First Chechen War
First Chechen War | |
---|---|
Part of the Dagestan, Russia | |
Result |
Chechen victory
|
Foreign volunteers:
- Loyalist opposition
Pavel Grachev
Anatoly Kulikov
Vladimir Shamanov[10]
Anatoly Shkirko
Anatoly Kvashnin
Anatoly Romanov
Konstantin Pulikovsky
Nikolay-Skrypnik †
Viktor Vorobyov †
Doku Zavgayev
Ruslan Labazanov
Approx. 6,000 (late 1994)[12]
200[13]
estimated 250,000 (1995)[15]
3,000 (Chechen estimate)
2,500–2,700 (Russian official data)[16]
Independent estimates: Approx. 3,000 killed[a] (Nezavimisaya)[17]
2,700 killed (Memorial)[18]
4 [b] [citation needed]
5,732 soldiers killed or missing
17,892 wounded[19]
Independent estimates:
14,000 killed (CSMR)
Over 8,500 killed or missing. Up to 52,000 wounded (Moscow Times)[20]
At least 161 civilians killed outside Chechnya[c]
500,000+ civilians displaced[citation needed]
The First Chechen War, also referred to as the First Russo-Chechen War, was a struggle for independence waged by the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria against the Russian Federation from December 11th, 1994 to August 31st, 1996. This conflict was preceded by the battle of Grozny in November 1994, during which Russia covertly sought to overthrow the new Chechen government. Following the intense Battle of Grozny in 1994–1995, which concluded as a pyrrhic victory for the Russian federal forces, their subsequent efforts to establish control over the remaining lowlands and mountainous regions of Chechnya were met with fierce resistance from Chechen guerrillas who often conducted surprise raids.
Despite Russia's considerable military advantages, the
The official Russian estimate of Russian military deaths was 5,732, but according to other estimates, the number of Russian military deaths was as high as 14,000.
Origins
Chechnya within Imperial Russia and the Soviet Union
Following long local resistance during the 1817–1864
In 1944, on the orders of
Dissolution of the Soviet Union and the Russian Federation Treaty
There was an urgent need for a law to clearly define the powers of each federal subject. Such a law was passed on 31 March 1992, when Yeltsin and
Chechen declaration of independence
Meanwhile, on 6 September 1991, militants of the
Elections for the president and parliament of Chechnya were held on 27 October 1991. The day before, the Supreme Soviet of the Soviet Union published a notice in the local Chechen press that the elections were illegal. With a turnout of 72%, 90.1% voted for Dudayev.[32]
Dudayev won overwhelming popular support (as evidenced by the later presidential elections with high turnout and a clear Dudayev victory) to oust the interim administration supported by the central government. He became president and declared independence from the Soviet Union.
In November 1991, Yeltsin dispatched
Internal conflict in Chechnya and the Grozny–Moscow tensions
The economy of Chechnya collapsed as Dudayev severed economic links with Russia while black market trading, arms trafficking and counterfeiting grew.[33] Violence and social disruption increased and the marginal social groups, such as unemployed young men from the countryside, became armed.[34] Ethnic Russians and other non-Chechens faced constant harassment as they fell outside the vendetta system which protected the Chechens to a certain extent.[35] From 1991 to 1994, tens of thousands of people of non-Chechen ethnicity left the republic.[35]
During the undeclared Chechen
After staging another coup d'état attempt in December 1993, the opposition organized themselves into the Provisional Council of the Chechen Republic as a potential alternative government for Chechnya, calling on Moscow for assistance. In August 1994, the coalition of the opposition factions based in north Chechnya launched a large-scale armed campaign to remove Dudayev's government.
However, the issue of contention was not independence from Russia: even the opposition stated there was no alternative to an international boundary separating Chechnya from Russia. In 1992, Russian newspaper Moscow News noted that, just like most of the other seceding republics, other than Tatarstan, ethnic Chechens universally supported the establishment of an independent Chechen state[36] and, in 1995, during the heat of the First Chechen War, Khalid Delmayev, a Dudayev opponent belonging to an Ichkerian liberal coalition, stated that "Chechnya's statehood may be postponed... but cannot be avoided".[37]
Beginning on 1 December, Russian forces openly carried out heavy aerial bombardments of Chechnya. On 11 December 1994, five days after Dudayev and Russian Minister of Defense Gen. Pavel Grachev of Russia had agreed to "avoid the further use of force", Russian forces entered the republic in order to "establish constitutional order in Chechnya and to preserve the territorial integrity of Russia." Grachev boasted he could topple Dudayev in a couple of hours with a single airborne regiment, and proclaimed that it will be "a bloodless blitzkrieg, that would not last any longer than 20 December."
Initial stages of conflict
This section needs additional citations for verification. (April 2008) |
Initial conflict
On 11 December 1994, Russian forces launched a three-pronged ground attack towards
The advance of the northern column was halted by the unexpected Chechen resistance at Dolinskoye and the Russian forces suffered their first serious losses.[41] Units of Chechen fighters inflicted severe losses on the Russian troops. Deeper in Chechnya, a group of 50
Storming of Grozny
When the
By the estimates of Yeltsin's human rights adviser Sergei Kovalev, about 27,000 civilians died in the first five weeks of fighting. The Russian historian and general Dmitri Volkogonov said the Russian military's bombardment of Grozny killed around 35,000 civilians, including 5,000 children and that the vast majority of those killed were ethnic Russians. While military casualties are not known, the Russian side admitted to having 2,000 soldiers killed or missing.[45] The bloodbath of Grozny shocked Russia and the outside world, inciting severe criticism of the war. International monitors from the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) described the scenes as nothing short of an "unimaginable catastrophe", while former Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev called the war a "disgraceful, bloody adventure" and German chancellor Helmut Kohl called it "sheer madness".[46]
Continued Russian offensive
Following the fall of Grozny, the Russian government slowly and methodically expanded its control over the lowland areas and then into the mountains. In what was dubbed the worst massacre in the war, the OMON and other federal forces killed up to 300 civilians while seizing the border village of Samashki on 7 April (several hundred more were detained and beaten or otherwise tortured).[47] In the southern mountains, the Russians launched an offensive along all the front on 15 April, advancing in large columns of 200–300 vehicles.[48] The ChRI forces defended the city of Argun, moving their military headquarters first to surrounded Shali, then shortly after to the village of Serzhen'-Yurt as they were forced into the mountains and finally to Shamil Basayev's ancestral stronghold of Vedeno. Chechnya's second-largest city of Gudermes was surrendered without a fight but the village of Shatoy was fought for and defended by the men of Ruslan Gelayev. Eventually, the Chechen command withdrew from the area of Vedeno to the Chechen opposition-aligned village of Dargo and from there to Benoy.[49] According to an estimate cited in a United States Army analysis report, between January and May 1995, when the Russian forces conquered most of the republic in the conventional campaign, their losses in Chechnya were approximately 2,800 killed, 10,000 wounded and more than 500 missing or captured.[50] Some Chechen fighters infiltrated occupied areas, hiding in crowds of returning refugees.[51]
As the war continued, the Chechens resorted to mass
On 6 October 1995,
Continuation of the conflict and mounting Russian defeats
Growing Russian defeats and unpopularity in Russia
On 6 March 1996, a group of Chechen fighters infiltrated Grozny and launched a three-day surprise raid on the city, taking most of it and capturing caches of weapons and ammunition. During the battle, much of the Russian troops were wiped out, with most of them surrendering or routing. After a couple columns of Russian reinforcements were destroyed on the roads leading to the city, Russian troops eventually gave up on trying to reach the trapped soldiers in the city. Chechen fighters subsequently withdrew from the city on orders from the high command.[57] In the same month in March, Chechen fighters and Russian federal troops clashed near the village of Samashki. The losses on the Russian side amounted to 28 killed and 116 wounded.[58]
On April 16, a month after the initial conflict, Chechen fighters successfully carried out an ambush near Shatoy, wiping out an entire Russian armored column resulting in losses up to 220 soldiers killed in action. In another attack near Vedeno, at least 28 Russian soldiers were killed in action.[59]
As military defeats and growing casualties made the war more and more unpopular in Russia, and as the 1996 presidential elections neared,
Third Battle of Grozny and the Khasavyurt Accord
Despite Russian troops in and around Grozny numbering approximately 12,000, more than 1,500 Chechen guerrillas (whose numbers soon swelled) overran the key districts within hours in an operation prepared and led by Aslan Maskhadov (who named it Operation Zero) and Shamil Basayev (who called it Operation Jihad). The fighters then laid siege to the Russian posts and bases and the government compound in the city centre, while a number of Chechens deemed to be Russian collaborators were rounded up, detained and, in some cases, executed.[62] At the same time, Russian troops in the cities of Argun and Gudermes were also surrounded in their garrisons. Several attempts by the armored columns to rescue the units trapped in Grozny were repelled with heavy Russian casualties (the 276th Motorized Regiment of 900 men suffered 50% casualties in a two-day attempt to reach the city centre). Russian military officials said that more than 200 soldiers had been killed and nearly 800 wounded in five days of fighting, and that an unknown number were missing; Chechens put the number of Russian dead at close to 1,000. Thousands of troops were either taken prisoner or surrounded and largely disarmed, their heavy weapons and ammunition commandeered by Chechen fighters.
On 19 August, despite the presence of 50,000 to 200,000 Chechen civilians and thousands of federal servicemen in Grozny, the Russian commander Konstantin Pulikovsky gave an ultimatum for Chechen fighters to leave the city within 48 hours, or else it would be leveled in a massive aerial and artillery bombardment. He stated that federal forces would use strategic bombers (not used in Chechnya up to this point) and ballistic missiles. This announcement was followed by chaotic scenes of panic as civilians tried to flee before the army carried out its threat, with parts of the city ablaze and falling shells scattering refugee columns.[63] The bombardment was however soon halted by the ceasefire brokered by General Alexander Lebed, Yeltsin's national security adviser, on 22 August. Gen. Lebed called the ultimatum, issued by General Pulikovsky (replaced by then), a "bad joke".[64][65]
During eight hours of subsequent talks, Lebed and Maskhadov drafted and signed the
Human rights violations and war crimes
Human rights organizations accused Russian forces of engaging in indiscriminate and disproportionate use of force whenever they encountered resistance, resulting in numerous civilian deaths. (According to
Russian soldiers often prevented civilians from evacuating areas of imminent danger and prevented
The violations committed by members of the Russian forces were usually tolerated by their superiors and were not punished even when investigated (the story of
Dozens of charred corpses of women and children lay in the courtyard of the mosque, which had been destroyed. The first thing my eye fell on was the burned body of a baby, lying in fetal position... A wild-eyed woman emerged from a burned-out house holding a dead baby. Trucks with bodies piled in the back rolled through the streets on the way to the cemetery.
While treating the wounded, I heard stories of young men – gagged and trussed up – dragged with chains behind personnel carriers. I heard of Russian aviators who threw Chechen prisoners, screaming, out their helicopters. There were rapes, but it was hard to know how many because women were too ashamed to report them. One girl was raped in front of her father. I heard of one case in which the mercenary grabbed a newborn baby, threw it among each other like a ball, then shot it dead in the air.
Leaving the village for the hospital in Grozny, I passed a Russian armored personnel carrier with the word SAMASHKI written on its side in bold, black letters. I looked in my rearview mirror and to my horror saw a human skull mounted on the front of the vehicle. The bones were white; someone must have boiled the skull to remove the flesh.
Major Vyacheslav Izmailov is said to have rescued at least 174 people from captivity on both sides in the war, was later involved in the tracing of missing persons after the war and in 2021 won the hero's prize at the Stalker Human Rights Film Festival in Moscow.[73][74]
Spread of the war
The declaration by Chechnya's Chief Mufti
Limited fighting occurred in the neighbouring a small republic of Ingushetia, mostly when Russian commanders sent troops over the border in pursuit of Chechen fighters, while as many as 200,000 refugees (from Chechnya and the conflict in North Ossetia) strained Ingushetia's already weak economy. On several occasions, Ingush president Ruslan Aushev protested incursions by Russian soldiers and even threatened to sue the Russian Ministry of Defence for damages inflicted, recalling how the federal forces previously assisted in the expulsion of the Ingush population from North Ossetia.[75] Undisciplined Russian soldiers were also reported to be committing murders, rapes, and looting in Ingushetia (in an incident partially witnessed by visiting Russian Duma deputies, at least nine Ingush civilians and an ethnic Bashkir soldier were murdered by apparently drunk Russian soldiers; earlier, drunken Russian soldiers killed another Russian soldier, five Ingush villagers and even Ingushetia's Health Minister).[76]
Much larger and more deadly acts of hostility took place in the
Meanwhile, the war in Chechnya spawned new forms of resistance to the federal government. Opposition to the
On 16 January 1996, a
Aftermath
Casualties
According to the
Let me tell you about one specific case. I knew for sure that on this day – it was the end of February or the beginning of March 1995 – forty servicemen of the Joint Group were killed. And they bring me information about fifteen. I ask: "Why don't you take into account the rest?" They hesitated: "Well, you see, 40 is a lot. We'd better spread those losses over a few days." Of course, I was outraged by these manipulations.
.The Chechen formations also suffered fairly high losses. According to the militants, they lost 3,000 fighters. According to official Russian data, Chechen militants lost 17,391 people killed.[82]
According to the World Peace Foundation at Tufts University,
Estimates of the number of civilians killed range widely from 20,000 to 100,000, with the latter figure commonly referenced by Chechen sources. Most scholars and human rights organizations generally estimate the number of civilian casualties to be 40,000; this figure is attributed to the research and scholarship of Chechnya expert John Dunlop, who estimates that the total number of civilian casualties is at least 35,000. This range is also consistent with post-war publications by the Russian statistics office estimating 30,000 to 40,000 civilians killed. The Moscow-based human rights organization, Memorial, which actively documented human rights abuses throughout the war, estimates the number of civilian casualties to be a slightly higher at 50,000.[83]
Russian Interior Minister
According to claims made by
According to various estimates, the number of Chechens who are dead or missing is between 50,000 and 100,000.[84]
Prisoners and missing persons
In the
Major Vyacheslav Izmailov, who had rescued at least 174 people from captivity on both sides in the war, was later involved in the search for missing persons. He was honoured as the human rights hero in the Stalker Human Rights Film Festival after he featured in Anna Artemyeva's film Don't Shoot at the Bald Man!, which won the jury prize for Best Documentary at the festival in Moscow.[73] He later worked as military correspondent for Novaya Gazeta, was part of the team of journalists investigating the murder of journalist Anna Politkovskaya in 2006 [90] He also helped families to find their sons who had gone missing in the Chechen war.[74]
Moscow peace treaty
The Khasavyurt Accord paved the way for the signing of two further agreements between Russia and Chechnya. In mid-November 1996, Yeltsin and Maskhadov signed an agreement on economic relations and reparations to Chechens who had been affected by the 1994–96 war. In February 1997, Russia also approved an amnesty for Russian soldiers and Chechen fighters alike who committed illegal acts in connection with the War in Chechnya between December 1994 and September 1996.[91]
Six months after the Khasavyurt Accord, on 12 May 1997, Chechen-elected president Aslan Maskhadov traveled to Moscow where he and Yeltsin signed a formal treaty "on peace and the principles of Russian-Chechen relations" that Maskhadov predicted would demolish "any basis to create ill-feelings between Moscow and Grozny."
Foreign policy implications
From the outset of the First Chechen conflict, Russian authorities struggled to reconcile new international expectations with widespread accusations of Soviet-style heaviness in their execution of the war. For example, Foreign Minister Andrei Kozyrev, who was generally regarded as a Western-leaning liberal, made the following remark when questioned about Russia's conduct during the war; "'Generally speaking, it is not only our right but our duty not to allow uncontrolled armed formations on our territory. The Foreign Ministry stands on guard over the country's territorial unity. International law says that a country not only can but must use force in such instances ... I say it was the right thing to do ... The way in which it was done is not my business."[93] These attitudes contributed greatly to the growing doubts in the West as to whether Russia was sincere in its stated intentions to implement democratic reforms. The general disdain for Russian behavior in the Western political establishment contrasted heavily with widespread support in the Russian public.[94] Domestic political authorities' arguments emphasizing stability and the restoration of order resonated with the public and quickly became an issue of state identity.
On 18 October 2022, Ukraine's parliament condemned the "genocide of the Chechen people" during the First and Second Chechen War.[95][96]
See also
- 1940–1944 insurgency in Chechnya
- Deportation of the Chechens and Ingush
- History of Chechnya
- History of Russia (1991–present)
- Islam in Russia
- Military history of the Russian Federation
- Second Chechen War – 1999–2009 conflict in Chechnya and the North Caucasus
- Circassian genocide
- List of wars involving Russia
Notes
- ^ Author says the figure could reach as high as 10,000.
- ^ According to Movladi Udugov, the press secretary of Dzhokhar Dudayev in an interview in January 1995
- Pervomayskoe hostage crisis
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Further reading
- Bennett, Vanora (1998). Crying Wolf: The Return of War to Chechnya. ISBN 978-0-330-35170-6.
- ISBN 978-0-312-26874-9.
- ISBN 978-0-275-98502-8.
- ISBN 978-0-226-67432-2.
- ISBN 978-1-85043-979-0.
- ISBN 978-1-84408-516-3.
- ISBN 978-0-8147-2963-2.
- Hughes, James (2007). Chechnya: From Nationalism to Jihad. ISBN 978-0-8122-4013-9.
- Wood, Tony (2007). Chechnya: The Case for Independence. ISBN 978-1-84467-114-4.
- ISBN 978-0-300-07398-0.
- Nikitina, Elena; ISBN 978-0-9882138-6-9.
- ISBN 978-0-87286-373-6.
- ISBN 978-1-58574-565-4.
- Greene, Stanley (2003). Open Wound: Chechnya 1994 to 2003. ISBN 978-1-904563-01-3.
- Dunlop, John B. (1998). Russia Confronts Chechnya: Roots of a Separatist Conflict. ISBN 978-0-521-63184-6.
- Cassidy, Robert M. (2003). Russia in Afghanistan and Chechnya: Military Strategic Culture and the Paradoxes of Asymmetric Conflict. ISBN 978-1-58487-110-1.
- German, Tracey C. (2003). Russia's Chechen War. ISBN 978-0-415-29720-2.
- Galeotti, Mark (2014). Russia's Wars in Chechnya 1994–2009. Essential Histories. ISBN 978-1-78200-277-2.
- Aldis, Anne C.; McDermott, Roger N., eds. (2003). Russian Military Reform, 1992-2002. ISBN 978-0-7146-5475-1.
- Evangelista, Matthew (2002). The Chechen Wars: Will Russia Go the Way of the Soviet Union?. ISBN 978-0-8157-2498-8.
- Grammer, Moshe (2006). The Lone Wolf and the Bear: Three Centuries of Chechen Defiance of Russian Rule. ISBN 978-1-85065-743-9.
- Baev, Pavel K. (1996). The Russian Army: In a Time of Troubles. ISBN 978-0-7619-5187-2.
- ISBN 978-0-679-31156-0.
External links
- Chechen War 1994–96 The World Regional Conflicts Project
- Chechnya Crimes of War Project
- Chechnya Reference Library A collection of analyses and interviews of Chechen commanders conducted by the United States Marine Corps
- Damned and forgotten Documentary by Sergey Govorukhin
- The Chechen Campaign by Pavel Felgenhauer
- War and Human Rights Memorial human rights group
- Why It All Went So Very Wrong Time
- Why the Russian Military Failed in Chechnya U.S. Foreign Studies