Richard Nixon

Richard Nixon
Official portrait, 1972
37th President of the United States
In office January 20, 1969 – August 9, 1974
Vice President	Spiro Agnew (1969–1973) None (Oct–Dec 1973) Gerald Ford (1973–1974)
Preceded by	Lyndon B. Johnson
Succeeded by	Gerald Ford
36th Vice President of the United States
In office January 20, 1953 – January 20, 1961
President	Dwight D. Eisenhower
Preceded by	Alben W. Barkley
Succeeded by	Lyndon B. Johnson
United States Senator from California
In office December 1, 1950 – January 1, 1953
Preceded by	Sheridan Downey
Succeeded by	Thomas Kuchel
Member of the U.S. House of Representatives from California's 12th district
In office January 3, 1947 – November 30, 1950
Preceded by	Jerry Voorhis
Succeeded by	Patrick J. Hillings
Personal details
Born	Richard Milhous Nixon (1913-01-09)January 9, 1913 Yorba Linda, California, U.S.
Died	April 22, 1994(1994-04-22) (aged 81) New York City, U.S.
Resting place	Richard Nixon Presidential Library and Museum
Political party	Republican
Spouse	Pat Ryan ​ ​ (m. 1940; died 1993)​
Children	Tricia Julie
Parents	Francis A. Nixon Hannah Milhous
Education	Whittier College (BA) Duke University (LLB)
Occupation	Author lawyer politician
Signature
Military service
Branch/service	United States Navy
Years of service	1942–1946 (active) 1946–1966 (inactive)
Rank	Commander
Battles/wars	World War II (Pacific War[1])
Awards	Navy and Marine Corps Commendation Medal American Campaign Medal Asiatic–Pacific Campaign Medal World War II Victory Medal Armed Forces Reserve Medal
Richard Nixon's voice Nixon's resignation speech Recorded August 8, 1974

Richard Milhous Nixon (January 9, 1913 – April 22, 1994) was the 37th

Seeking to bring the North Vietnamese to the negotiating table, Nixon ordered military operations and carpet bombing campaigns in Cambodia. He ended American combat involvement in Vietnam in 1973 and the military draft the same year. His visit to China in 1972 eventually led to diplomatic relations between the two nations, and he then concluded the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty with the Soviet Union. Domestically, Nixon pushed for the Controlled Substances Act and began the war on drugs. Nixon's first term took place at the height of the American environmental movement and enacted many progressive environmental policy shifts; his administration created the Environmental Protection Agency and passed legislation such as the Endangered Species Act and the Clean Air Acts. He implemented the ratified Twenty-sixth Amendment, which lowered the voting age from 21 to 18, and enforced the desegregation of Southern schools. Under Nixon, relations with Native Americans improved, seeing an increase in self-determination for Native Americans and his administration rescinded the termination policy. Nixon imposed wage and price controls for 90 days, began the war on cancer, and presided over the Apollo 11 Moon landing, which signaled the end of the Space Race. He was re-elected in 1972, when he defeated George McGovern in one of the largest landslide victories in American history.

In his second term, Nixon ordered an airlift to resupply Israeli losses in the Yom Kippur War, a conflict which led to the oil crisis at home. From 1973, ongoing revelations from the Nixon administration's involvement in Watergate eroded his support in Congress and the country. The scandal began with a break-in at the Democratic National Committee office, ordered by administration officials, and escalated despite cover-up efforts by the Nixon administration, of which he was aware. On August 9, 1974, facing almost certain impeachment and removal from office, Nixon resigned. Afterward, he was issued a controversial pardon by his successor, Gerald Ford. During nearly 20 years of retirement, Nixon wrote nine books and undertook many foreign trips, rehabilitating his image into that of an elder statesman and leading expert on foreign affairs. On April 18, 1994, he suffered a debilitating stroke, and died four days later. Rankings of his time in office have proven complex, with the successes of his presidency contrasted against the circumstances of both his ascension and his departure from office.

Richard Milhous Nixon was born on January 9, 1913, in what was then the township precinct of

Nixon's upbringing was influenced by Quaker observances of the time such as abstinence from alcohol, dancing, and swearing. He had four brothers: Harold, Donald, Arthur, and Edward.^[6] Four of the five Nixon boys were named after historic British kings; Richard, for example, was named after Richard the Lionheart.^[7]

Nixon's early life was marked by hardship, and he later quoted

Nixon attended East Whittier Elementary School, where he was president of his eighth-grade class.^[13] His older brother Harold had attended Whittier High School, which his parents thought resulted in Harold's dissolute lifestyle, before he contracted tuberculosis (that killed him in 1933). They decided to send Nixon to the larger Fullerton Union High School.^[14][15] Though he had to ride a school bus an hour each way during his freshman year, he received excellent grades. Later, he lived with an aunt in Fullerton during the week.^[16] He played junior varsity football, and seldom missed a practice, though he rarely was used in games.^[17] He had greater success as a debater, winning a number of championships and taking his only formal tutelage in public speaking from Fullerton's Head of English, H. Lynn Sheller. Nixon later mused on Sheller's words, "Remember, speaking is conversation...don't shout at people. Talk to them. Converse with them."^[18] Nixon said he tried to use a conversational tone as much as possible.^[18]

At the start of his junior year in September 1928, Nixon's parents permitted him to transfer to Whittier High School. At Whittier, Nixon lost a bid for student body president—his first electoral defeat. He often rose at 4 a.m. to drive the family truck to Los Angeles to purchase vegetables at the market and then drove to the store to wash and display them before going to school. Harold was diagnosed with tuberculosis the previous year; when their mother took him to Arizona hoping to improve his health, the demands on Nixon increased, causing him to give up football. Nevertheless, Nixon graduated from Whittier High third in his class of 207.^[19]

Nixon was offered a tuition grant to attend Harvard University, but with Harold's continued illness requiring his mother's care, Richard was needed at the store. He remained in his hometown, and enrolled at Whittier College in September 1930. His expenses were met by his maternal grandfather.^[1][20] Nixon played for the basketball team; he also tried out for football, and though he lacked the size to play, he remained on the team as a substitute and was noted for his enthusiasm.^[21] Instead of fraternities and sororities, Whittier had literary societies. Nixon was snubbed by the only one for men, the Franklins, many of whom were from prominent families, unlike Nixon. He responded by helping to found a new society, the Orthogonian Society.^[22] In addition to the society, his studies, and work at the store, Nixon engaged in several extracurricular activities; he was a champion debater and hard worker.^[23] In 1933, he was engaged to Ola Florence Welch, daughter of the Whittier police chief, but they broke up in 1935.^[24]

After graduating summa cum laude with a Bachelor of Arts degree in history from Whittier in 1934, Nixon was accepted at the new Duke University School of Law,^[25][26] which offered scholarships to top students, including Nixon.^[27] It paid high salaries to its professors, many of whom had national or international reputations.^[28] The number of scholarships was greatly reduced for second- and third-year students, creating intense competition.^[27] Nixon kept his scholarship, was elected president of the Duke Bar Association,^[29] inducted into the Order of the Coif,^[30] and graduated third in his class in June 1937.^[25]

After graduating from Duke, Nixon initially hoped to join the

In January 1938, Nixon was cast in the Whittier Community Players production of The Dark Tower in which he played opposite his future wife, a high school teacher named Thelma "Pat" Ryan.^[25] In his memoirs, Nixon described it as "a case of love at first sight",^[36] but apparently for Nixon only, since Pat Ryan turned him down several times before agreeing to date him.^[37] Once they began their courtship, Ryan was reluctant to marry Nixon; they dated for two years before she assented to his proposal. They wed in a small ceremony on June 21, 1940. After a honeymoon in Mexico, the Nixons began their married life in Whittier.^[38] They had two daughters: Tricia, born in 1946, and Julie, born in 1948.^[39]

In January 1942, the couple moved to the Northern Virginia suburbs, where Nixon took a job at the Office of Price Administration in Washington, D.C.^[25][40] In his political campaigns, Nixon suggested that this was his response to Pearl Harbor, but he had sought the position throughout the latter part of 1941. Both Nixon and his wife believed he was limiting his prospects by remaining in Whittier.^[41] He was assigned to the tire rationing division, where he was tasked with replying to correspondence. He did not enjoy the role, and four months later applied to join the United States Navy.^[42] Though he could have claimed an exemption from the draft as a birthright Quaker, or a deferral due to his government service, Nixon nevertheless sought a commission in the Navy. His application was approved, and he was appointed a lieutenant junior grade in the United States Naval Reserve on June 15, 1942.^[43][44]

In October 1942, he was given his first assignment as aide to the commander of the Naval Air Station Ottumwa in Wapello County, Iowa, until May 1943. Seeking more excitement, he requested sea duty; on July 2, 1943, he was assigned to Marine Aircraft Group 25 and the South Pacific Combat Air Transport Command (SCAT), where he supported the logistics of operations in the South Pacific theater during World War II.^[45][46][47]

On October 1, 1943, Nixon was promoted to

In January 1945, he was transferred to the Bureau of Aeronautics office in Philadelphia, where he helped negotiate the termination of World War II contracts, and received his second letter of commendation, from the Secretary of the Navy^[48] for "meritorious service, tireless effort, and devotion to duty". Later, Nixon was transferred to other offices to work on contracts, and he successively moved to Washington, D.C., Philadelphia, New York and finally to Baltimore.^[49][50] On October 3, 1945, he was promoted to lieutenant commander.^[43][48] On March 10, 1946, he was relieved of active duty.^[43] On June 1, 1953, he was promoted to commander in the U.S. Naval Reserve, and he retired from the U.S. Naval Reserve on June 6, 1966.^[43]

While in the Navy, Nixon became a very good five-card stud poker player, helping finance his first congressional campaign with the winnings. In a 1983 interview, he described turning down an invitation to dine with Charles Lindbergh because he was hosting a game.^[51][52]

Republicans in California's 12th congressional district were frustrated by their inability to defeat Democratic representative Jerry Voorhis, and they sought a consensus candidate who would run a strong campaign against him. In 1945, they formed a "Committee of 100" to decide on a candidate, hoping to avoid internal dissensions which had led to previous Voorhis victories. After the committee failed to attract higher-profile candidates, Herman Perry, manager of Whittier's Bank of America branch, suggested Nixon, a family friend with whom he had served on Whittier College's board of trustees before the war. Perry wrote to Nixon in Baltimore, and after a night of excited conversation with his wife, Nixon gave Perry an enthused response,^[53][54] confirming that he was registered to vote in California at his parents' Whittier residence.^[55] Nixon flew to California and was selected by the committee. When he left the Navy at the start of 1946, Nixon and his wife returned to Whittier, where he began a year of intensive campaigning.^[53][54] He contended that Voorhis had been ineffective as a representative and suggested that Voorhis's endorsement by a group linked to Communists meant that Voorhis must have radical views.^[56] Nixon won the election, receiving 65,586 votes to Voorhis's 49,994.^[57]

In June 1947, Nixon supported the

Nixon first gained national attention in August 1948, when his persistence as a House Un-American Activities Committee member helped break the

In 1949, Nixon began to consider running for the

In the Senate, Nixon took a prominent position in opposing global communism, traveling frequently and speaking out against it.^[77] He maintained friendly relations with Joseph McCarthy, his fellow anti-communist, controversial U.S. Senate colleague from Wisconsin, but was careful to keep some distance between himself and McCarthy's allegations.^[78] Nixon criticized President Harry S. Truman's handling of the Korean War.^[77] He supported statehood for Alaska and Hawaii, voted in favor of civil rights for minorities, and supported federal disaster relief for India and Yugoslavia.^[79] He voted against price controls and other monetary restrictions, benefits for illegal immigrants, and public power.^[79]

General

Eisenhower radically altered the role of his running mate by presenting him with critical assignments in both foreign and domestic affairs once he assumed his office. The vice president welcomed the president's initiatives and worked energetically to accomplish White House objectives. Because of the collaboration between these two leaders, Nixon deserves the title, "the first modern vice president".[92]

Los Angeles Times

San Francisco Chronicle

American newspaper covers on May 9, 1958, covering student protests against Nixon at the National University of San Marcos in Lima, Peru

Despite intense campaigning by Nixon, who reprised his strong attacks on the Democrats, the Republicans lost control of both houses of Congress in the

In early 1957, Nixon undertook another foreign trip, this time to Africa. On his return, he helped shepherd the Civil Rights Act of 1957 through Congress. The bill was weakened in the Senate, and civil rights leaders were divided over whether Eisenhower should sign it. Nixon advised the President to sign the bill, which he did.^[98] Eisenhower suffered a mild stroke in November 1957, and Nixon gave a press conference, assuring the nation that the Cabinet was functioning well as a team during Eisenhower's brief illness.^[99]

On April 27, 1958, Richard and Pat Nixon reluctantly embarked on a goodwill tour of South America. In Montevideo, Uruguay, Nixon made an impromptu visit to a college campus, where he fielded questions from students on U.S. foreign policy. The trip was uneventful until the Nixon party reached Lima, Peru, where he was met with student demonstrations. Nixon went to the historical campus of National University of San Marcos, the oldest university in the Americas, got out of his car to confront the students, and stayed until forced back into the car by a volley of thrown objects. At his hotel, Nixon faced another mob, and one demonstrator spat on him.^[100] In Caracas, Venezuela, Nixon and his wife were spat on by anti-American demonstrators and their limousine was attacked by a pipe-wielding mob.^[101] According to Ambrose, Nixon's courageous conduct "caused even some of his bitterest enemies to give him some grudging respect".^[102] Reporting to the cabinet after the trip, Nixon claimed there was "absolute proof that [the protestors] were directed and controlled by a central Communist conspiracy." Secretary of State John Foster Dulles and his brother, Director of Central Intelligence Allen Dulles, both concurred with Nixon.^[103]

In July 1959, President Eisenhower sent Nixon to the Soviet Union for the opening of the American National Exhibition in Moscow. On July 24, Nixon was touring the exhibits with Soviet first secretary and premier Nikita Khrushchev when the two stopped at a model of an American kitchen and engaged in an impromptu exchange about the merits of capitalism versus communism that became known as the "Kitchen Debate".^[104][105]

In 1960, Nixon launched his first campaign for President of the United States, officially announcing on January 9, 1960.^[106] He faced little opposition in the Republican primaries^[107] and chose former Massachusetts senator Henry Cabot Lodge Jr. as his running mate.^[108] His Democratic opponent was John F. Kennedy and the race remained close for the duration.^[109] Nixon campaigned on his experience, but Kennedy called for new blood and claimed the Eisenhower–Nixon administration had allowed the Soviet Union to overtake the U.S. in quantity and quality of ballistic missiles.^[110] While Kennedy faced issues about his Catholicism, Nixon remained a divisive figure to some.^[111]

Televised

Local and national Republican leaders encouraged Nixon to challenge incumbent Pat Brown for governor of California in the 1962 gubernatorial election.^[108] Despite initial reluctance, Nixon entered the race.^[108] The campaign was clouded by public suspicion that Nixon viewed the office as a stepping stone for another presidential run, some opposition from the far-right of the party, and his own lack of interest in being California's governor.^[108] Nixon hoped a successful run would confirm his status as the nation's leading active Republican politician, and ensure he remained a major player in national politics.^[115] Instead, he lost to Brown by more than five percentage points, and the defeat was widely believed to be the end of his political career.^[108]

In an impromptu concession speech the morning after the election, Nixon blamed the media for favoring his opponent, saying, "You won't have Nixon to kick around anymore because, gentlemen, this is my last press conference."^[116] The California defeat was highlighted in the November 11, 1962, episode of Howard K. Smith's ABC News show, Howard K. Smith: News and Comment, titled "The Political Obituary of Richard M. Nixon".^[117] Alger Hiss appeared on the program, and many members of the public complained that it was unseemly to give a convicted felon air time to attack a former vice president. The furor drove Smith and his program from the air,^[118] and public sympathy for Nixon grew.^[117]

In 1963 the Nixon family traveled to Europe, where Nixon gave press conferences and met with leaders of the countries he visited.

In 1964, Nixon won write-in votes in the primaries, and was considered a serious contender by both Gallup polls^[121][122] and members of the press.^[123] He was even placed on a primary ballot as an active candidate by Oregon's secretary of state.^[124] As late as two months before the 1964 Republican National Convention, however, Nixon fulfilled his promise to remain out of the presidential nomination process and instead endorsed Arizona senator Barry Goldwater, the eventual Republican nominee. When Goldwater won the nomination, Nixon was selected to introduce him at the convention. Nixon felt that Goldwater was unlikely to win, but campaigned for him loyally. In the 1964 general election, Goldwater lost in a landslide to Johnson and Republicans experienced heavy losses in Congress and among state governors.^[125]

Nixon was one of the few leading Republicans not blamed for the disastrous results, and he sought to build on that in the 1966 congressional elections in which he campaigned for many Republicans and sought to regain seats lost in the Johnson landslide. Nixon was credited with helping Republicans win major electoral gains that year.^[126]

In 1967, Nixon was approached by an associate at his firm in Leonard Garment about a case involving the press and perceived invasion of privacy. Garment suggested Nixon to argue on behalf of the Hill family in Time, Inc. v. Hill at the Supreme Court of the United States. Nixon studied strenuously in the months prior to the oral argument before the Court. While the final decision was in favor of Time Inc., Nixon was encouraged by the praise he received for his argument. It was the first and only case he argued in front of the Supreme Court.^[127][128]

At the end of 1967, Nixon told his family he planned to run for president a second time. Pat Nixon did not always enjoy public life,^[129] being embarrassed, for example, by the need to reveal how little the family owned in the Checkers speech.^[130] She still managed to be supportive of her husband's ambitions. Nixon believed that with the Democrats torn over the issue of the Vietnam War, a Republican had a good chance of winning, although he expected the election to be as close as in 1960.^[129]

An exceptionally tumultuous

Johnson's negotiators hoped to reach a truce in Vietnam, or at least a cessation of bombings. On October 22, 1968, candidate Nixon received information that Johnson was preparing a so-called "October surprise", abandoning three non-negotiable conditions for a bombing halt, to help elect Humphrey in the last days of the campaign.^[139] Whether the Nixon campaign interfered with negotiations between the Johnson administration and the South Vietnamese by engaging Anna Chennault, a fundraiser for the Republican party, remains a controversy.^[139] It is not clear whether the government of South Vietnam needed encouragement to opt out of a peace process they considered disadvantageous.^[140]

In a three-way race between Nixon, Humphrey, and American Independent Party candidate George Wallace, Nixon defeated Humphrey by only 500,000 votes, a margin almost as close as in 1960, with both elections seeing a gap of less than one percentage point of the popular vote. However, Nixon earned 301 electoral votes to 191 for Humphrey and 46 for Wallace, a majority.^[134][141] He became the first non-incumbent vice president to be elected president.^[142] In his victory speech, Nixon pledged that his administration would try to bring the divided nation together.^[143] Nixon said: "I have received a very gracious message from the Vice President, congratulating me for winning the election. I congratulated him for his gallant and courageous fight against great odds. I also told him that I know exactly how he felt. I know how it feels to lose a close one."^[144]

Nixon was inaugurated as president on January 20, 1969, sworn in by his onetime political rival, Chief Justice Earl Warren. Pat Nixon held the family Bibles open at Isaiah 2:4, which reads, "They shall beat their swords into plowshares, and their spears into pruning hooks." In his inaugural address, which received almost uniformly positive reviews, Nixon remarked that "the greatest honor history can bestow is the title of peacemaker"^[145]—a phrase that found a place on his gravestone.^[146] He spoke about turning partisan politics into a new age of unity:

In these difficult years, America has suffered from a fever of words; from inflated rhetoric that promises more than it can deliver; from angry rhetoric that fans discontents into hatreds; from bombastic rhetoric that postures instead of persuading. We cannot learn from one another until we stop shouting at one another, until we speak quietly enough so that our words can be heard as well as our voices.^[147]

President Nixon shakes hands with Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai upon arriving in Beijing, 1972

Nixon and Zhou Enlai toast during Nixon's 1972 visit to China

Nixon laid the groundwork for his overture to China before he became president, writing in Foreign Affairs a year before his election: "There is no place on this small planet for a billion of its potentially most able people to live in angry isolation."^[148] Among the reasons that Nixon sought to improve relations with China was in the hope of weakening the Soviet Union and decreasing China's support to the North in the Vietnam War.^[149] Nixon ultimately used the idea of gaining leverage against the Soviet Union through relations with China to obtain the support of key conservative figures including Barry Goldwater and Ronald Reagan.^[150]

Assisting him in pursuing relations with China was Henry Kissinger, Nixon's national security advisor and future secretary of state. They collaborated closely, bypassing Cabinet officials. With relations between the Soviet Union and China at a nadir—border clashes between the two took place during Nixon's first year in office—Nixon sent private word to the Chinese that he desired closer relations. A breakthrough came in early 1971, when Chinese Communist Party (CCP) chairman Mao Zedong invited a team of American table tennis players to visit China and play against top Chinese players. Nixon followed up by sending Kissinger to China for clandestine meetings with Chinese officials.^[148] On July 15, 1971, with announcements from Washington and Beijing, it was learned that the President would visit China the following February.^[151] The secrecy had allowed both sets of leaders time to prepare the political climate in their countries for the visit.^[152]

In February 1972, Nixon and his wife traveled to China after Kissinger briefed Nixon for over 40 hours in preparation.^[153] Upon touching down, the President and First Lady emerged from Air Force One and were greeted by Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai. Nixon made a point of shaking Zhou's hand, something which then-secretary of state John Foster Dulles had refused to do in 1954 when the two met in Geneva.^[154] More than a hundred television journalists accompanied the president. On Nixon's orders, television was strongly favored over printed publications, as Nixon felt that the medium would capture the visit much better than print. It also gave him the opportunity to snub the print journalists he despised.^[154]

Nixon and Kissinger immediately met for an hour with CCP Chairman Mao Zedong and Premier Zhou at Mao's official private residence, where they discussed a range of issues.^[155] Mao later told his doctor that he had been impressed by Nixon's forthrightness, unlike the leftists and the Soviets.^[155] He said he was suspicious of Kissinger,^[155] though the National Security Advisor referred to their meeting as his "encounter with history".^[154] A formal banquet welcoming the presidential party was given that evening in the Great Hall of the People. The following day, Nixon met with Zhou; the joint communique following this meeting recognized Taiwan as a part of China and looked forward to a peaceful solution to the problem of reunification.^[156] When not in meetings, Nixon toured architectural wonders, including the Forbidden City, the Ming tombs, and the Great Wall.^[154] Americans took their first glance into everyday Chinese life through the cameras that accompanied Pat Nixon, who toured the city of Beijing and visited communes, schools, factories, and hospitals.^[154]

The visit ushered in a new era of US–China relations.^[134] Fearing the possibility of a US–China alliance, the Soviet Union yielded to pressure for détente with the United States.^[157] This was one component of triangular diplomacy.^[158]

When Nixon took office, about 300 American soldiers were dying each week in Vietnam,^[159] and the war was widely unpopular in the United States, the subject of ongoing violent protests. The Johnson administration had offered to suspend bombing unconditionally in exchange for negotiations, but to no avail. According to Walter Isaacson, Nixon concluded soon after taking office that the Vietnam War could not be won, and he was determined to end it quickly.^[160] He sought an arrangement that would permit American forces to withdraw while leaving South Vietnam secure against attack.^[161]

Nixon approved a secret B-52 carpet bombing campaign of North Vietnamese and Khmer Rouge positions in Cambodia beginning in March 1969 and code-named Operation Menu, without the consent of Cambodian leader Norodom Sihanouk.^{[162][163][164]} In mid-1969, Nixon began efforts to negotiate peace with the North Vietnamese, sending a personal letter to their leaders, and peace talks began in Paris. Initial talks did not result in an agreement,^[165] and in May 1969 he publicly proposed to withdraw all American troops from South Vietnam provided North Vietnam did so, and suggesting South Vietnam hold internationally supervised elections with Viet Cong participation.^[166]

In July 1969, Nixon visited South Vietnam, where he met with his U.S. military commanders and President Nguyễn Văn Thiệu. Amid protests at home demanding an immediate pullout, he implemented a strategy of replacing American troops with Vietnamese troops, known as "Vietnamization".^[134] He soon instituted phased U.S. troop withdrawals,^[167] but also authorized incursions into Laos, in part to interrupt the Ho Chi Minh trail passing through Laos and Cambodia and used to supply North Vietnamese forces. In March 1970, at the explicit request of the Khmer Rouge and negotiated by Pol Pot's then-second-in-command, Nuon Chea, North Vietnamese troops launched an offensive and overran much of Cambodia.^[168] Nixon announced the ground invasion of Cambodia on April 30, 1970, against North Vietnamese bases in the east of the country,^[169] and further protests erupted against perceived expansion of the conflict, which resulted in Ohio National Guardsmen killing four unarmed students at Kent State University.^[170] Nixon's responses to protesters included an impromptu, early morning meeting with them at the Lincoln Memorial on May 9, 1970.^{[171][172][173]} Nixon's campaign promise to curb the war, contrasted with the escalated bombing, led to claims that Nixon had a "credibility gap" on the issue.^[167] It is estimated that between 50,000 and 150,000 people were killed during the bombing of Cambodia between 1970 and 1973.^[163]

In 1971, excerpts from the "Pentagon Papers", which had been leaked by Daniel Ellsberg, were published by The New York Times and The Washington Post. When news of the leak first appeared, Nixon was inclined to do nothing; the Papers, a history of United States' involvement in Vietnam, mostly concerned the lies of prior administrations and contained few real revelations. He was persuaded by Kissinger that the Papers were more harmful than they appeared, and the President tried to prevent publication, but the Supreme Court ruled in favor of the newspapers.^[174]

As U.S. troop withdrawals continued,

Nixon had been a firm supporter of Kennedy during the 1961

The election of Marxist candidate Salvador Allende as President of Chile in September 1970 spurred a vigorous campaign of covert opposition to him by Nixon and Kissinger.^[179]: 25 This began by trying to convince the Chilean congress to confirm Jorge Alessandri as the winner of the election, and then messages to military officers in support of a coup.^[179] Other support included strikes organized against Allende and funding for Allende opponents. It was even alleged that "Nixon personally authorized" $700,000 in covert funds to print anti-Allende messages in a prominent Chilean newspaper.^[179]: 93 Following an extended period of social, political, and economic unrest, General Augusto Pinochet assumed power in a violent coup d'état on September 11, 1973; among the dead was Allende.^[180]

Nixon used the improving international environment to address the topic of nuclear peace. Following the announcement of his visit to China, the Nixon administration concluded negotiations for him to visit the Soviet Union. The President and First Lady arrived in Moscow on May 22, 1972, and met with Leonid Brezhnev, the general secretary of the Communist Party; Alexei Kosygin, the Chairman of the Council of Ministers; and Nikolai Podgorny, the Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet, among other leading Soviet officials.^[181]

Nixon engaged in intense negotiations with Brezhnev.

Nixon and Kissinger planned to link arms control to détente and to the resolution of other urgent problems through what Nixon called "linkage." David Tal argues:

The linkage between strategic arms limitations and outstanding issues such as the Middle East, Berlin and, foremost, Vietnam thus became central to Nixon's and Kissinger's policy of détente. Through the employment of linkage, they hoped to change the nature and course of U.S. foreign policy, including U.S. nuclear disarmament and arms control policy, and to separate them from those practiced by Nixon's predecessors. They also intended, through linkage, to make U.S. arms control policy part of détente ... His policy of linkage had in fact failed. It failed mainly because it was based on flawed assumptions and false premises, the foremost of which was that the Soviet Union wanted strategic arms limitation agreement much more than the United States did.^[182]

Seeking to foster better relations with the United States, China and the Soviet Union both cut back on their diplomatic support for North Vietnam and advised Hanoi to come to terms militarily.^[183] Nixon later described his strategy:

I had long believed that an indispensable element of any successful peace initiative in Vietnam was to enlist, if possible, the help of the Soviets and the Chinese. Though rapprochement with China and détente with the Soviet Union were ends in themselves, I also considered them possible means to hasten the end of the war. At worst, Hanoi was bound to feel less confident if Washington was dealing with Moscow and Beijing. At best, if the two major Communist powers decided that they had bigger fish to fry, Hanoi would be pressured into negotiating a settlement we could accept.^[184]

In 1973, Nixon encouraged the

As part of the Nixon Doctrine, the U.S. avoided giving direct combat assistance to its allies and instead gave them assistance to defend themselves. During the Nixon administration, the U.S. greatly increased arms sales to the Middle East, particularly Israel, Iran and Saudi Arabia.^[191] The Nixon administration strongly supported Israel, an American ally in the Middle East, but the support was not unconditional. Nixon believed Israel should make peace with its Arab neighbors and that the U.S. should encourage it. The president believed that—except during the Suez Crisis—the U.S. had failed to intervene with Israel, and should use the leverage of the large U.S. military aid to Israel to urge the parties to the negotiating table. The Arab-Israeli conflict was not a major focus of Nixon's attention during his first term—for one thing, he felt that no matter what he did, American Jews would oppose his reelection.^[a]

On October 6, 1973, an Arab coalition led by Egypt and Syria, supported with arms and materiel by the Soviet Union, attacked Israel in the Yom Kippur War. Israel suffered heavy losses and Nixon ordered an airlift to resupply Israeli losses, cutting through inter-departmental squabbles and bureaucracy and taking personal responsibility for any response by Arab nations. More than a week later, by the time the U.S. and Soviet Union began negotiating a truce, Israel had penetrated deep into enemy territory. The truce negotiations rapidly escalated into a superpower crisis; when Israel gained the upper hand, Egyptian president Sadat requested a joint U.S.–USSR peacekeeping mission, which the U.S. refused. When Soviet Premier Brezhnev threatened to unilaterally enforce any peacekeeping mission militarily, Nixon ordered the U.S. military to DEFCON3,^[192] placing all U.S. military personnel and bases on alert for nuclear war. This was the closest the world had come to nuclear war since the Cuban Missile Crisis. Brezhnev backed down as a result of Nixon's actions.^[193]

Because Israel's victory was largely due to U.S. support, the Arab OPEC nations retaliated by refusing to sell crude oil to the U.S., resulting in the 1973 oil crisis.^[194] The embargo caused gasoline shortages and rationing in the United States in late 1973, and was eventually ended by the oil-producing nations as peace in the Middle East took hold.^[195]

After the war, and under Nixon's presidency, the U.S. reestablished relations with Egypt for the first time since 1967. Nixon used the Middle East crisis to restart the stalled Middle East Peace Negotiations; he wrote in a confidential memo to Kissinger on October 20:

I believe that, beyond a doubt, we are now facing the best opportunity we have had in 15 years to build a lasting peace in the Middle East. I am convinced history will hold us responsible if we let this opportunity slip by ... I now consider a permanent Middle East settlement to be the most important final goal to which we must devote ourselves.^[196]

Nixon made one of his final international visits as president to the Middle East in June 1974, and became the first president to visit Israel.^[197]

At the time Nixon took office in 1969, inflation was at 4.7 percent—its highest rate since the Korean War. The Great Society had been enacted under Johnson, which, together with the Vietnam War costs, was causing large budget deficits. Unemployment was low, but interest rates were at their highest in a century.^[198] Nixon's major economic goal was to reduce inflation; the most obvious means of doing so was to end the war.^[198] This could not be accomplished overnight, and the U.S. economy continued to struggle through 1970, contributing to a lackluster Republican performance in the midterm congressional elections (Democrats controlled both Houses of Congress throughout Nixon's presidency).^[199] According to political economist Nigel Bowles in his 2011 study of Nixon's economic record, the new president did little to alter Johnson's policies through the first year of his presidency.^[200]

Nixon was far more interested in foreign affairs than domestic policies, but he believed that voters tend to focus on their own financial condition and that economic conditions were a threat to his reelection. As part of his "New Federalism" views, he proposed grants to the states, but these proposals were for the most part lost in the congressional budget process. However, Nixon gained political credit for advocating them.^[199] In 1970, Congress had granted the president the power to impose wage and price freezes, though the Democratic majorities, knowing Nixon had opposed such controls throughout his career, did not expect Nixon to actually use the authority.^[200] With inflation unresolved by August 1971, and an election year looming, Nixon convened a summit of his economic advisers at Camp David. Nixon's options were to limit fiscal and monetary expansionist policies that reduced unemployment or end the dollar's fixed exchange rate; Nixon's dilemma has been cited as an example of the Impossible trinity in international economics.^[201][202] He then announced temporary wage and price controls, allowed the dollar to float against other currencies, and ended the convertibility of the dollar into gold.^[203] Bowles points out,

by identifying himself with a policy whose purpose was inflation's defeat, Nixon made it difficult for Democratic opponents ... to criticize him. His opponents could offer no alternative policy that was either plausible or believable since the one they favored was one they had designed but which the president had appropriated for himself.^[200]

Nixon's policies dampened inflation through 1972, although their aftereffects contributed to inflation during his second term and into the Ford administration.^[203] Nixon's decision to end the gold standard in the United States led to the collapse of the Bretton Woods system. According to Thomas Oatley, "the Bretton Woods system collapsed so that Nixon might win the 1972 presidential election."^[201]

After Nixon won re-election, inflation was returning.

Nixon advocated a "New Federalism", which would devolve power to state and local elected officials, though Congress was hostile to these ideas and enacted few of them.^[205] He eliminated the Cabinet-level United States Post Office Department, which in 1971 became the government-run United States Postal Service.^[206]

Nixon was a late supporter of the

In 1971, Nixon proposed health insurance reform—a private health insurance employer mandate,[b] federalization of Medicaid for poor families with dependent minor children,^[210] and support for health maintenance organizations (HMOs).^[211] A limited HMO bill was enacted in 1973.^[211] In 1974, Nixon proposed more comprehensive health insurance reform—a private health insurance employer mandate^[b] and replacement of Medicaid by state-run health insurance plans available to all, with income-based premiums and cost sharing.^[212]

Nixon was concerned about the prevalence of domestic drug use in addition to drug use among American soldiers in Vietnam. He called for a war on drugs and pledged to cut off sources of supply abroad. He also increased funds for education and for rehabilitation facilities.^[213]

As one policy initiative, Nixon called for more money for

Some scholars, such as James Morton Turner and John Isenberg, believe that Nixon, who had advocated for civil rights in his 1960 campaign, slowed down desegregation as president, appealing to the racial conservatism of Southern whites, who were angered by the civil rights movement. This, he hoped, would boost his election chances in 1972.^[221][222]

In addition to desegregating public schools, Nixon implemented the

After a nearly decade-long national effort, the United States won the race to land astronauts on the Moon on July 20, 1969, with the flight of Apollo 11. Nixon spoke with Neil Armstrong and Buzz Aldrin during their moonwalk. He called the conversation "the most historic phone call ever made from the White House".^[227]

Nixon was unwilling to keep funding for the

Nixon believed his rise to power had peaked at a moment of

Nixon entered his name on the New Hampshire primary ballot on January 5, 1972, effectively announcing his candidacy for reelection.[233] Virtually assured the Republican nomination,^[234] the President had initially expected his Democratic opponent to be Massachusetts senator Edward M. Kennedy (brother of the late president), who was largely removed from contention after the July 1969 Chappaquiddick incident.^[235] Instead, Maine senator Edmund Muskie became the front runner, with South Dakota senator George McGovern in a close second place.^[233]

On June 10, McGovern won the California primary and secured the Democratic nomination.

The term Watergate has come to encompass an array of clandestine and often illegal activities undertaken by members of the Nixon administration. Those activities included "dirty tricks", such as bugging the offices of political opponents, and the harassment of activist groups and political figures. The activities were brought to light after five men were caught breaking into the Democratic party headquarters at the

In July 1973, White House aide Alexander Butterfield testified under oath to Congress that Nixon had a secret taping system and recorded his conversations and phone calls in the Oval Office. These tapes were subpoenaed by Watergate Special Counsel Archibald Cox; Nixon provided transcripts of the conversations but not the actual tapes, citing executive privilege. With the White House and Cox at loggerheads, Nixon had Cox fired in October in the "Saturday Night Massacre"; he was replaced by Leon Jaworski. In November, Nixon's lawyers revealed that a tape of conversations held in the White House on June 20, 1972, had an 18+1⁄2 minute gap.^[243] Rose Mary Woods, the President's personal secretary, claimed responsibility for the gap, saying that she had accidentally wiped the section while transcribing the tape, but her story was widely mocked. The gap, while not conclusive proof of wrongdoing by the President, cast doubt on Nixon's statement that he had been unaware of the cover-up.^[244]

Though Nixon lost much popular support, even from his own party, he rejected accusations of wrongdoing and vowed to stay in office.

On November 17, 1973, during a televised question-and-answer session[249] with 400 Associated Press managing editors, Nixon said, "People have got to know whether or not their president is a crook. Well, I'm not a crook. I've earned everything I've got."^[250]

The legal battle over the tapes continued through early 1974, and in April Nixon announced the release of 1,200 pages of transcripts of White House conversations between himself and his aides. The

The scandal grew to involve a slew of additional allegations against the President, ranging from the improper use of government agencies to accepting gifts in office and his personal finances and taxes; Nixon repeatedly stated his willingness to pay any outstanding taxes due, and later paid $465,000 (equivalent to $2.9 million in 2023) in back taxes in 1974.[252]

Even with support diminished by the continuing series of revelations, Nixon hoped to fight the charges. But one of the new tapes, recorded soon after the break-in, demonstrated that Nixon had been told of the White House connection to the Watergate burglaries soon after they took place, and had approved plans to thwart the investigation. In a statement accompanying the release of what became known as

In light of his loss of political support and the near-certainty that he would be impeached and removed from office, Nixon resigned the presidency on August 9, 1974, after addressing the nation on television the previous evening.^[245] The resignation speech was delivered from the Oval Office and was carried live on radio and television. Nixon said he was resigning for the good of the country and asked the nation to support the new president, Gerald Ford. Nixon went on to review the accomplishments of his presidency, especially in foreign policy.^[255] He defended his record as president, quoting from Theodore Roosevelt's 1910 speech Citizenship in a Republic:

Sometimes I have succeeded and sometimes I have failed, but always I have taken heart from what Theodore Roosevelt once said about the man in the arena, "whose face is marred by dust and sweat and blood, who strives valiantly, who errs and comes up short again and again because there is not effort without error and shortcoming, but who does actually strive to do the deed, who knows the great enthusiasms, the great devotions, who spends himself in a worthy cause, who at the best knows in the end the triumphs of high achievements and who at the worst, if he fails, at least fails while daring greatly".^[256]

Nixon's speech received generally favorable initial responses from network commentators, with only Roger Mudd of CBS stating that Nixon had not admitted wrongdoing.^[257] It was termed "a masterpiece" by Conrad Black, one of his biographers. Black opined that "What was intended to be an unprecedented humiliation for any American president, Nixon converted into a virtual parliamentary acknowledgement of almost blameless insufficiency of legislative support to continue. He left while devoting half his address to a recitation of his accomplishments in office."^[258]

Following his resignation, the Nixons flew to their home La Casa Pacifica in San Clemente, California.^[259] According to his biographer, Jonathan Aitken, "Nixon was a soul in torment" after his resignation.^[260] Congress had funded Nixon's transition costs, including some salary expenses, though reducing the appropriation from $850,000 to $200,000. With some of his staff still with him, Nixon was at his desk by 7:00 a.m. with little to do.^[260] His former press secretary, Ron Ziegler, sat with him alone for hours each day.^[261]

Nixon's resignation had not put an end to the desire among many to see him punished. The Ford White House considered a pardon of Nixon, even though it would be unpopular in the country. Nixon, contacted by Ford emissaries, was initially reluctant to accept the pardon, but then agreed to do so. Ford insisted on a statement of contrition, but Nixon felt he had not committed any crimes and should not have to issue such a document. Ford eventually agreed and, on September 8, 1974, he granted Nixon a "full, free, and absolute pardon", which ended any possibility of an indictment. Nixon then released a statement:

I was wrong in not acting more decisively and more forthrightly in dealing with Watergate, particularly when it reached the stage of judicial proceedings and grew from a political scandal into a national tragedy. No words can describe the depth of my regret and pain at the anguish my mistakes over Watergate have caused the nation and the presidency, a nation I so deeply love, and an institution I so greatly respect.^[262][263]

In October 1974, Nixon fell ill with phlebitis. Told by his doctors that he could either be operated on or die, a reluctant Nixon chose surgery, and President Ford visited him in the hospital. Nixon was under subpoena for the trial of three of his former aides—Dean, Haldeman, and John Ehrlichman—and The Washington Post, disbelieving his illness, printed a cartoon showing Nixon with a cast on the "wrong foot". Judge John Sirica excused Nixon's presence despite the defendants' objections.^[264] Congress instructed Ford to retain Nixon's presidential papers—beginning a three-decade legal battle over the documents that was eventually won by the former president and his estate.^[265] Nixon was in the hospital when the 1974 midterm elections were held, and Watergate and the pardon were contributing factors to the Republican loss of 49 seats in the House and four in the Senate.^[266]

In December 1974, Nixon began planning his comeback despite the considerable ill will against him in the country. He wrote in his diary, referring to himself and Pat,

So be it. We will see it through. We've had tough times before and we can take the tougher ones that we will have to go through now. That is perhaps what we were made for—to be able to take punishment beyond what anyone in this office has had before particularly after leaving office. This is a test of character and we must not fail the test.^[267]

By early 1975, Nixon's health was improving. He maintained an office in a Coast Guard station 300 yards (270 m) from his home, at first taking a golf cart and later walking the route each day; he mainly worked on his memoirs.^[268] He had hoped to wait before writing his memoirs; the fact that his assets were being eaten away by expenses and lawyer fees compelled him to begin work quickly.^[269] He was handicapped in this work by the end of his transition allowance in February, which compelled him to part with many of his staff, including Ziegler.^[270] In August of that year, he met with British talk-show host and producer David Frost, who paid him $600,000 (equivalent to $3.4 million in 2023) for a series of sit-down interviews, filmed and aired in 1977.^[271] They began on the topic of foreign policy, recounting the leaders he had known, but the most remembered section of the interviews was that on Watergate. Nixon admitted he had "let down the country" and that "I brought myself down. I gave them a sword and they stuck it in. And they twisted it with relish. And, I guess, if I'd been in their position, I'd have done the same thing."^[272] The interviews garnered 45–50 million viewers—becoming the most-watched program of its kind in television history.^[273]

The interviews helped improve Nixon's financial position—at one point in early 1975 he had only $500 in the bank—as did the sale of his Key Biscayne property to a trust set up by wealthy friends of Nixon, such as

[Some people] felt that on this matter that I had not handled it properly, and they were right. I screwed it up and I paid the price.[278]^[279]

In 1978, Nixon published his memoirs, RN: The Memoirs of Richard Nixon, the first of nine books he was to author in his retirement.^[259] John A. Farrell deemed it one of the better presidential memoirs, candid and capturing its author's voice; he deemed its rise up the bestseller lists justified.^[280] Nixon visited the White House in 1979, invited by Carter for the state dinner for Chinese Vice Premier Deng Xiaoping. Carter had not wanted to invite Nixon, but Deng had said he would visit Nixon in California if the former president was not invited. Nixon had a private meeting with Deng and visited Beijing again in mid-1979.^[281]

On August 10, 1979, the Nixons purchased a 12‐room condominium occupying the seventh floor of 817

Throughout the 1980s, Nixon maintained an ambitious schedule of speaking engagements and writing,[259] traveled, and met with many foreign leaders, especially those of Third World countries. He joined former presidents Ford and Carter as representatives of the United States at the funeral of Egyptian president Anwar Sadat.^[259] On a trip to the Middle East, Nixon made his views known regarding Saudi Arabia and Libya, which attracted significant U.S. media attention; The Washington Post ran stories on Nixon's "rehabilitation".^[287] Nixon visited the Soviet Union in 1986 and on his return sent President Reagan a lengthy memorandum containing foreign policy suggestions and his personal impressions of Soviet general secretary Mikhail Gorbachev.^[259] Following this trip, Nixon was ranked in a Gallup poll as one of the ten most admired men in the world.^[288]

In 1986, Nixon addressed a convention of newspaper publishers, impressing his audience with his tour d'horizon of the world.^[289] At the time, political pundit Elizabeth Drew wrote, "Even when he was wrong, Nixon still showed that he knew a great deal and had a capacious memory, as well as the capacity to speak with apparent authority, enough to impress people who had little regard for him in earlier times."^[289] Newsweek ran a story on "Nixon's comeback" with the headline "He's back".^[290]

On July 19, 1990, the Richard Nixon Library and Birthplace in Yorba Linda, California, opened as a private institution with the Nixons in attendance. They were joined by a large crowd of people, including Presidents Ford, Reagan, and George H. W. Bush, as well as their wives, Betty, Nancy, and Barbara.^[291] In January 1994, the former president founded the Nixon Center (today the Center for the National Interest), a Washington policy think tank and conference center.^[292][293]

Pat Nixon died on June 22, 1993, of emphysema and lung cancer. Her funeral services were held on the grounds of the Richard Nixon Library and Birthplace. Former president Nixon was distraught throughout the interment and delivered a tribute to her inside the library building.^[294]

Nixon suffered a severe stroke on April 18, 1994, while preparing to eat dinner in his home at Park Ridge, New Jersey.^[295] A blood clot resulting from the atrial fibrillation he had suffered for many years had formed in his upper heart, broken off, and traveled to his brain.^[296] He was taken to NewYork-Presbyterian Hospital in Manhattan, initially alert but unable to speak or to move his right arm or leg.^[295] Damage to the brain caused swelling (cerebral edema), and Nixon slipped into a deep coma. He died at 9:08 p.m. on April 22, 1994, with his daughters at his bedside. He was 81 years old.^[295]

Nixon's funeral took place on April 27, 1994, in Yorba Linda, California. Eulogists at the Nixon Library ceremony included President Bill Clinton, former secretary of state Henry Kissinger, Senate Minority Leader Bob Dole, California governor Pete Wilson, and the Reverend Billy Graham. Also in attendance were former presidents Ford, Carter, Reagan, George H. W. Bush, and their wives.^[297]

Richard Nixon was buried beside his wife Pat on the grounds of the Nixon Library. He was survived by his two daughters,

John F. Stacks of Time magazine said of Nixon shortly after his death,

An outsize energy and determination drove him on to recover and rebuild after every self-created disaster that he faced. To reclaim a respected place in American public life after his resignation, he kept traveling and thinking and talking to the world's leaders ... and by the time Bill Clinton came to the White House [in 1993], Nixon had virtually cemented his role as an elder statesman. Clinton, whose wife served on the staff of the committee that voted to impeach Nixon, met openly with him and regularly sought his advice.^[301]

Richard Nixon's jowly, beard-shadowed face, the ski-jump nose and the widow's peak, the arms upstretched in the V-sign, had been so often pictured and caricatured, his presence had become such a familiar one in the land, he had been so often in the heat of controversy, that it was hard to realize the nation really would not "have Nixon to kick around anymore".^[302]

Ambrose said of the reaction to Nixon's death, "To everyone's amazement, except his, he's our beloved elder statesman."^[303]

Upon Nixon's death, the news coverage mentioned Watergate and the resignation but much of the coverage was favorable to the former president. The Dallas Morning News stated, "History ultimately should show that despite his flaws, he was one of our most farsighted chief executives."^[304] This offended some; columnist Russell Baker complained of "a group conspiracy to grant him absolution".^[305] Cartoonist Jeff Koterba of the Omaha World-Herald depicted History before a blank canvas, his subject Nixon, as America looks on eagerly. The artist urges his audience to sit down; the work will take some time to complete, as "this portrait is a little more complicated than most".^[306] Hunter S. Thompson wrote a scathing piece denouncing Nixon for Rolling Stone, entitled "He Was a Crook" (which also appeared a month later in The Atlantic).^[307] In his article, Thompson described Nixon as "a political monster straight out of Grendel and a very dangerous enemy".^[307]

Historian and political scientist James MacGregor Burns asked of Nixon, "How can one evaluate such an idiosyncratic president, so brilliant and so morally lacking?"^[308] Evaluations of his presidency have proven complex, contrasting his presidency's domestic and foreign policy successes with the acrimonious circumstances of his departure.^[308] According to Ambrose, "Nixon wanted to be judged by what he accomplished. What he will be remembered for is the nightmare he put the country through in his second term and for his resignation."^[309] Irwin Gellman, who chronicled Nixon's congressional career, suggests, "He was remarkable among his congressional peers, a success story in a troubled era, one who steered a sensible anti-Communist course against the excess of McCarthy."^[310] Aitken feels that "Nixon, both as a man and as a statesman, has been excessively maligned for his faults and inadequately recognised for his virtues. Yet even in a spirit of historical revisionism, no simple verdict is possible."^[311]

Nixon saw his policies on Vietnam, China, and the Soviet Union as central to his place in history.^[191] Nixon's onetime opponent George McGovern commented in 1983, "President Nixon probably had a more practical approach to the two superpowers, China and the Soviet Union, than any other president since World War II ... With the exception of his inexcusable continuation of the war in Vietnam, Nixon really will get high marks in history."^[312] Political scientist Jussi Hanhimäki disagrees, saying that Nixon's diplomacy was merely a continuation of the Cold War policy of containment by diplomatic, rather than military, means.^[191] Historian Christopher Andrew concludes that "Nixon was a great statesman on the world stage as well as a shabby practitioner of electoral politics in the domestic arena. While the criminal farce of Watergate was in the making, Nixon's inspirational statesmanship was establishing new working relationships both with Communist China and with the Soviet Union."^[313]

Nixon's stance on domestic affairs has been credited with the passage and enforcement of environmental and regulatory legislation. In a 2011 paper on Nixon and the environment, historian Paul Charles Milazzo points to Nixon's creation of the

Historian Keith W. Olson has written that Nixon left a legacy of fundamental mistrust of government, rooted in Vietnam and Watergate.^[316] During the impeachment of Bill Clinton in 1998, both sides tried to use Nixon and Watergate to their advantage: Republicans suggested that Clinton's misconduct was comparable to Nixon's, while Democrats contended that Nixon's actions had been far more serious than Clinton's.^[317] For a time, there was a decrease in the power of the presidency as Congress passed restrictive legislation in the wake of Watergate. Olson suggests that legislation in the aftermath of the September 11 attacks restored the president's power.^[316]

According to his biographer Herbert Parmet, "Nixon's role was to steer the Republican party along a middle course, somewhere between the competitive impulses of the Rockefellers, the Goldwaters, and the Reagans."^[318]

Nixon's career was frequently dogged by his persona and the public's perception of it. Editorial cartoonists and comedians often exaggerated his appearance and mannerisms, to the point where the line between the human and the caricature became increasingly blurred. He was often portrayed with unshaven jowls, slumped shoulders, and a furrowed, sweaty brow.^[319]

Nixon had a complex personality, both very secretive and awkward, yet strikingly reflective about himself. He was inclined to distance himself from people and was formal in all aspects, wearing a coat and tie even when home alone.^[320] Nixon biographer Conrad Black described him as being "driven" though also "uneasy with himself in some ways".^[321] According to Black, Nixon

thought that he was doomed to be traduced, double-crossed, unjustly harassed, misunderstood, underappreciated, and subjected to the trials of Job, but that by the application of his mighty will, tenacity, and diligence, he would ultimately prevail.^[322]

Nixon sometimes drank alcohol to excess, especially during 1970. He also was prescribed sleeping pills. According to

Biographer Elizabeth Drew summarized Nixon as a "smart, talented man, but most peculiar and haunted of presidents".^[326] In his account of the Nixon presidency, author Richard Reeves described Nixon as "a strange man of uncomfortable shyness, who functioned best alone with his thoughts".^[327] Nixon's presidency was doomed by his personality, Reeves argues:

He assumed the worst in people and he brought out the worst in them ... He clung to the idea of being "tough". He thought that was what had brought him to the edge of greatness. But that was what betrayed him. He could not open himself to other men and he could not open himself to greatness.^[328]

In October 1999, a volume of 1971 White House audio tapes was released which contained multiple statements by Nixon deemed derogatory toward Jews.^[329] In one conversation with H. R. Haldeman, Nixon said that Washington was "full of Jews" and that "most Jews are disloyal", making exceptions for some of his top aides.^[330] He then added, "But, Bob, generally speaking, you can't trust the bastards. They turn on you. Am I wrong or right?"^[330] Elsewhere on the 1971 recordings, Nixon denies being antisemitic, saying, "If anybody who's been in this chair ever had reason to be antisemitic, I did ... And I'm not, you know what I mean?"^[330]

Nixon believed that putting distance between himself and other people was necessary for him as he advanced in his political career and became president. Even Bebe Rebozo, by some accounts his closest friend, did not call him by his first name. Nixon said of this,

Even with close friends, I don't believe in letting your hair down, confiding this and that and the other thing—saying, "Gee, I couldn't sleep ..." I believe you should keep your troubles to yourself. That's just the way I am. Some people are different. Some people think it's good therapy to sit with a close friend and, you know, just spill your guts ... [and] reveal their inner psyche—whether they were breast-fed or bottle-fed. Not me. No way.^[331]

When Nixon was told that most Americans felt they did not know him even at the end of his career, he replied, "Yeah, it's true. And it's not necessary for them to know."^[331]

• Nixon, Richard M. (1960).
  ISBN 978-0-385-00125-0
  .
• Nixon, Richard M. (1978). RN: The Memoirs of Richard Nixon, Simon & Schuster,
  ISBN 978-0-671-70741-5
  .
• Nixon, Richard M. (1980). The Real War, Sidgwick & Jackson Ltd.
  ISBN 978-0-283-98650-5
  .
• Nixon, Richard M. (1982). Leaders, Random House
  ISBN 978-0-446-51249-7
  .
• Nixon, Richard M. (1984). Real Peace, Sidgwick & Jackson Ltd.
  ISBN 978-0-283-99076-2
  .

External videos
Part One of Booknotes interview with Nixon on Seize the Moment, February 23, 1992
Part Two of Booknotes interview, March 1, 1992

• Nixon, Richard M. (1987). No More Vietnams, Arbor House Publishing.
  ISBN 978-0-87795-668-6
  .
• Nixon, Richard M. (1988). 1999: Victory Without War, Simon & Schuster.
  ISBN 978-0-671-62712-6
  .
• Nixon, Richard M. (1990). In the Arena: A Memoir of Victory, Defeat, and Renewal, Simon & Schuster.
  ISBN 978-0-671-72318-7
  .
• Nixon, Richard M. (1992). Seize the Moment: America's Challenge in a One-Superpower World, Simon & Schuster.
  ISBN 978-0-671-74343-7
  .
• Nixon, Richard M. (1994). Beyond Peace, Random House.
  ISBN 978-0-679-43323-1
  .

See also

• Cultural depictions of Richard Nixon
• Electoral history of Richard Nixon
• Nixon (film)
• Presidential transition of Richard Nixon

Notes

1. ^ Black, pp. 583–585. In 1972, Nixon did more than double his percentage of the Jewish vote, from 17 percent to 35 percent. Merkley, p. 68.
2. ^ ^{a b} Voluntary for employees
3. ^ See especially page 2 (after introductory material) in which a bar graph displays NHLBI funding for sickle cell research from FY 1972 through FY 2001, totaling $923 million for these thirty years, starting at $10 million for 1972, then about $15 million a year through 1976, about $20 million for 1977, etc.

References

Citations

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3. ^ NPS, Nixon Birthplace.
4. ^ Ferris, p. 209.
5. ^ Reitwiesner, William Addams. "The Ancestors of Senator John Forbes Kerry (b. 1943)". Archived from the original on April 27, 2019. Retrieved August 31, 2016.
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7. ^ Aitken, p. 11.
8. ^ Aitken, p. 12.
9. ^ Aitken, p. 21.
10. ^ Ambrose 1987, p. 41.
11. ^ Aitken, p. 27.
12. ^ Ambrose 1987, pp. 56–57.
13. ^ Black, p. 16.
14. ^ Morris, p. 89.
15. ^ Black, pp. 17–19.
16. ^ Morris, p. 91.
17. ^ Morris, p. 92.
18. ^ ^{a b} Aitken, p. 28.
19. ^ Black, pp. 20–23.
20. ^ Black, pp. 23–24.
21. ^ Gellman, p. 15.
22. ^ Black, pp. 24–25.
23. ^ Ambrose 1987, p. 61.
24. ^ Aitken, pp. 58–63.
25. ^ ^{a b c d e} Nixon Library, Student & Sailor.
26. ^ "Richard M. Nixon's '34 100th birthday celebrated". Whittier College. January 9, 2013. Retrieved March 29, 2024.
27. ^ ^{a b} Ambrose 1987, pp. 33–34.
28. ^ Aitken, p. 67.
29. ^ Parmet, p. 81.
30. ^ Nixon Library, Family Collection Guide.
31. ^ Aitken, p. 76.
32. ^ Aitken, pp. 79–82.
33. ^ ^{a b} Morris, p. 193.
34. ^ Black, p. 44.
35. ^ Black, p. 43.
36. ^ Nixon 1978, p. 23.
37. ^ Farrell, pp. 385–393.
38. ^ Farrell, pp. 37, 402.
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47. ^ ^{a b} Armstrong, p. 81.
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50. ^ Nixon 1978, p. 33.
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53. ^ ^{a b} Parmet, pp. 91–96.
54. ^ ^{a b} Gellman, pp. 27–28.
55. ^ Aitken, p. 114.
56. ^ Parmet, pp. 111–113.
57. ^ Gellman, p. 82.
58. ^ "Final Report on Foreign Aid of the House Select Committee on Foreign Aid" (PDF). Marshall Foundation. May 1, 1948. Archived (PDF) from the original on December 21, 2015. Retrieved May 30, 2020.
59. ^ Gellman, pp. 105–107, 125–126.
60. ^ Morris, p. 365.
61. ^ Cronin, John Francis (October 29, 1945). "The Problem of American Communism in 1945: Facts and Recommendations" (PDF). A Confidential Study for Private Circulation. Archived (PDF) from the original on May 14, 2013. Retrieved July 26, 2017.
62. ^
    ISBN 978-1-4767-4588-6
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63. ^ Nixon 1978, Running for Congress: 1946.
64. ^ "Timeline". Nixon Library. Archived from the original on April 3, 2017. Retrieved April 2, 2017.
65. ^ Black, pp. 129–135.
66. ^ Gellman, pp. 239–241.
67. ^ Morris, p. 381.
68. ^ Nixon Library, Congressman.
69. ^ Gellman, p. 282.
70. ^ Morris, p. 535.
71. ^ Gellman, pp. 296–297.
72. ^ Gellman, p. 304.
73. ^ Gellman, p. 310.
74. ^ Morris, p. 581.
75. ^ Gellman, p. 335.
76. ^ Gellman, p. 303.
77. ^ ^{a b} Nixon Library, Senator.
78. ^ Ambrose 1987, pp. 211, 311–312.
79. ^ ^{a b} Black, p. 178.
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• Nixon, Richard (August 8, 1974). "President Nixon's Resignation Speech". Character Above All. Public Broadcasting Service. Archived from the original on July 18, 2011. Retrieved July 15, 2011.
• "The Nixon Visit (February 21–28, 1972)". American Experience. Public Broadcasting Service. Retrieved July 17, 2011.
• "Richard M. Nixon, Domestic Politics". American Experience. Public Broadcasting Service. Archived from the original on May 23, 2012. Retrieved May 11, 2012.
• Sabia, Joseph J. (May 31, 2004). "Why Richard Nixon Deserves to Be Remembered Along with Brown". History News Network. Retrieved May 11, 2012.
• "Kennedy Wins 1960 Presidential Election". 1960 Year In Review. United Press International. Retrieved July 17, 2011.
• "1968 Presidential Election". 1968 Year in Review. United Press International. Retrieved July 16, 2011.
• "Nixon Becomes President". 1969 Year in Review. United Press International. Retrieved July 16, 2011.
• "Postage rates for periodicals: A narrative history" (PDF). United States Postal Service. Archived from the original (PDF) on July 30, 2013. Retrieved August 6, 2011.
• Office of the Federal Register (1999). "New Actions To Prevent Illnesses And Accidents". Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States, Richard Nixon, 1971. National Archives and Records Service.
  ISBN 978-0-16-058863-1
  .
• "Statement on Signing the National Sickle Cell Anemia Control Act". The American Presidency Project. University of California, Santa Barbara. May 16, 1972.
• National Heart, Lung, and Blood Institute (September 2002). "Sickle Cell Research for Treatment and Cure" (PDF). National Institutes of Health. 02-5214. Archived from the original (PDF) on January 31, 2012.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: numeric names: authors list (link)
• Wailoo, Keith (2001). Dying in the City of the Blues: Sickle Cell Anemia and the Politics of Race and Health. University of North Carolina Press. p. 165.
  ISBN 978-0-8078-4896-8
  .
• "Health insurance: hearings on new proposals". Congressional Quarterly Almanac Plus. 27. Washington, D.C.: Congressional Quarterly: 541–544. 1972.
  OCLC 1564784
  .
• "Limited experimental health bill enacted". Congressional Quarterly Almanac Plus. 29. Washington, D.C.: Congressional Quarterly: 499–508. 1974.
  OCLC 1564784
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• "National health insurance: no action in 1974". Congressional Quarterly Almanac Plus. 30. Washington, D.C.: Congressional Quarterly: 386–394. 1975.
  OCLC 1564784
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• Samson, William (2005). "President Nixon's Troublesome Tax Returns". TaxAnalysts. Retrieved December 20, 2013.
• Grier, Peter (2011). "Tax Day 2011: Why do presidents release tax returns?". The Christian Science Monitor. Retrieved December 20, 2013.

Further reading

• Li, Victor (2018). Nixon in New York: How Wall Street Helped Richard Nixon Win the White House. Madison, NJ: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press.
  ISBN 978-1-68393-000-6
  .
• OCLC 904756092
  .

External links

Official websites

• White House biography
• Nixon Presidential Library and Museum
• Richard Nixon Foundation

Media coverage

• Richard Nixon collected news and commentary at The New York Times
• Appearances on C-SPAN
  • "Life Portrait of Richard M. Nixon", from C-SPAN's American Presidents: Life Portraits, November 19, 1999

Other

• United States Congress. "Richard Nixon (id: N000116)". Biographical Directory of the United States Congress.
• Essays on Richard Nixon, each member of his cabinet and First Lady from the Miller Center of Public Affairs
• Richard Nixon: A Resource Guide from the Library of Congress
• "The Presidents: Nixon", an American Experience documentary
• Works by or about Richard Nixon at the Internet Archive
• Works by Richard Nixon at LibriVox (public domain audiobooks)
• Richard Nixon Personal Manuscripts
• Richard Nixon at
  IMDb 
• Works by Richard Nixon at Project Gutenberg