João Goulart

Source: Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.
In this Portuguese name, the first or maternal family name is Marques and the second or paternal family name is Goulart.

Brazilian Labour Party
In office
20 May 1952 – 19 May 1965
Preceded byDinarte Dornelles
Succeeded byLutero Vargas
Secretary of the Interior and Justice of Rio Grande do Sul
In office
31 January 1951 – 23 March 1952
GovernorErnesto Dornelles
Preceded byOscar Carneiro da Fontoura
Succeeded byEgídio Michaelsen
State Deputy of Rio Grande do Sul
In office
10 March 1947 – 31 January 1951
ConstituencyAt-large
Personal details
Born
João Belchior Marques Goulart

(1919-03-01)1 March 1919
São Borja, Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil
Died6 December 1976(1976-12-06) (aged 57)
Mercedes, Corrientes, Argentina
Cause of death
Resting placeCemitério Jardim da Paz
São Borja, Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil
PTB
(1946–1965)
Spouse
Maria Teresa Fontela
​
​
(m. 1955)​
RelationsNeusinha Brizola (niece)
ChildrenJoão Vicente Goulart (b. 1956)
Denise Goulart (b. 1957)
Signature

João Belchior Marques Goulart (1 March 1919 – 6 December 1976), commonly known as Jango, was a Brazilian politician who served as the 24th

left-wing president of Brazil until Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva took office in 2003.[4]

Name

João Goulart was nicknamed Jango ([ˈʒɐ̃ɡu]), a common nickname for João in the south of Brazil.[5] The Jânio Quadros–João Goulart presidential bid was thus called Jan–Jan (an amalgamation of Jânio and Jango[6]).

His childhood nickname was Janguinho (little Jango).[5] Years later, when he entered politics, he was supported and advised by Getúlio Vargas, and his friends and colleagues started to call him Jango.[7] In his informality and affection, Getúlio Vargas also called him Janguinho.[8]

His grandfather, Belchior Rodrigues Goulart, descended from

Portuguese immigrants from the Azores who arrived in Rio Grande do Sul in the second half of the 18th century. There were at least three immigrants with the surname Govaert (latter adapted to Goulart or Gularte in Portuguese) of Flemish-Azorean origins in the group of first Azoreans established in the state.[citation needed
]

It is believed that Goulart’s family have Azorean ascendency, while it is possible that his family came from France.[9]

Early life

Goulart was born at Yguariaçá Farm, in

Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul.[11][12]

Yguariaçá Farm was isolated and his mother had no medical care at his birth, only the assistance of her mother, Maria Thomaz Vasquez Marques. According to João's sister Yolanda, "my grandmother was the one able to revive little João who, at birth, already looked like he was dying." Like most Azorean descendants, Maria Thomaz was a devout Catholic. While trying to revive her grandson, warming him, she prayed to John the Baptist, promising that if the newborn survived, he would be his namesake and would not cut his hair until the age of three, when he would march in the procession of 24 June dressed as the saint.[13] Following the beliefs of the region, his mother dressed him in women's clothes in his first year of life.[5]

João grew up as a skinny boy in Yguariaçá along with his six sisters, Eufrides, Maria, Nair, Yolanda,[5] Cila, and Neuza. Both of his younger brothers died prematurely. Rivadávia (born 1920) died of Meningitis in childhood,[5] and Ivan[14] (born 1925), to whom he was deeply attached, died of leukemia at 33.[15]

João left for the nearby town of

leased a small refrigerator house in Itaqui from an English businessman.[16] While Vicente ran the business for the following years, João attended the School of the Teresian Sisters of Mary, along with his sisters.[16] Although it was a mixed-sex school during the day, he could not stay overnight at the boarding school with his sisters; he had to sleep at the house of an English couple, who were friends of his family.[16] It was in Itaqui that João developed a taste for both football and swimming.[7]

Upon his return to São Borja, ending his experience as a partner in the refrigerator house, Vicente sent João to the Ginásio Santana, run by the Marist Brothers in Uruguaiana. João attended first to fourth grade at the Santana boarding school, but failed the fifth grade in 1931.[7] Angry with his son's poor achievements at school, Vicente sent him to attend the Colégio Anchieta in Porto Alegre.[17] In the state capital, João lived at a pension with friends Almir Palmeiro and Abadé dos Santos Ayub, the latter of whom was very attached to him.[7]

Aware of João's

Sport Club Internacional.[7] João was selected for the club's juvenile team. In 1932, he became a juvenile state champion.[18] That same year, he finished the third grade of the ginásio (high school) at Colégio Anchieta,[18] with an irregular academic record that would be repeated when he attended the law school at Rio Grande do Sul Federal University. João graduated from high school at Ginásio Santana after being sent back to Uruguaiana.[17]

As a businessman, he built his fortune between 1941 and 1945, making loans at the National Bank of Commerce, Bank of Rio Grande do Sul, and Bank of Brazil, using as collateral all the cattle he had.[19] With this he generated a fortune in cattle, of US$506,630.001 in 1946.[19] Despite ascending to this position, he was a kind man with his employees[19] and humble with those in need,[20] and he did not accept any kind of discrimination.[21]

Political career

Sent back to Porto Alegre after graduating from high school, Goulart attended law school to satisfy his father, who desired that he earn a degree.

venereal disease,[23] syphilis, which paralyzed his left knee almost entirely.[20] He paid for expensive medical treatment, including a surgery in São Paulo,[20] but he expected that he would never walk normally again.[citation needed] Because of the paralysis of his knee, Goulart graduated separately from the rest of his class in 1939.[24] He would never fully practice law.[22]

After graduating, Goulart returned to São Borja. According to Yolanda Goulart, his depression because of the leg problem was visible.[24] He isolated himself[20] at Yguariaçá Farm. According to his sister Yolanda, his depression did not last long.[24] In the early 1940s, he decided to make fun of his own walking disability in the Carnival, participating in the parade of the block Comigo Ninguém Pode.[21]

Beginning at PTB

Goulart's father died in 1943,[15] and he inherited rural properties that made him one of the most influential estancieiros of the region.[19] Upon the resignation of President Getúlio Vargas and his return to São Borja in October 1945, Goulart was already a wealthy man.[25] He did not need to enter politics to rise socially, but the frequent meetings with Vargas, a close friend of his father, were decisive in Goulart's pursuit of a public life.[25]

The first invitation Goulart received to enter a political party was made by Protásio Vargas, Getúlio's brother, who was in charge of organizing the

Brazilian Labour Party (Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro – PTB).[26] He was the first president of the local PTB,[26] and would later become the statewide, then national, president of the party.[25]

In 1947, Getúlio Vargas convinced Goulart to run for a seat in the

state assembly.[27] He was elected with 4,150 votes, becoming the fifth-most of 23 deputies.[27] He received more votes than had his future brother-in-law Leonel Brizola, another rising star of the PTB,[27] who was married to Goulart's sister Neusa until her death in 1993.[28] Goulart was not an active member of the assembly,[27] only discoursing once on the defensive interests of small cattle farmers in São Borja.[27] He soon became a confidant and political protégé of Vargas,[29] becoming one of the party members who most insistently urged him to launch a presidential candidacy for the 1950 elections.[30] On 18 April 1950,[a] Goulart launched Vargas's candidacy for president[32] and, in the next day, a birthday party was held for the former president at Granja São Vicente,[32] which was owned by Goulart.[33]

In 1950, Goulart was elected to the

prison system to improve the living conditions of prisoners.[36] He later resigned his job as secretary, at the request of Vargas, to help the president with a political deadlock at the ministry of labor, using his influence on the labor-union movement.[37]

Minister of Labor

In 1953, after becoming aggravated with the deadlock, Vargas appointed Goulart minister of labor.

military forces.[41]

As he took office, Goulart replied to accusations from several newspapers, including

social security, such as housing financing, regulation of loans by the Institute of Retirement and Pensions of Bank Employees (Instituto de Aposentadoria e Pensões dos Bancários – IAPB), and recognizing the employees of the Audit Committee of the Institute of Retirement and Pensions of Industry Employees (Conselho Fiscal do Instituto de Aposentadoria e Pensões dos Industriários).[44]

In his time in the ministry, as witnessed by Hugo de Faria, João Goulart was willing to wear out his prestige with the Minister of Finance in defense of the working class.[45] Goulart was willing to take money out of his own pocket to help anyone who asked for help, but he was " half greedy" with the public money, as his minister-administrative, Hugo de Faria, said.[46] and elected Hugo de Faria to participate in the formalities in his place - Hugo considered him one of the "most patient men in the world" in his dealings with the general public[47] and according to historian Jorge Ferreira: "The minister soon became known for his sincere way of not discriminating against people."[48]

The way he received "workers, unionists and ordinary people" in his office shocked the conservative civil and military sectors, in something that mixed so much class and ethnic prejudice.[49] As a minister, he also opted for negotiations between strikers and bosses, rather than repressive methods.[40] In response to the accusation that he would oppose the capitalist regime, he said that he was always willing to applaud the capitalists who invested in the means of production and who legally "created wealth in a social, human and patriotic sense," but that he was against "parasitic, speculative, exorbitant and short-sighted capitalism in profit".[50]

In late 1953, Goulart began studies for review of the minimum wage,[51] facing two types of pressure: the mobilization of workers in larger cities to claim a readjustment of 100% that would increase the minimum wage from ₢$1,200 to ₢$2,400, and entrepreneurs' refusal to review the policy since the Eurico Gaspar Dutra administration, which allegedly contributed to the impoverishment of several segments of the Brazilian society. The business community said that it would agree to a 42% raise in the minimum wage to match the cost of living in 1951. On May Day, Vargas signed the new minimum wage into law, which was a 100% increase as demanded by the working class.[52]

On 22 February 1954, Goulart handed his resignation letter to President Vargas,[53][b] and Vargas named Hugo de Faria to succeed him in an interim manner,[55] and resumed his term as a federal deputy,[56] as a result of the strong reaction of the media and military against the new minimum wage.[57]

The political crisis of the Vargas administration deepened after one of his bodyguards was involved in an assassination attempt against UDN leader

suicide letter Carta Testamento.[60][61]

Between Vargas and the Vice Presidency

Decision to proceed

After the suicide of Vargas, from whom he received a copy of the Carta Testamento,[62] Goulart became very depressed, thought about moving away from politics and, according to Maria Thereza, it took him two months to recover from the shock, after retreating to his resort in São Borja and taking care of business.[63] At Vargas' funeral, Goulart declared that "We, within order and law, will know how to fight with patriotism and dignity, inspired by the example you bequeathed to us".[60]

Goulart decided to continue in politics after receiving a letter from Oswaldo Aranha, delivered by Leonel Brizola and José Gomes Talarico.[64] In October, Goulart participated in the legislative elections, but was defeated.[64]

After Vargas's suicide, a new generation started to make PTB grow.[65] This generation led by Goulart turned the PTB into a party of "reformist features," in a direction that came to radicalize until 1964.[66]

In order to gain power as President of the PTB, Goulart began to concentrate in the National Directory people loyal to him, thus transforming the PTB into one of the parties "most undemocratic and centralized in the Brazilian political framework," in the words of historian Jorge Ferreira.[67] However, Goulart helped the party have a more consistent political and ideological profile.[67] Goulart and the PTB also reinvented the trabalhismo for the context of their generation, more concerned with social causes.[68]

1955 elections and wedding

Goulart and Maria Thereza in 1956.

Willing to hold elections in October 1955, President

PSD put forward Juscelino Kubitschek as a presidential candidate.[70] Goulart's candidacy for the vice presidency caused controversy in conservative groups such as the Armed Forces, a feeling that increased after the General Secretary of the Brazilian Communist Party Luís Carlos Prestes voiced his support.[70][71]

In April 1955 the party agreement was approved.[72] Within the PTB there was disapproval of Goulart's control and fear that the coalition would provoke a military coup, but Goulart succeeded in dialogue among parties, doing things like demanding federal positions for sectors of the PTB.[72]

First official ballot, with candidates for president and vice president.

In an attempt to remove Kubitschek, President Café Filho told him to withdraw his candidacy or there would be a military coup, which Kubitschek refused.[73] Civil and military groups preached the coup.[74] A large part of the media in Rio de Janeiro positioned itself on legality and the Minister of War, General Henrique Teixeira Lott, sought to keep the Armed Forces out of the crisis.[74] Army officials spoke openly about coups in the Tribuna da Imprensa,[75] while Aeronautics began helping Kubitschek and Goulart with the campaign.[75]

Due to the impossibility of assuming the position as a bachelor, Goulart had to get married. However, Maria Thereza, then 17, felt insecure and took a while to accept the idea, which was already arranged.[76] The civil ceremony took place on 14 May 1955, but it was by proxy, as a storm prevented Goulart's plane from arriving.[77] Four days later the religious wedding took place, followed by a short honeymoon due to the campaign.[78]

In the same year, Carlos Lacerda, in Congress, denounced Goulart, saying that Goulart was stockpiling weapons. However, an investigation showed that the weapons were stolen by an army officer and passed on to Lacerda.[79][c] Despite the demonstrations against him, Kubitschek was elected president of Brazil with 37% of the votes on 3 October,[79] and Goulart was elected as vice president with more than 44% of the vote.[82] Following this, the UDN began to fight against their inauguration.[79]

Lott vs Luz

Video from TV Senado about the event (eng. subs)

With Armed Forces officers in favor of an institutional breakdown, General Euclides Zenóbio da Costa issued a statement around the legality surrounding General Henrique Teixeira Lott.[81] However, following the discipline, Lott punished Euclides for this act.[83]

In November 1955,[84] President Café Filho, due to a heart crisis, was replaced by Carlos Luz, who was close to conservative groups interested in the coup.[83]

Officials in favor of the coup took over the Armed Forces, and Lott joined with legalist troops in a countercoup against Carlos Luz, where they expected no bloodshed.[85][d] Luz was impeached by the Deputy Chamber, thus allowing Nereu Ramos to assume power.[85] Luz and 11 other people then went to Santos on the Tamandaré cruiser in order to establish the government there.[85]

When Nereu assumed power, Luz did not get support from the

Governor of São Paulo Jânio Quadros, and when he realized that the leaders of Army groups were legalists, he ended the coup attempt.[87] There were no punishments and Luz was impeached.[87] With the successful counter-coup, Lott gained prestige.[87]

After leaving the hospital, Café Filho tried to return to the presidency,[87] but was impeached by Congress, which also voted for a one-month state of emergency, until Kubitschek and Goulart took office on 31 January 1956.[88]

Vice-President

JK–Jango

See also: Fourth Brazilian Republic § Kubitschek,_1956–1961
Vice President Goulart (right) at the inauguration of Juscelino Kubitschek on 31 January 1956.

At the inauguration, Kubitschek, after receiving the banner and greeting the people, ordered the gates to be opened.[89] Goulart and Kubitschek had a similar tact in contact with the humble people,[89] but at first Kubitschek, jealous of Goulart's election result, tried to isolate him politically.[90] but he went back, and as Hugo de Faria said, Goulart didn't want to run for president.[90] Goulart did not allow anyone to disrespectfully speak of Kubitschek.[90]

For his ability to negotiate with the trade union movement, Goulart was largely responsible for the political stability of the JK government.[91] However, due to this contact, conservative groups accused him of being a strike promoter.[91] Nevertheless, Goulart acted as a negotiator and supporter of the Kubitschek government in the union area.[91] João Goulart used to receive union leaders in his home for meetings, which also represented a union between communists and trabalhists for the workers.[92]

As vice-president, Goulart was also

Social Security.[94]

As a result of the countercoup, in March 1956 the Frente de Novembro was founded by Colonel Canabarro Lucas, with legalist, nationalist, and left-wing military personnel, led by Lott (declared anti-communist) and with Vice-President João Goulart as "President of Honor".[88] The group began to rival right-wing groups.[88]

Maria Thereza, Jango, Pat Nixon, Richard Nixon and João Carlos Muniz, in 1956.

In April 1956, Goulart went to the U.S., in return for Richard Nixon's visit, where he also discussed the issue of communism, which in his view was a matter of internal concern for Brazil,[94] while for the United States this was a problem that concerned them both in the diplomatic and military spheres.[95] After his visit to the United States, he went, with his wife, to Canada and unofficially to Europe, Mexico, and Uruguay.[95] There was an attempted military coup two weeks after the inauguration.[96] In July 1956, he assumed the interim presidency of the Republic due to a trip by Kubitschek to Panama and left that position with his return on the 27th.[96] Lacerda exposed another complaint against Goulart,[97] that ended nowhere.[98]

Economically Goulart was in favor of avoiding US dependence on foreign trade.[99] Within the PTB, several members were expelled due to their criticism.[100] Due to functional precariousness, subordinates in the Armed Forces began to approach the trade unions.[101] Despite the conservative officiality,[101] there were nationalist officers and in 1956, the sergeants achieved their stability.[102] Despite being in power, the PTB acted as the opposition, voicing open criticism of the government.[103]

Maria Thereza Goulart.

During this time

João Vicente and Denise were born.[104] Despite his position, Goulart had no bodyguard.[104] In contrast to his progressive views in the political field, in private life he was a traditional man, especially in the dynamics between husband and wife, making Maria Thereza have to stand out for herself.[105] However, with the birth of his children, he became an active and loving father, and improved his relationship with Maria Thereza, which according to her, was when he assumed an active role as a husband.[106] However, Goulart had several extramarital affairs.[107]

One year after the preventive coup, Goulart participated in the tributes to General Lott, who received a golden sword.[108] By not allowing other officers to make political statements, Lott caused a crisis that ended with Kubitschek putting both the Frente de Novembro and the Clube da Lanterna into illegality.[109]

In 1959, commercial relations with the

USSR were resumed due to the expansion of African coffee.[110]

At the end of the government, the economy became unstable[111] and in the difficulty of implementing measures that would help the poorest sectors of the population, Goulart began to believe that the 1946 Constitution no longer represented social reality.[112]

In the same year, discussions on candidacies for the next elections began.[113] Kubitschek planned to introduce Juracy Magalhães as a candidate, planning to return after five years,[113] but was frustrated on 5 May with the introduction of Jânio Quadros's candidacy.[114]

In February 1959,[114] Lott's candidacy was introduced,[115] but Goulart considered him to be a weak candidate.[116] However, in February 1960, the PTB homologated Marshal Lott's candidacy, with Goulart as Vice-President.[117] For researcher Maria Celina D'Araujo, the PTB "sought a militarized democracy, through the alliance of military units, union and party..."[118]

Due to Lott's electoral weakness, the informal candidacy "Jan-Jan", or "Jânio-Jango", appeared.[119] Due to Quadros's threats to give up the candidacy and rumors that Brizola would stage a coup d'état, the FAB tried to invest against the institutions in the episode known as "Aragarças", which did not get adhesions and the officers went into exile abroad.[120] As expected, the "Jan-Jan" ticket won.[121]

Jan-Jan

See also: Fourth Brazilian Republic § Quadros, 1961

Quadros inherited a bankrupt country and in the inauguration ceremony, with his formalism, tried to mark his distance from the vice president.[122] Quadros created a conservative ministry composed of military personnel, made moral prohibitions – such as banning the wearing of bikinis on television – and in foreign policy sought to be independent, which caused sympathy from the left.[122]

In commissions initiated to "punish acts of corruption and embezzlement of public money," Goulart was hit by investigations that pointed to him as a beneficiary of electoral propaganda and had his response denied by the president.[123]

The PTB came to take its side of opposition and left, also approaching the

Brasilia.[125] In December 1960, accompanied by his advisor, journalist Raul Riff, he visited Czechoslovakia.[126] StB (Czech intelligence) kept itself informed in detail about his government.[127]

Visit to China

Despite reservations, Goulart accepted the invitation of the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Afonso Arinos[e] to head a trade mission to China in July 1961.[125] On a scale in the USSR, Goulart was received with honors as Head of State by Nikita Khrushchev, where he also met cosmonaut Gherman Titov, who had just carried out the mission Vostok 2[128] and Yuri Gagarin.[129]

In Beijing, among other things, Goulart spoke "for the daily increase of friendship between the Brazilian and Chinese people".[128] According to Evandro Lins e Silva, when speaking for the friendship of the two peoples, "the West saw it as a declaration of support for communism".[130]

On his last day in the capital,

Mao Tse-tung visited him at the Beijing Hotel to say goodbye, an unprecedented act.[130] On 24 August, the Brazilian media published a letter from Goulart to President Quadros announcing the success of the mission in China.[130] The next day, Quadros had resigned.[131]

Quadros resignation

Quadros resigned hoping that his vice-president, who was aligned with the left, would not be accepted, and that in turn Quadros would remain in power.[131] However, the National Congress accepted the resignation.[131]

At the suggestion of Quadros, military ministers Odílio Denys (army), Gabriel Grün Moss (air force), and Silvio Heck (navy) formed a military junta.[132] President of Chamber of Deputies Ranieri Mazzilli took interim office as Brazilian President and read to Congress a communiqué from military ministers in which they said Goulart would be arrested if he returned to the United States of Brazil.[132] The military expected the National Congress to declare Goulart's impeachment[132] which did not happen.[133]

Due to the time zone, Goulart knew about the resignation in the early hours of 26 August.[133] For Senator Diz-Huit Rosado, Goulart did not seem to be intimidated.[133] When he arrived in France and learned more details, Hugo de Faria said that Goulart thought of resigning, but gave up with the attempted military coup.[133]

Legality Campaign

Main article:
Campanha da Legalidade
"Legality: In August 1961, from this square, Leonel Brizola assured with the participation of the people, the respect for the constitutional legality and the maintenance of the rule of law".

On the morning of 25 August, after having confirmed the resignation of Quadros, Brizola began to act.[134] Marshal Lott, speaking in favor of the law, was arrested-as were also several officers of the Three Forces.[134]

With the support of some colonels and the public, Brizola started the Legality Campaign.[135][136] On the morning of the 26th, "the country dawned in an unofficial state of siege", according to Jorge Ferreira.[135]

On the 27th, in

Zurich, Goulart learned by telephone through Brizola about the threat of imprisonment, which did not deter him from returning.[135] On the same day, the headquarters of the III Army announced to Brasilia the actions of Brizola,[137] and the next day there was the risk of bombing.[138] Brizola made a transmission announcing the visit of the commander of the III Army Machado Lopes.[139] The military started to search airplanes throughout the country in search of Goulart.[139]

The Legality Chain began to be transmitted throughout Brazil and abroad, despite the federal government's attempt at censorship, gaining international sympathy and national public adherence.[140]

In Paris, on 28 August, Goulart's public statements were superficial, as he knew little about the situation in Brazil, but with the arrival of Congressman

parliamentarianism, which Goulart accepted as a non-violent option.[142]

Jango and Brizola.

In Rio Grande do Sul, Machado Lopes put the III Army in favor of legality, temporarily avoiding a civil war.[143] In reprisal, Odílio Denys dismissed him from command.[144]

On the 28th, Goulart was still in Paris receiving news.[145] On 29 August, Goulart embarked from Paris to New York[146] and on the same day the National Congress rejected his impeachment.[146][136]

In Argentina, Goulart was isolated from the public and his family by the military.

DC-3 to Montevideo.[148] There, keeping with Brizola's plan, there was a plane with national and international journalists to prevent the army from taking him down.[148] In "Manifesto to the Nation" on 30 August, the military ministers spoke about the "inconvenience of Jango's return to the country".[149]

On the 31st, the risk of civil war increased, as soldiers from all over the country stood by the law and there was a risk of conflict between the forces of Brizola and the government.[150] At Canoas Air Base[150] insubordinate sergeants punctured the tires and disarmed the planes that would be used in the bombing of the Piratini Palace.[145]

In the National Congress, the parliamentary amendment was put on the voting agenda.[151] Since the resignation of Quadros, the police have reacted violently against demonstrators,[151] with Guanabara suffering the harshest repression.[152] In the Chamber of Deputies, deputy Adauto Lúcio Cardoso spoke in favor of impeachment of Mazilli and military ministers for crime of responsibility.[153]

On 1 September, Tancredo Neves and others went to Uruguay to meet with Goulart,[154] who kept Brizola and Lopes updated on what they discussed.[155] According to Tancredo Neves, Goulart had resistance to parliamentarianism, but ended up accepting due to the risk of deaths.[155] The military was against Goulart speaking to the people and Brizola going into inauguration and in the early morning of the same day, the National Congress approved the parliamentary amendment.[155]

On the evening of the same day, a

Salgado Filho airport with Goulart.[156] Despite the desire of the population, he did not speak to the people[157] and men from the press had resistance against the idea of accepting parliamentarianism,[158] and the people became stressed.[158] Despite wanting to march on Brasilia and close the National Congress, upset, Brizola accepted the decision of his brother-in-law.[159]

Groups of FAB officers planned Operation Mosquito, which was not carried out, as an attempt to kill Goulart.[159][160] The plane that transported Goulart to Brasilia flew at 11,100 meters of altitude, thus being out of range of the fighters.[159] Goulart arrived in the capital on 5 September[159] and took over on 7 September.[161][162]

The Goulart administration

See also:
Brazil–United States relations during the João Goulart administration and 1963 request for a state of exception in Brazil
Goulart with U.S. President John F. Kennedy during a visit to the United States in April 1962.

In his inauguration speech, he called for "unity, democracy and reform".[163] Goulart took over the country in a military crisis, external and internal debts and powerless to carry out his reformist projects,[164] but having a majority in the National Congress, he hoped to be successful on the basis of agreements, besides showing the unfeasibility of the new system of government.[165]

The first cabinet, called "National Conciliation", was appointed on 8 September and with

October elections.[166] Brochado da Rocha had his appointment as prime minister approved by Congress on 10 July.[167] Brochado resigned and Hermes Lima was sworn in on 19 September 1962.[168]

During this period, Goulart and his prime minister chose the three-year plan as the economic plan of his government under the advisement of

Eletrobrás, Latin America's largest power utility company, was created in 1962.[170]

As part of the compromise that installed a parliamentary system of government in 1961, a plebiscite was set for 1963 to confirm or reverse the changes made to the constitution. The parliamentary system of government was overwhelmingly rejected in the referendum, and Goulart assumed full presidential powers.[171]

The presidential government of Goulart initiated in 1963 was marked politically by the administration's closer ties to center-left political groups, and conflict with more conservative sectors of the society, specifically the National Democratic Union.[citation needed]

Goulart also led Brazil in the drive for a nuclear-free Latin America, providing the impetus for the Five Presidents' Declaration and the Treaty of Tlatelolco. Brazil's leadership on nuclear disarmament was a casualty of the military coup, and Mexico eventually stepped in to continue to drive for a nuclear-free region.[172]

ticker tape parade in New York City
, 1962.

Basic reforms

Goulart's Basic Reforms plan (Reformas de Base) was a group of social and economic measures of nationalist character that ushered in a greater

state intervention in the economy.[citation needed
] Among the reforms were:

Cuba, 1962

João Goulart in 1962.

With the Cuban Missile Crisis, Kennedy sent a letter to Goulart proposing the participation of the Brazilian military in the possible invasion of the island.[173] In response, Goulart demonstrated that he opposed this plan and instead supported the self-determination of the peoples.[173] In a reply he stated that "we will never recognize war as an instrument capable of resolving conflicts between nations" and sent a letter to Fidel Castro with the same concerns as the US government, but standing against the invasion.[174] With this position, Kennedy began to develop a personal hostility against Goulart and began to believe that the Brazilian president was a threat to the security of the United States.[175][176][f]

The military coup

Main articles: 1964 Brazilian coup d'état and Revolutionary 3rd Army
Maria Teresa during the 13 March 1964 speech

In the early hours of 31 March 1964, General Olímpio Mourão Filho, in charge of the 4th Military Region, headquartered in Juiz de Fora, Minas Gerais, ordered his troops to start moving toward Rio de Janeiro to depose Goulart.[177]

On 1 April, at 12:45 p.m., João Goulart left Rio for the capital,

Avro 748 aircraft. Soon after Goulart's plane took off, Auro de Moura Andrade declared the position of President of Brazil "vacant".[179]

In the first hours of 2 April, Auro de Moura Andrade, along with the president of the Supreme Federal Court, swore in Pascoal Ranieri Mazzilli, the speaker of the house, as president. This move was arguably unconstitutional at the time, as João Goulart was still in the country.[180]

At the same time, Goulart, now in the headquarters of the 3rd Army in Porto Alegre, still loyal to him at the time, contemplated resistance and counter-moves with Leonel Brizola, who argued for armed resistance. In the morning, General Floriano Machado informed the president that troops loyal to the coup were moving from Curitiba to Porto Alegre and that he had to leave the country, otherwise risking arrest. At 11:45 am, Goulart boarded a

Douglas C-47 transport for his farm bordering Uruguay. Goulart would stay on his farmland until 4 April, when he finally boarded the plane for the last time, heading for Montevideo.[181]

The coup installed successive right-wing hardliners as heads of state who suspended

National Renewal Alliance Party (Aliança Renovadora Nacional – ARENA) and the consented opposition Brazilian Democratic Movement
(Movimento Democrático Brasileiro – MDB). The MDB, however, had no real power, and the military rule was marked by widespread disappearance, torture, and exile of many politicians, university students, writers, singers, painters, filmmakers, and other artists.

President João Goulart was not favorably viewed in Washington. He took an independent stance in foreign policy, resuming relations with socialist countries and opposing sanctions against Cuba; his administration passed a law limiting the amount of profits multinationals could transmit outside the country; a subsidiary of ITT was nationalized; he promoted economic and social reforms.

CIA covert operations. Gordon believed that Goulart, wanting to "seize dictatorial power," was working with the Brazilian Communist Party. Gordon wrote: "If our influence is to be brought to bear to help avert a major disaster here--which might make Brazil the China of the 1960s--this is where both I and all my senior advisors believe our support should be placed." In the years after the coup, Gordon, Gordon's staff, and the CIA repeatedly denied that they had been involved, and President Lyndon B. Johnson
praised Gordon's service in Brazil as "a rare combination of experience and scholarship, idealism and practical judgment." In 1976, Gordon stated that the Johnson Administration "had been prepared to intervene militarily to prevent a leftist takeover of the government," but did not directly state that it had or had not intervened.

Circa 2004 many documents were declassified and placed online at the GWU National Security Archive, indicating the involvement of Johnson, McNamara, Gordon, and others. In 2005,

Robert S. McNamara were also worried.[183] Kennedy, who had made plans for a coup when his brother John was president, characterized Goulart as a "wily" politician in a White House tape.[184]

The president of

Kennedy Administration was the architect of a potential coup and that President Johnson inherited plans for it.[184] US President John F. Kennedy had discussed options on how to deal with Goulart with Gordon and his chief Latin America advisor Richard N. Goodwin in July 1962 and determined in December 1962 that the coup was necessary in order to advance US interests.[184]

Life in exile

João Goulart in 1964

On 4 April 1964, Goulart and his family landed in

political asylum. After his first years in Montevideo, he bought a farm on the Uruguay-Brazil border, where he devoted himself to farming cattle. In 1966 he took part in the Frente Ampla (Broad Front) political movement, which aimed to fully restore democratic rule in Brazil through peaceful means. The end of Frente Ampla also resulted in the end of Goulart's political activity. He decided to focus on managing his farms located in Uruguay, Paraguay, Argentina, and Brazil.[citation needed
]

In late 1973, Argentine president

Juan Domingo Perón invited Goulart to live in Buenos Aires and asked him to collaborate on a plan to expand Argentine meat exports to Europe and other markets that would not traditionally buy the Argentine commodity. However, Perón's minister of social welfare and private secretary José López Rega opposed the designation. Nevertheless, Goulart decided to stay in Buenos Aires.[citation needed
]

In March 1976 in the town of La Plata, the Argentine Army dismantled a group of right-wing terrorists planning to kidnap Goulart's son and demand a high ransom in cash. With his personal security compromised, the former president distanced himself from Buenos Aires. This experience led Goulart to arrange new steps for his safe return to Brazil. However, this was delayed because of upcoming elections.[citation needed]

Death

On 6 December 1976, Goulart died in his apartment La Villa, in the Argentine municipality of Mercedes, province of Corrientes, supposedly of a heart attack. Since Goulart's body was not submitted to an autopsy, the cause of his death is unconfirmed. Around 30,000 people attended his funeral service, which was censored from press coverage by the military dictatorship.[citation needed]

On 26 April 2000, the former governor of Rio Grande do Sul and Rio de Janeiro, Leonel Brizola, said that former presidents Goulart and Kubitschek were assassinated as part of Operation Condor and requested investigations into their deaths.[185][186]

Goulart's remains arrive in Brasília almost 40 years after his death, 14 November 2013.

On 27 January 2008, the newspaper Folha de S.Paulo printed a story with a statement from Mario Neira Barreiro, a former intelligence service member under Uruguay's dictatorship. Barreiro said that Goulart was poisoned, confirming Brizola's allegations. Barreiro also said that the order to assassinate Goulart came from Sérgio Paranhos Fleury, head of the Departamento de Ordem Política e Social (Department of Political and Social Order), and the license to kill came from president Ernesto Geisel.[187][188] In July 2008, a special commission of the legislative assembly of Rio Grande do Sul, Goulart's home state, concluded that "the evidence that Jango was willfully assassinated, with knowledge of the Geisel government, is strong."[189]

In March 2009, the magazine

Chamber of Deputies decided to investigate Goulart's death.[191]

Later, CartaCapital published an interview with Goulart's widow,

Maria Teresa Fontela Goulart, who revealed documents from the Uruguayan government that documented her complaints that her family was being monitored. The Uruguayan government was monitoring Goulart's travel and his business and political activities. These files were from 1965, a year after the coup in Brazil, and suggest that he could have been deliberately attacked. The Movement for Justice and Human Rights and the President João Goulart Institute have requested a document in which the Uruguayan interior ministry said that "serious and responsible Brazilian sources" talked about an "alleged plot against the former Brazilian president."[192]

Political views

Afro-Brazilians

Close interactions with the poor, especially poor

high society rules and led the block inside the aristocratic Clube Comercial, which would not allow blacks in their halls until the late 1960s.[21]

Communism

Like many other leftist politicians of the Cold War era, Goulart was accused of being a communist at various times. As a response to Carlos Lacerda, his most frequent accuser, he cited right-wing politicians also supported by the Brazilian Communist Party whom the latter [Lacerda] would not criticize.[71] In an interview with the newspaper O Jornal, Goulart declared, "regarding the communists, they have supported indistinctly candidates of several political affiliations, conservatives or populists. I do not wish to distinguish such support, but I will only allow myself this question: is perhaps Colonel Virgílio Távora a communist, just because, ostensibly, he accepts the support of communists in Ceará? How to say that the illustrious patriot of UDN Milton Campos is communist, for accepting, as he did in Minas, the same votes requested by Mr. Afonso Arinos here in Rio?"[71] In 1967, Lacerda acknowledged that Goulart wasn't "a man from the Communist Party".[193]

Tributes and amnesty

In 1984, exactly twenty years after the coup, filmmaker

Gramado Film Festival and one at the Havana Film Festival, as well as the Silver Daisy, given by the National Conference of Brazilian Bishops (Conferência Nacional dos Bispos do Brasil).[citation needed
]

There are at least ten schools throughout Brazil named after Goulart.[citation needed] Most are located on Rio Grande do Sul, in the municipalities of Alvorada, Ijuí, Novo Hamburgo, Porto Alegre, Viamão, and in Goulart's native São Borja. There are three schools named after Goulart in Rio de Janeiro, Balneário Camboriú and Santa Catarina, and another in São João de Meriti in Rio de Janeiro. On 6 December 2007, exactly 31 years after Goulart's death, a monument was erected in Balneário Camboriú depicting Goulart sitting on a bench on the Avenida Atlântica (in front of the Atlantic Ocean) with his two children. It was designed by artist Jorge Schroder upon the request of mayor Rubens Spernau.[citation needed]

On 28 June 2008, the Avenida Presidente João Goulart (President João Goulart Avenue) in

bicycle path. Other cities, such as Canoas, Caxias do Sul, Cuiabá, Lages, Pelotas, Porto Alegre, Porto Velho, Ribeirão Preto, Rio de Janeiro, Rondonópolis, São Borja, São Leopoldo, São Paulo, and Sobral already have roads honoring Goulart.[citation needed
]

On 15 November 2008, Goulart and his widow Maria Thereza received political

restitution of R$ 644,000 (around US$322,000) to be paid in pensions of R$5,425 (around US$2,712) per month for Goulart having been prohibited from practicing as a lawyer. She also received restitution of R$100,000 (around US$50,000) for the 15 years when her family was forbidden to return to Brazil.[195][citation needed
]

It will never be enough emphasize the heroic role of Jango to the Brazilian people, given that he represents as few do the ideal of a fairer, more egalitarian, and more democratic Brazil. (...) The government recognizes its mistakes of the past and apologizes to a man who defended the nation and its people; a man whom we could not have done without.

— Letter by
Lula da Silva to the Amnesty Commission.[196]

Goulart family vs USA

This section is an excerpt from João Goulart Filho § Lawsuit against the United States.[edit]

During the promotion of his book on Brazilian territory in November 2002,

CIA had bought Brazilian congressmen for five million dollars for the coup against João Goulart,[197] in addition to the logistical and military support.[198] This led the Goulart family to raise a lawsuit for moral, property and image damages against the United States, with the desire to eventually take the case to the World Court.[199][197][200]

The 3rd Panel of the Superior Court of Justice, under the report of Nancy Andrighi [pt]'s minister, would have to decide whether the act was an act of empire ("anyone who contains an order or a co-active decision of the administration for the administered, such as an expropriation decree, an interdiction order or a requisition of assets") or an act of management ("act of management are those that the administration practices without using its supremacy over the recipients. This occurs in acts purely of administration of public goods and services and in negotiations with private parties, which do not require coercion over the interested parties").[199] This action was an appeal after the federal judge of the 10th Circuit Court of Rio de Janeiro extinguished the case, under the interpretation that it was an act of empire.[199]

The Federal Regional Court of the 2nd Region considered that the competence to handle the case lies with the STJ.[199] Nancy Andrighi [pt] considered that the United States has committed an act of management,[200] thus, welcoming the appeal.[200] However, there was no consensus among the ministers of the 3rd Class.[200]

In March 2008, Minister Sidnei Beneti [pt] of the Supreme Court of Justice postponed the analysis of the action.[201] The trial was returned on 24 June 2008.[202] The STJ finally dismissed the case, considering that the United States has immunity under Brazilian law[198] and the STF finally denied the request in 2010, recognizing that the United States has immunity against Brazilian law.[198]

Electoral performance

Year Election Position Party Votes Result
1947 Rio Grande do Sul State Elections State deputy
PTB
 4.150 Elected[27]
1950 Rio Grande do Sul State Elections Federal deputy
PTB
 39.832 Elected[34]
1954 Rio Grande do Sul State Elections Senator
PTB
 346.198 Lost
[203][204]
1955 Brazilian presidential election Vice-President
PTB
 3.591.409 Elected
[82]
1960 Brazilian presidential election Vice-President
PTB
 4.547.010 Elected[121]

See also

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  184. ^ a b c d Hershberg, James G.; Kornbluh, Peter (2 April 2014). "Brazil Marks 50th Anniversary of Military Coup". The National Security Archive.
  185. ^ Brasil examina su pasado represivo en la Operación Cóndor Archived 30 September 2007 at the Wayback Machine, El Mostrador, 11 May 2000
  186. ^ Operación Cóndor: presión de Brizola sobre la Argentina, El Clarín, 6 May 2000
  187. ^ Há fortes indícios de que Jango foi assassinado com conhecimento de Geisel Archived 2 July 2011 at the Wayback Machine. Carta Maior. Retrieved on 24 May 2014.
  188. ^ http://www1.folha.uol.com.br/folha/brasil/ult96u367282.shtml [bare URL]
  189. ^ "Há fortes indícios de que Jango foi assassinado com conhecimento de Geisel" Archived 2 July 2011 at the Wayback Machine, Carta Maior, 17 July 2008.
  190. ^ NASCIMENTO, Gilberto. "Jango assassinado? [permanent dead link]". CartaCapital, 18 March 2009.
  191. ^ FORTES, Leandro. "Corrêa à luz do dia – A revista serve de base para outras decisões [permanent dead link]," CartaCapital, 3 April 2009
  192. ^ NASCIMENTO, Gilberto. "Jango monitorado" [permanent dead link], CartaCapital, 18 June 2009.
  193. ISBN 978-85-200-1056-3
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  194. ^ "Avenida Presidente João Goulart projeta Osasco para o futuro" (in Portuguese), Osasco Agora, 2 July 2008.
  195. ^ Aquino, Yara. "Jango recebe anistia quase meio século depois de derrubado pela ditadura militar" [dead link] (in Portuguese), Agência Brasil, 15 November 2008.
  196. Globo News, Evandro Éboli, and Agência Brasil. "Governo concede anistia política a João Goulart. Lula chama ex-presidente de herói" (in Portuguese), O Globo
    , 15 November 2008.
  197. ^ a b "João Vicente: "É hora que sejam réus!"" [João Vicente: "It's time for them to be charged!"] (in Brazilian Portuguese). October 2007. Archived from the original on 9 March 2019. Retrieved 1 September 2020.
  198. ^ a b c "Negado seguimento à reclamação ajuizada por familiares do ex-presidente João Goulart" [Denied follow-up to complaint filed by family members of former president João Goulart] (in Brazilian Portuguese). 22 November 2010. Archived from the original on 1 September 2020. Retrieved 1 September 2020.
  199. ^ a b c d "Família de João Goulart quer indenização dos EUA por golpe de 64" [João Goulart's family wants U.S. compensation for coup of 64] (in Brazilian Portuguese). 5 September 2007. Archived from the original on 1 September 2020. Retrieved 1 September 2020.
  200. ^ a b c d "STJ decide quem julga processo da família Goulart contra EUA" [STJ decides who judges Goulart family case against USA] (in Brazilian Portuguese). 14 March 2008. Archived from the original on 1 September 2020. Retrieved 1 September 2020.
  201. ^ "STJ adia julgamento de ação de família Goulart contra EUA" [STJ postpones trial of Goulart family lawsuit against USA] (in Brazilian Portuguese). 19 March 2008. Archived from the original on 1 September 2020. Retrieved 1 September 2020.
  202. ^ "STJ retoma hoje julgamento de ação da família de Jango contra os EUA" [STJ resumes Jango's family action trial against the U.S. today] (in Brazilian Portuguese). 24 June 2008. Archived from the original on 1 September 2020. Retrieved 1 September 2020.
  203. ^ "Banco de dados do Tribunal Superior Eleitoral". Archived from the original on 17 February 2012. Retrieved 8 July 2016.
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    .

Notes

  1. ^ In an unofficial way, Goulart had announced Vargas's candidacy a year before.[31]
  2. ^ Even with his resignation, the workers and the union movement still carried out actions, such as the unionists petition on 1 May 1954, defending his return.[54]
  3. ^ In another episode at the same period, the "Brandi Letter" supposedly showed that Goulart was smuggling weapons across the border with Argentina,[80] and president of the Military Commission of Inquiry Maurell Filho concluded that the signature of Antonio Brandi had been grossly forged[80] and two days earlier the person responsible for the forgery had been arrested in Rio Grande do Sul, claiming he had been coerced by Carlos Lacerda.[81]
  4. ^ At the funeral of Canrobert Pereira da Costa, Colonel Jurandir Mamede gave a speech that was "challenging of hierarchy and military discipline".[83] When the newly sworn-in President Luz decided against punishment, Lott asked for his resignation.[86]
  5. ^ José Ermírio de Moraes was the first option, but refused.[125]
  6. ISBN 978-85-7631-193-5
    .

Sources

External links

Wikimedia Commons has media related to João Goulart.
Political offices
Preceded by
Oscar Carneiro da Fontoura
 Secretary of the Interior and Justice of Rio Grande do Sul
1951–1952 		Succeeded by
Egídio Michaelsen
Preceded by
José de Segadas Viana
Minister of Labour, Industry and Trade

1953–1954 		Succeeded by
Hugo de Araújo Faria
Preceded by Vice President of Brazil
1956–1961 		Succeeded by
Preceded by
Ranieri Mazzilli
(interim)
 President of Brazil
1961–1964 		Succeeded by
Ranieri Mazzilli
(interim)
Party political offices
Preceded by
Dinarte Dornelles
 National President of the
Brazilian Labour Party

1952–1965 		Succeeded by
New political party
PTB nominee for Vice President of Brazil
1955, 1960
 Succeeded by
Paiva Muniz (
1989
)
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