's 98. The election was preceded by an electoral reform that favoured PSUV by giving more weight to the countryside. The 2012 presidential elections saw Hugo Chávez re-elected by a substantial margin, but he died in office in early 2013. He was succeeded by Nicolás Maduro (initially as interim president before narrowly winning the 2013 presidential elections ). Nicolás Maduro Further information: Crisis in Venezuela First term President Nicolás Maduro was formally inaugurated as President of Venezuela on 19 April, after the election commission had promised a full audit of the election results.[23][24] On 13 May 2013, President Maduro initiated one of his first plans, Plan Patria Segura. A year after the plan was initiated, no changes in crime had been reported since murder rates throughout the country remained the same.[25] In October 2013, Maduro requested an enabling law to rule by decree in order to fight corruption[26][27] and to also fight what he called an 'economic war'.[28] On 24 October, he also announced the creation of a new agency, the Vice Ministry of Supreme Happiness, to coordinate all social programmes.[29] In November 2013, weeks before the local elections, President Maduro used his special decree powers and ordered the military to take over appliance stores. Analysts said that the move amounted to a "cannibalizing" of the economy and that it might lead to even more shortages in the future.[30][31] An article by The Guardian noted that a "significant proportion" of the subsidized basic goods in short supply were being smuggled into Colombia and sold for far higher prices.[32] In February 2014, the government said it had confiscated more than 3,500 tons of contraband on the border with Colombia—food and fuel which, it said, was intended for "smuggling" or "speculation." The president of the National Assembly, Diosdado Cabello, said that the confiscated food should be given to the Venezuelan people, and should not be "in the hands of these gangsters".[33] Opposition wins parliamentary elections In the Supreme Court of Venezuela (dominated by Maduro loyalists), announced that since the parliament was in contempt of its rulings, the court would assume legislative duties.[34] Whilst the recession which Venezuela entered in 2014 was precipitated by policy failures, a collapse of the price of oil exacerbated the problem.[35] Economic conditions continued to deteriorate in 2016 when consumer prices rose 800% and the gross domestic product contracted by 18.6%,[36] causing hunger to escalate to the point that the "Venezuela's Living Conditions Survey" (ENCOVI) found nearly 75 percent of the population had lost an average of at least 19 pounds in 2016 due to a lack of proper nutrition.[37] Luis Almagro, secretary general of the Organization of American States (OAS) stated, "I have never seen a country going down so fast, at every level: politically, economically, socially".[38] Following the 2017 Venezuelan constitutional crisis, and the push to ban potential opposition presidential candidate Henrique Capriles from politics for 15 years, protests grew to their most "combative" since they began in 2014. On 1 May 2017 following a month of protests that resulted in at least 29 dead, Maduro called for a 1999 Venezuela Constitution.[39] He invoked Article 347, and stated that his call for a new constitution was necessary to counter the actions of the opposition. The members of the Constituent Assembly were not to be elected in open elections, but selected from social organizations loyal to Maduro.[39] It would also allow him to stay in power during the interregnum and skip the 2018 presidential elections, as the process would take at least two years.[40] The opposition started a common front for all the people in Venezuela that oppose the amendment. On 20 June 2017, President of the National Assembly Julio Borges, the opposition-led legislative body of Venezuela, announced the activations of Articles 333 and 350 of the Venezuelan Constitution in order to establish new parallel government.[41][42] Constituent Assembly elections were held on 30 July 2017.[43][44] The decision to hold the election was criticised by members of the international community, with over 40 countries[45][46] along with supranational bodies such as the European Union,[47] Mercosur[48] and the Organization of American States[49] condemning and failing to recognize the election, stating it would only further escalate tensions. President Maduro's allies — such as Bolivia, Cuba, El Salvador, Nicaragua, Russia and Syria[50] — discouraged foreign intervention in Venezuelan politics and congratulated the president.[51] The 2017 Constituent Assembly of Venezuela was officially sworn in on 4 August 2017.[52][53] On 11 August 2017 Vladimir Padrino immediately criticized Trump for his statement, calling it "an act of supreme extremism" and "an act of madness". The Venezuelan communications minister, Ernesto Villegas, said Trump's words amounted to "an unprecedented threat to national sovereignty".[55] Second term On 20 May 2018, President Nicolás Maduro won the presidential election amidst allegations of massive irregularities by his main rivals.[56] Despite encouragement to resign as president when his first term expired on 10 January 2019, President Maduro was inaugurated by Maikel Moreno, Chief Justice of the Supreme Tribunal of Venezuela. This resulted in widespread condemnation; minutes after taking oath, the Organization of American States approved a resolution in a special session of its Permanent Council in which Maduro was declared illegitimate as President of Venezuela, urging that new elections be summoned.[57] The National Assembly invoked a state of emergency and some nations removed their embassies from Venezuela. With their belief that his election was illegitimate, they claimed that by retaking power, Maduro was converting Venezuela into an illegitimate de facto dictatorship.[58] Additionally, on 23 January 2019, the president of the National Assembly, Juan Guaidó, was declared the interim president by that body. Guaidó was immediately recognized as the legitimate president by several nations, including the United States and the Lima Group, as well as the Organization of American States. Maduro disputed Guaidó's claim and broke off diplomatic ties with several nations who recognized Guaidó's claim.[59] On 21 February 2019, Nicolás Maduro ordered the closing of his country's border with Brazil.[60] On 23 February, trucks carrying humanitarian aid from Colombia and Brazil attempted to enter Venezuelan territory. Two trucks was set on fire on the Francisco de Paula Santander International Bridge.[61] Guaidó has been recognized as the acting president of Venezuela by about 60 countries.[62][63][64] Internationally, support has followed traditional geopolitical lines, with allies China, Cuba, Iran, Russia, Syria, and Turkey supporting Maduro; while the majority of Western and Latin American countries support Guaidó as acting president.[62][65][66] Support for Guaidó has declined since a failed military uprising attempt in April 2019.[67][68] Following increased international sanctions throughout 2019, the Maduro government abandoned socialist policies established by Chávez, such as price and currency controls, which resulted in the country seeing a rebound from economic decline.[69] In a November 2019 interview with José Vicente Rangel, President Nicolás Maduro described dollarization as an "escape valve" that helps the recovery of the country, the spread of productive forces in the country and the economy. However, Maduro said that the Venezuelan bolívar will still remain as the national currency.[70] See also First Republic of Venezuela German colonization of the Americas History of Latin America History of South America History of the Americas List of presidents of Venezuela Politics of Venezuela Second Republic of Venezuela Spanish colonization of the Americas References ISBN 978-0-387-74906-8 . Pg 433–434. ^ Wunder, Sven (2003). Oil wealth and the fate of the forest: a comparative study of eight tropical countries. Routledge. p. 130. ^ Mahoney 89 ^ "Venezuela." Archived 4 September 2011 at the Wayback Machine Friends of the Pre-Columbian Art Museum. 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"La OEA aprobó la resolución que declara ilegítimo al nuevo gobierno de Nicolás Maduro". Infobae.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: numeric names: authors list (link) ^ "Venezuela's Maduro starts new term as U.S. decries him as 'usurper'". Reuters. 10 January 2019 – via www.reuters.com. ^ "US says it now backs Venezuela opposition". BBC News. 24 January 2019. ^ "Venezuela closes border with Brazil". BBC News. 22 February 2019. ^ "Aid Trucks Burn Amid Clashes Between Aid Convoys and Venezuelan Military". 23 February 2019. ^ ISSN 0013-0613 . Retrieved 27 December 2019. Most Western and Latin American countries recognise Mr Guaidó's claim ^ "Troops that revolted against Venezuela's Maduro have fled the country". NBC News. 9 December 2019. Retrieved 27 December 2019. National Assembly President Juan Guaidó, who is recognized as Venezuela's rightful leader by the U.S. and some 60 countries ^ "Venezuelan gov't, opposition blame each other for blackouts". EFE. Retrieved 27 December 2019. Juan Guaido, acknowledged as interim president of Venezuela by some 60 countries ^ Vasilyeva, Nataliya (24 January 2019). "Venezuela crisis: Familiar geopolitical sides take shape". Associated Press. Retrieved 25 February 2019. ^ "Maduro isolated as Latin American nations back Venezuela opposition leader". Reuters. 24 January 2019. Retrieved 22 December 2019. POLITICO Magazine . Retrieved 10 May 2019. In Venezuela, though the number of people who say they recognize Guaidó as the legitimate president has dwindled to about 50 percent since January, his approval remains much stronger than Maduro's abysmal 4 percent. ^ "Ex-Green Beret led failed attempt to oust Venezuela's Maduro". AP NEWS. 20 April 2021. Retrieved 23 October 2022. ISSN 0013-0613 . Retrieved 27 December 2019. ^ "Maduro says 'thank God' for dollarization in Venezuela". Reuters. 17 November 2019. Retrieved 18 November 2019. Bibliography ISBN 978-980-354-295-5 . Further reading Arroyo Abad, Leticia. "Instability, Cost of Living, and Real Wages in Venezuela in the 19th Century." América Latina en la historia económica 20.3 (2013): 114–137. Carroll, Rory. Comandante: Hugo Chávez's Venezuela (Penguin Books, 2014). Cromwell, Jesse. The Smugglers' World: Illicit Trade and Atlantic Communities in Eighteenth-century Venezuela (UNC Press Books, 2018). Derham, Michael. "Undemocratic democracy: Venezuela and the distorting of history." Bulletin of Latin American Research 21.2 (2002): 270–289. Ewell, Judith. Venezuela: a century of change (Stanford UP, 1984). Ewell, Judith. Venezuela and the United States: from Monroe's hemisphere to petroleum's empire (U of Georgia Press, 1996). Friedman, Elisabeth J. Unfinished Transitions: Women and the Gendered Development of Democracy in Venezuela, 1936–1996 (Penn State Press, 2010). Jacobs, Matthew D. "Reformists, revolutionaries, and Kennedy administration public diplomacy in Colombia and Venezuela." Diplomatic History 42.5 (2018): 859–885. Layrisse, I. "Heavy oil production in Venezuela: Historical recap and scenarios for next century." in SPE international symposium on oilfield chemistry (Society of Petroleum Engineers, 1999). Levine, Daniel H. Religion and Politics in Latin America: The Catholic Church in Venezuela and Colombia (Princeton UP, 1981) Lombardi, John V. Venezuela: the search for order, the dream of progress (Oxford UP, 1982). Lombardi, John V. People and places in Colonial Venezuela (1976) online Mähler, Annegret. "Oil in Venezuela: Triggering conflicts or ensuring stability? A historical comparative analysis." Politics & Policy 39.4 (2011): 583–611. Martz, John D. "Party Elites and leadership in Colombia and Venezuela." Journal of Latin American Studies 24.1 (1992): 87–121. Moron, Gullermo. A History of Venezuela (1964) online Neuhouser, Kevin. "Democratic stability in Venezuela: Elite consensus or class compromise?" American Sociological Review (1992): 117–135. online Restuccia, Diego. "The Monetary and Fiscal History of Venezuela: 1960–2016." (University of Chicago, Becker Friedman Institute for Economics Working Paper 2018–59) (2018). online Rudolph, Donna Keyse, and Gerald Allen Rudolph. Historical dictionary of Venezuela (Scarecrow Press, 1996). Schincariol, Vitor Eduardo. Society and Economy in Venezuela: An Overview of the Bolivarian Period (1998–2018). (2020). Smilde, David. Venezuela's Bolivarian Democracy (Duke University Press, 2011). Straka, Tomás, Guillermo Guzmán Mirabal, and Alejandro E. Cáceres. Historical Dictionary of Venezuela (Rowman & Littlefield, 2017). Tarver, H. Micheal. History of Venezuela, 2nd edition (Greenwood Press, 2018). online Wilpert, Gregory. Changing Venezuela by taking power: the history and policies of the Chavez government (2007) online Zahler, Reuben. "How Civic Virtue Became Republican Honor: Revolution and Republicanism in Venezuela, 1800–1840." Journal of World History 31.2 (2020): 391–424. excerpt Historiography Lombardi, John V. Venezuelan history: a comprehensive working bibliography (1977) online 530 pages Racine, Karen. "Simón Bolívar and friends: Recent biographies of independence figures in Colombia and Venezuela" History Compass 18#3 (Feb 2020) https://doi.org/10.1111/hic3.12608 Savage, Ritchie. Populist discourse in Venezuela and the United States: American unexceptionalism and political identity formation (Springer, 2018). External links Latin American Network Information Center. "Venezuela: History". USA: University of Texas at Austin. Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=History_of_Venezuela&oldid=1217495831"