Humphrey Stafford, 1st Duke of Buckingham
Humphrey Stafford | |
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The Sir Henry Stafford | |
Father | Edmund Stafford, 5th Earl of Stafford |
Mother | Anne of Gloucester |
Humphrey Stafford, 1st Duke of Buckingham, 6th Earl of Stafford, 7th Baron Stafford,
Stafford returned to the French campaign during the 1430s and for his loyalty and years of service, he was elevated from Earl of Stafford to
After returning from France, Stafford remained in England for the rest of his life, serving King Henry. He acted as the King's bodyguard and chief negotiator during
Background and youth
Humphrey Stafford was born in
On 21 July 1403, when Humphrey was less than a year old, his father was killed fighting for Henry IV against the rebel
Early career
Although Stafford received a reduced inheritance, as the historian Carol Rawcliffe has put it, "fortunes were still to be made in the French wars". Stafford assumed the profession of arms.
The new king, Henry VI, was still only a baby, so the
Stafford was made a Knight of the Order of the Garter in April 1429.[22] The following year, he travelled to France with the King for Henry's French coronation, escorting him through the war-torn countryside.[23] The Earl was appointed Lieutenant-General of Normandy,[24] Governor of Paris, and Constable of France over the course of his next two years of service there.[1] Apart from one occasion in November 1430 when he and Thomas Beaufort, Duke of Exeter took the English army to support Philip, Duke of Burgundy, Stafford's primary military role at this time was defending Paris and its environs.[25] He also attended the interrogation of Joan of Arc in Rouen in 1431; at some point during these proceedings, a contemporary alleged, Stafford attempted to stab her and had to be physically restrained.[1][26]
On 11 October 1431 the King created Stafford
In England, the King's minority ended in 1436. In preparation for his personal rule, the council reorganised Henry's Lancastrian estates to be under the control of local magnates. This gave Stafford responsibility for much of the north Midlands, which was the largest single area of the duchy to be delegated among the nobility.[34] This put the royal affinity—those men retained directly by the Crown to provide a direct link between the King and the localities[35]—at his command.[36]
Estates
Stafford's mother's death in 1438 transformed his fiscal position. He now received the remainder of his father's estates—worth about £1,500—and his mother's half of the de Bohun inheritance, which was worth another £1,200. The latter also included the earldom of Buckingham, worth £1,000 on its own; Stafford had become one of the greatest landowners in England overnight.[1] "His landed resources matched his titles", explained Albert Compton-Reves, scattered as they were throughout England, Wales and Ireland,[43] with only the King and Richard, Duke of York wealthier.[44] One assessment of his estates suggests that, by the late 1440s, his income was over £5,000 per annum,[45] and K. B. McFarlane estimated Stafford's total potential income from land to have been £6,300 gross annually, at its peak between 1447 and 1448.[46][47] On the other hand, the actual yield may have been lower; around £3,700:[48] rents, for example, were often difficult to collect. Even a lord of the status of Richard Neville, Earl of Warwick, owed Stafford over £100 in unpaid rent for the manor of Drayton Bassett in 1458.[49] In the 1440s and 1450s, Stafford's Welsh estates were particularly notable for both their rent arrears and public disorder.[50] Further—and like most nobles of the period—he substantially overspent, possibly, says Harriss, by as much as £300 a year.[51] His treasurer, William Wistowe, when rendering his accounts for the years 1452–1453, noted that Stafford was owed £730 by his reckoning, some debts being 20 years old. Despite this, says Woolgar, "there [is] no suggestion that [Stafford] found it difficult to obtain cash or goods".[52][f]
Affinity and problems in the localities
In
Along with Richard Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick, Stafford was the major magnatial influence in Warwickshire,[61] so when Beauchamp left for a lengthy tour of duty in France, in 1437, Stafford became the centre of regional power stretching from Warwickshire to Derbyshire.[38] He was sufficiently involved in the royal court and government that he was often unable to attend to the needs of his region.[1] This caused him local difficulties; on 5 May 1430 a Leicestershire manor of Stafford's was attacked[62] and he faced problems in Derbyshire in the 1440s, although there, Helen Castor has said, Stafford "made no attempt to restore peace, nor made any attempt to intervene at all".[63] Stafford also had major estates on the Welsh Marches. This area was prone to regular lawlessness and particularly occupied his time as a royal justice.[1]
One of the best-known disputes Stafford had with his local gentry was in his Midlands heartlands. This was with
Later career
Rouse's text reads:
|
In July 1436, Stafford, accompanied by Gloucester,
Around 1435, Stafford was granted the
In the event, Stafford rarely visited Calais. Factional strife had continued intermittently between Beaufort and Gloucester, and Stafford—who had also been appointed
In September 1444, as reward for his loyal and continuous service to the Crown, he was created
With the outbreak of
Wars of the Roses
In 1451, the King's
Battle of St Albans
Following the King's recovery, York was either dismissed from or resigned his protectorship, and together with his Neville allies, withdrew from London to their northern estates. Somerset—in charge of government once again—summoned a Great Council to meet in Leicester on 22 May 1455. The Yorkists believed they would be arrested or attainted at this meeting. As a result, they gathered a small force and marched south. The King, with a smaller force[109] that nonetheless included important nobles such as Somerset, Northumberland, Clifford and Buckingham and his son Humphrey, Earl of Stafford,[110] was likewise marching from Westminster to Leicester, and in the early morning of 22 May, royal scouts reported the Yorkists as being only a few hours away. Buckingham urged that they push on to St Albans—so that the King might dine[111]—which was not particularly easy to defend.[i] Buckingham also assumed that York would want to parley before launching an assault on the King, as he had in 1452. The decision to head for the town and not make a stand straight away may have been a tactical error;[109] the contemporary Short English Chronicle describes how the Lancastrians "strongly barred and arrayed for defence" immediately after they arrived.[109]
The King was lodged in the town and York, with Richard Neville, 5th Earl of Salisbury and the Earl of Warwick, encamped to the south.[112] Negotiations commenced immediately. York demanded that Somerset be released into his custody, and the King replaced Somerset as Lord High Constable with Buckingham,[113] making Somerset subordinate.[111] In that capacity, Buckingham became the King's personal negotiator—Armstrong suggests because he was well known to be able to "concede but not capitulate"[110]—and received and responded to the Yorkists' messengers.[114] His strategy was to play for time,[115] both to prepare the town's defences[116] and to await the arrival of loyalist bishops, who could be counted on to bring the moral authority of the church to bear on the Yorkists.[116] Buckingham received at least three Yorkist embassies, but the King—or Buckingham—refused to give in to the main Yorkist demand, that Somerset be surrendered to them.[117] Buckingham may have hoped that repeated negotiations would deplete the Yorkists' zest for battle, and delay long enough for reinforcements to arrive.[118] Buckingham made what John Gillingham described as an "insidiously tempting suggestion"[119] that the Yorkists mull over the King's responses in Hatfield or Barnet overnight.[119] Buckingham's confidence in how reasonable the Yorkists would be[120] was misplaced.[110]
The Yorkists realised what Buckingham—"prevaricating with courtesy", says Armstrong
Last years
York now had the political upper hand, made himself Constable of England and kept the King as a prisoner, returning to the role of Protector when Henry became ill again.[104] Buckingham swore to "draw the lyne" with York,[131] and supported his second protectorate, although losing Queen Margaret's favour as a result. A contemporary wrote that in April 1456 the Duke returned to his Writtle manor, not looking "well plesid".[105] Buckingham played an important role at the October 1456 Great Council in Leicester.[132] Here, with other lords, he tried to persuade the King to impose a settlement, and at the same time declared that anyone who resorted to violence would receive "ther deserte"[133]—which included any who attacked York.[1]
In 1459, with other lords, he renewed his oath of loyalty to the King and Prince of Wales.
Death at Northampton
From the moment the Duke of York and the Neville earls left England it was obvious to the government that they would return; the only question was when. After a series of false alarms in early 1460, they eventually did so in June, landing at Sandwich, Kent.
Buckingham's men dug in outside Northampton's southern walls, and fortified behind a tributary of the River Nene, close to Delapré Abbey.[148] Battle was joined early on 10 July 1460. Although it was expected to be a drawn-out affair—due to the near-impregnability of the royal position—it was shortened considerably when Lord Edmund Grey of Ruthin turned traitor to the King.[147] Grey "welcomed the Yorkists over the barricades" on the Lancastrian wing[143] and ordered his men to lay down arms, allowing the Yorkists access to the King's camp. Within half an hour, the battle was over.[147] By 2:00 pm, Buckingham, John Talbot, 2nd Earl of Shrewsbury, Lord Egremont and Viscount Beaumont, had all been killed by a force of Kentishmen.[147] The Duke was buried shortly after at Grey Friars Abbey in Northampton.[1]
Buckingham had named his wife Anne sole
Aftermath
Michael Hicks has noted that Buckingham was one of the few Lancastrian loyalists who was never accused by the Yorkists of being an "evil councillor",[152] even though he was—in Hicks's words—"the substance and perhaps the steel within the ruling regime".[152] Although Buckingham was not attainted when the Duke of York's son, Edward, Earl of March, took the throne as King Edward IV in 1461,[139] Buckingham's grandson Henry became a royal ward, which gave the King control of the Stafford estates during the young duke's minority.[153] Henry Stafford entered into his estates in 1473 but was executed by Edward's brother Richard—by then King, and against whom Henry had rebelled—in November 1483.[154]
Character
Humphrey Stafford has been described as something of a
B. J. Harris noted that, although he died a staunch Lancastrian, he never showed any personal dislike of York in the 1450s, and that his personal motivation throughout the decade was loyalty to the Crown and keeping the peace between his peers.
Family
Humphrey Stafford married
The marriages Buckingham
Buckingham's eldest son, Humphrey, married
Buckingham arranged good but costly marriages for three of his daughters.[1] Anne married Aubrey de Vere, son of John de Vere, Earl of Oxford.[180] Their 1452 marriage cost Buckingham 2,300 marks; he was slow to pay, and still owed Oxford over £440 seven years later.[181] In 1452, Joan married William Beaumont, heir of Viscount Beaumont. Katherine married John Talbot, Earl of Shrewsbury, six years later. Buckingham had apparently promised to give them £1,000 but died before acting on the promise.[182]
Cultural references and portrayals
Buckingham was depicted, during his son's lifetime, "mounted in battle array"
According to Martin Wiggins of the Shakespeare Institute,[187] Buckingham may be the eponymous character of the early-17th-century play, Duke Humphrey, which is now lost.[188] However, the lost play could instead have been about the equally eventful career of Prince Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester (1390–1447), the youngest son of Henry IV of England.
Notes
- Alice, his brother's widow, Joan Stafford, and his aunt, Elizabeth of Lancaster, Duchess of Exeter.[5] When Edmund died in 1408, his wife then became the fourth dowager on the inheritance. There being no male heirs though, it was broken up and divided amongst them and Edmund's five sisters.[6]
- tenants-in-chief.[14] If a tenant-in-chief died without leaving an adult heir who could immediately receive the inheritance, the estates escheated (returned to the King).[15] The King would hold the estates until the heir (if any) reached his majority, at which point he would apply for livery of seisin: the right to enter his estates. Possession was usually obtained by paying a fine to the exchequer.[16]
- ^ A full list of Stafford's titles was drawn up in 1446 on a chief justices' roll.[27]
- ^ A medieval English mark was an accounting unit equivalent to two-thirds of a pound.[31]
- ^ Christian Woolgar has noted that, by this period, noble families were less peripatetic than they had been in the Early Middle Ages, and were tending to spend a greater amount of their time on fewer manors; Buckingham, he says, "spent much time at Writtle and Maxstoke".[42]
- ^ One of the most luxurious contemporary foodstuffs—sugar—says Woolgar, is a good barometer of the health of a medieval cashflow. Buckingham's household, he notes, consumed 245 pounds (111 kilograms) of the stuff in 1452–1453. In comparison, less than 50 years earlier, Richard, Bishop of Chichester, had used 50 pounds (23 kilograms) in 1406.[53]
- ^ K. B. McFarlane uses the example of John of Gaunt to illustrate the wide variety of staff that could be indentured; Gaunt contracted with, among others, his surgeons, chaplains, clerk, falconer, cook, minstrels, heralds, and legal counsels.[56] Buckingham retained physician Thomas Edmond to be available at all times with three horses, a yeoman, and a page, for which Edmond received £10 in wages.[57]
- Henry, Duke of Warwick. The historian Christine Carpenter has commented that, for Stafford, "the prospect of [Tutbury's] eventual alienation to someone who was then so young, whose interests in the north midlands were nothing like as strong as his own, and the eventual exclusion of any other grantees, including the Staffords, must have seemed profoundly insulting to Humphrey".[82] Carpenter suggests, though, that the transfer of the honour to Beauchamp should be seen as a favour to Beauchamp rather than an explicit criticism of Stafford.[82]
- ^ For example, it had no walls, only a defensible ditch, and access to the south of the main street was easy.[109]
- chronicler observed how "when the said lords were dead, the battle was ceased".[124] Historian C. A. J. Armstrong suggested that this may indicate that the Lancastrian lords' deaths were less an accident of war and more an "act of private revenge on a few prominent individuals" by York and the Nevilles.[125][126]
- ^ The James Butler, 5th Earl of Ormond had also taken refuge with the King and Buckingham, but escaped as the Yorkists approached; he was reported to have fled dressed in the garb of a monk, discarding his armour as he went.[125][126]
- Thomas, Duke of Gloucester in 1394, and on his death, it had been inherited by his daughter, Buckingham's mother, and eventually passed to the duke himself. The Victoria County History describes how the college was to be "augmented by three priests and six poor men, its possessions increased with lands to the amount of 100 marks yearly and a chapel built on the north side of the church, in which mass was to be said daily".[150] Anne seems to have done little regarding Buckingham's wishes until 1467, when, with her second husband Walter, Lord Mountjoy, she received licence to grant the college an estate worth about 40 marks per annum.[150] The church was almost completely rebuilt in 1888, but some of the central arches remain of the original 14th-century building.[151]
- ^ Anne lists her still-living children in her will of 1480: her "son Buckingham"—meaning her grandson Henry—and "my daughter Beaumond", "my son of Wiltshire", "my daughter of Richmond" and "my daughter Mountjoy".[165]
- ^ As Harald Kleinschmidt has noted, "determining the precise age of a person was difficult because birth dates were rarely recorded before the nineteenth century and because baptism was usually dated in terms of the day and the month, but not of the year in which it had occurred".[166] Further, says Hugh M. Thomas, there is an "inherent difficulty of calculating birth dates from life events" such as marriages.[167]
- ^ The Dinhams were one of the wealthiest gentry families in Devon of the period.[168]
- ^ Dunham, however, says that Humphrey was killed at the battle of St Albans in 1455,[169] rather than dying in 1458 (either from wounds sustained in the battle or of plague).[170]
- ^ The suggestion is by omission.[171]
- ^ Tait suggests that the proposal was in regard to Buckingham's eldest daughter while Rawcliffe indicates it was in respect to Anne.[171][1] The two authors are in conflict as to Anne being the eldest daughter.
References
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z aa Rawcliffe 2008.
- ^ Griffiths 1979, p. 20.
- ^ Cokayne 1912, p. 389.
- ^ Kenny 2003, pp. 59–60.
- ^ Stansfield 1987, pp. 151–161.
- ^ Stansfield 2008.
- ^ Rawcliffe 1978, p. 12.
- ^ Walker 1976, p. 104.
- ^ Harriss 2006, p. 524.
- ^ Matusiak 2012, p. 234.
- ^ Allmand 2014, p. 177.
- ^ a b c d e Jacob 1993, pp. 328–329.
- ^ Harriss 1988, p. 123.
- ^ Wolffe 1971, pp. 56–58.
- ^ Lawler & Lawler 2000, p. 11.
- ^ Harris 2006, pp. 16–17.
- ^ Jacob 1993, pp. 210–211.
- ^ Griffiths 1981, pp. 11–12.
- ^ Griffiths 1981, pp. 37–38.
- ^ Harriss 2008.
- ^ Griffiths 1981, p. 76.
- ^ Beltz 1841, p. 419.
- ^ Griffiths 1981, p. 40.
- ^ Jones 1983, p. 76.
- ^ Jones 1983, p. 80.
- ^ de Lisle 2014, p. 469 n. 26.
- ^ Chancery Roll 1446.
- ^ a b Jones 1983, p. 285.
- ^ Curry 2003, p. 154.
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- ^ Harding 2002, p. xiv.
- ^ Allmand 1983, p. 71.
- ^ Rawcliffe 1978, pp. 114–115.
- ^ Castor 2000, p. 46.
- ^ Gundy 2002, pp. 57–58.
- ^ Carpenter 1997, p. 109.
- ^ Rawcliffe 1978, p. 66.
- ^ a b Castor 2000, p. 254.
- ^ Woolgar 1999, p. 6.
- ^ Rawcliffe 1978, pp. 66–67.
- ^ a b c Rawcliffe 1978, p. 67.
- ^ Woolgar 1999, p. 47.
- ^ Reeves 1972, p. 80.
- ^ Hicks 2014, p. 84.
- ^ Bernard 1992, p. 83.
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- ^ a b c d Pugh 1972, p. 105.
- ^ Britnell 1995, p. 55.
- ^ McFarlane 1980, p. 223.
- ^ Britnell 1995, p. 53.
- ^ a b c Harris 1986, p. 15.
- ^ Woolgar 1999, p. 200.
- ^ Woolgar 1999, p. 130.
- ^ Hicks 2013, pp. 104–109.
- ^ Crouch & Carpenter 1991, p. 178.
- ^ McFarlane 1981, p. 29.
- ^ Woolgar 1999, p. 105.
- ^ Hicks 2013, pp. 139–140.
- ^ Rawcliffe 1978, p. 68.
- ^ Harriss 2006, p. 112.
- ^ Lustig 2014, p. 73.
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- ^ a b Grummitt 2008, p. 65.
- ^ Griffiths 1981, p. 343.
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- ^ Griffiths 1981, p. 281.
- ^ Rawcliffe 1978, p. 21.
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- ^ Rawcliffe 1978, p. 11.
- ^ McFarlane 1980, p. 153.
- ^ Griffiths 1981, p. 358.
- ^ Rawcliffe 1978, pp. 20–21.
- ^ Griffiths 1981, p. 527.
- ^ McFarlane 1981, p. 234.
- ^ Griffiths 1981, pp. 610–611.
- ^ a b Harris 1986, p. 18.
- ^ Griffiths 1981, p. 641.
- ^ Griffiths 1981, p. 648.
- ^ Rawcliffe 1978, p. 24.
- ^ Carpenter 1997, pp. 119–120.
- ^ Hicks 2014, p. 86.
- ^ a b Griffiths 1981, p. 721.
- ^ Storey 1999, p. 100.
- ^ Gillingham 2001, pp. 111–112.
- ^ Griffiths 1981, p. 716.
- ^ Griffiths 1981, p. 723.
- ^ a b Johnson 1991, p. 134.
- ^ a b c Rawcliffe 1978, p. 25.
- ^ Lander 1981, p. 194.
- ^ Hicks 2014, p. 30.
- ^ Bean 1989, p. 202.
- ^ a b c d Goodman 1990, p. 23.
- ^ a b c d Armstrong 1960, p. 24.
- ^ a b Armstrong 1960, p. 23.
- ^ Carpenter 1997, pp. 133–135.
- ^ Grummitt 2014, p. 45.
- ^ a b Hicks 2014, p. 110.
- ^ Harriss 2006, p. 632.
- ^ a b Armstrong 1960, p. 31.
- ^ Lander 1981, p. 195.
- ^ a b c Goodman 1990, p. 24.
- ^ a b c Goodman 1990, p. 25.
- ^ Armstrong 1960, p. 28.
- ^ Armstrong 1960, p. 5.
- ^ Gillingham 2001, p. 88.
- ^ a b Armstrong 1960, p. 41.
- ^ a b Hicks 2002, p. 116.
- ^ a b Armstrong 1960, p. 46.
- ^ a b Grummitt 2015, p. 179.
- ^ Armstrong 1960, p. 42 n. 3.
- ^ Gillingham 2001, p. 89.
- ^ Harris 1986, p. 19.
- ^ McFarlane 1981, p. 235.
- ^ Armstrong 1960, p. 56.
- ^ Hicks 2014, p. 128.
- ^ Grummitt 2014, p. 5.
- ^ Lander 1981, p. 218.
- ^ Pollard 1995, p. 22.
- ^ a b c Pugh 1972, p. 106.
- ^ Rawcliffe 1978, pp. 120–121.
- ^ Ross 1986, p. 32.
- ^ a b c d Rawcliffe 1978, p. 27.
- ^ a b Rawcliffe 1978, p. 26.
- ^ Gillingham 2001, p. 110.
- ^ a b c d e Goodman 1990, p. 37.
- ^ a b Hicks 2014, p. 153.
- ^ Gillingham 2001, p. 124.
- ^ a b Lewis 2015, p. 80.
- ^ Ross 1986, p. 47.
- ^ a b c d e Goodman 1990, p. 38.
- ^ Harriss 2006, p. 642.
- ^ Harris 2002, p. 154.
- ^ a b VCH 1907, p. 194.
- ^ Morris 1955, p. 93.
- ^ a b Hicks 2014, p. 154.
- ^ Ross 1972, p. 55.
- ^ Davies 2011.
- ^ a b Lustig 2014, p. 98.
- ^ Lustig 2014, p. 8.
- ^ Griffiths 1981, p. 135.
- ^ a b Gertsman & Stevenson 2012, p. 105.
- ^ McFarlane 1981, p. 218.
- ^ Harris 1986, p. 1.
- ^ Rawcliffe 1978, p. 121.
- ^ Harris 1986, p. 17.
- ^ a b c Rawcliffe 1978, p. 19.
- ^ Charlton 2002, p. 185.
- ^ Nicolas 1826, pp. 356–357.
- ^ Kleinschmidt 2000, p. 296.
- ^ Thomas 1997, p. 112.
- ^ Cherry 1981, pp. 7, 106.
- ^ Dunham 1907, p. xviii.
- ^ Armstrong 1960, pp. 69–70 n. 5.
- ^ a b c d Tait 1898, pp. 452–453.
- ^ Greyfriars Research Team, Kennedy & Foxhall 2015, pp. 196–197.
- ^ Harriss 2011.
- ^ Ross 1952.
- ^ Griffiths 1979, p. 23.
- ^ a b McFarlane 1980, p. 206.
- ^ Harris 2002, p. 63.
- ^ Biancalana 2001, p. 436.
- ^ Cokayne 1959, p. 735.
- ^ Cokayne 1913, p. 355.
- ^ McFarlane 1980, p. 87.
- ^ Rawcliffe 1978, p. 120.
- ^ Grummitt 2008, p. 94.
- ^ a b British Library 2019.
- ^ Emery 2000, p. 445.
- ^ Dobson, Wells & Sullivan 2015, p. 47.
- ^ Lenarduzzi 2016.
- ^ Wiggins 2015, p. 203.
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