Soviet famine of 1930–1933
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Awards | Pulitzer Prize for Correspondence to Walter Duranty |
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Mass repression in the Soviet Union |
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Economic repression |
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The Soviet famine of 1930–1933 was a
During this period Soviet leader Joseph Stalin ordered the kulaks (land-owning proprietors) "to be liquidated as a class".[12][a] As collectivization expanded, the persecution of the kulaks, ongoing since the Russian Civil War, culminated in a massive campaign of state persecution in 1929–1932,[16] including arrests, deportations, and executions of kulaks.[17] Some kulaks responded with acts of sabotage such as killing their livestock and destroying crops designated for consumption by factory workers.[18] Despite the vast death toll in the early stages, Stalin chose to continue the Five Year Plan and collectivization.[19][7] By 1934, the Soviet Union had established a base of heavy industry, at the cost of millions of lives.[20][19]
Some scholars have classified the famines which occurred in Ukraine and Kazakhstan as
Scholarly views
Genocide debates
The
Professor of economics
Tauger gives more weight to natural disaster, in addition to crop failure, insufficient relief efforts, and to Soviet leaders' incompetence and paranoia in regards to foreign threats and peasant speculators,[38] explaining the famine, and stated that "the harsh 1932–1933 procurements only displaced the famine from urban areas" but the low harvest "made a famine inevitable." Tauger stated that it is difficult to accept the famine "as the result of the 1932 grain procurements and as a conscious act of genocide" but that "the regime was still responsible for the deprivation and suffering of the Soviet population in the early 1930s", and "if anything, these data show that the effects of [collectivization and forced industrialization] were worse than has been assumed."[39]
Some historians and scholars describe the famine as a genocide of the Kazakhs perpetrated by the Soviet state;
Causes
Mass repression in the Soviet Union |
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Economic repression |
Political repression |
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Ethnic repression |
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Unlike the
According to archival research which was published by the United States
According to some scholars, collectivization in the Soviet Union and other policies by the Soviet state were the primary contributors to famine mortality (52% of excess deaths), and some evidence shows that ethnic Ukrainians and Germans were discriminated against.[51] Lewis H. Siegelbaum, Professor of History at Michigan State University, states that Ukraine was hit particularly hard by grain quotas which were set at levels which most farms could not produce. According to a Centre for Economic Policy Research paper published in 2021 by Andrei Markevich, Natalya Naumenko, and Nancy Qian, regions with higher Ukrainian population shares were struck harder with centrally planned policies corresponding to famine, and Ukrainian populated areas were given lower amounts of tractors which the paper argues demonstrates that ethnic discrimination across the board was centrally planned, ultimately concluding that 92% of famine deaths in Ukraine alone along with 77% of famine deaths in Ukraine, Russia, and Belarus combined can be explained by systematic bias against Ukrainians.[52] The collectivization and high procurement quota explanation for the famine is somewhat called into question by the fact that the oblasts of Ukraine with the highest losses being Kyiv and Kharkiv, which produced far lower amounts of grain than other sections of the country.[5] A potential explanation for this was that Kharkiv and Kyiv fulfilled and overfulfilled their grain procurements in 1930, which led to rations in these Oblasts having their procurement quotas doubled in 1931, compared to the national average increase in procurement rate of 9%, while Kharkiv and Kyiv had their quotas increased the Odesa oblast and some raions of Dnipropetrovsk oblast had their procurement quotas decreased. According to Nataliia Levchuk of the Ptoukha Institute of Demography and Social Studies, "the distribution of the largely increased 1931 grain quotas in Kharkiv and Kyiv oblasts by raion was very uneven and unjustified because it was done disproportionally to the percentage of wheat sown area and their potential grain capacity."[53] Oleh Wolowyna comments that peasant resistance and the ensuing repression of said resistance was a critical factor for the famine in Ukraine and parts of Russia populated by national minorities like Germans and Ukrainians allegedly tainted by "fascism and bourgeois nationalism" according to Soviet authorities.[5]
Mark Tauger criticized Natalya Naumenko's work as being based on: "major historical inaccuracies and falsehoods, omissions of essential evidence contained in her sources or easily available, and substantial misunderstandings of certain key topics".
Naumenko responded to some of Tauger's criticisms in another paper.[56] Naumenko criticizes Tauger's view of the efficacy of collective farms arguing Tauger's view goes against the consensus,[56] she also states that the tenfold difference in death toll between the 1932-1933 Soviet famine and the Russian famine of 1891–1892 can only be explained by government policies,[56] and that the infestations of pests and plant disease suggested by Tauger as a cause of the famine must also correspond such infestations to rates of collectivization due to deaths by area corresponding to this[56] due Naumenko's findings that: "on average, if you compare two regions with similar pre-famine characteristics, one with zero collectivization rate and another with a 100 percent collectivization rate, the more collectivized region’s 1933 mortality rate increases by 58 per thousand relative to its 1927–1928 mortality rate".[56] Naumenko believes the disagreement between her and Tauger is due to a "gulf in training and methods between quantitative fields like political science and economics and qualitative fields like history" noting that Tauger makes no comments on one of her paper's results section.[56]
Historian Stephen G. Wheatcroft has given more weight to the "ill-conceived policies" of the Soviet government and in particular, he has highlighted the fact that while the policy did not specifically target Ukraine, Ukraine suffered the most for "demographic reasons";[57] Wheatcroft states that the main cause of starvation was a shortage of grain.[58] According to Wheatcroft, the grain yield for the Soviet Union preceding the famine was a low harvest of between 55 and 60 million tons,[59]: xix–xxi likely in part caused by damp weather and low traction power,[2] yet official statistics mistakenly (according to Wheatcroft and others) reported a yield of 68.9 million tons.[60] (Note that a single ton of grain is enough to feed 3 people for one year.[61]
) In regard to the Soviet state's reaction to this crisis, Wheatcroft comments: "The good harvest of 1930 led to the decisions to export substantial amounts of grain in 1931 and 1932. The Soviet leaders also assumed that the wholesale socialisation of livestock farming would lead to the rapid growth of meat and dairy production. These policies failed, and the Soviet leaders attributed the failure not to their own lack of realism but to the machinations of enemies. Peasant resistance was blamed on the kulaks, and the increased use of force on a large scale almost completely replaced attempts at persuasion."
Mark Tauger has estimated a harvest of 45 million tons, an estimate which is even lower than Wheatcroft's estimate, based on data which was collected from 40% of collective farms, an estimate which has been criticized by other scholars.[60] Mark Tauger has suggested that drought and damp weather were causes of the low harvest.[48] Mark Tauger suggested that heavy rains would help the harvest, while Stephen Wheatcroft suggested it would harm it, which Natalya Naumenko notes as a disagreement in scholarship.[63] Tauger has suggested that the harvest was reduced by other natural factors which included endemic plant rust and swarms of insects. However, in regard to plant disease Stephen Wheatcroft notes that the Soviet extension of sown area may have exacerbated the problem,[64] which Tauger acknowledges.[54] According to Tauger, warm and wet weather stimulated the growth of weeds, which was insufficiently dealt with due to primitive agricultural technology and a lack of motivation to work among the peasantry. Tauger has argued that when the peasants postponed their harvest work and left ears out on the field in order to glean them later as part of their resistance to collectivization, they produced an excessive crop yield, which was eaten by an infestation of mice which destroyed grain stores and ate animal fodder, a situation worsened by snowfall.[48]
Policies and events
Collectivization
Campaign against kulaks and bais
In February 1928, the
Also in 1928 within Soviet Kazakhstan, authorities started a campaign to confiscate cattle from richer Kazakhs, who were called bai, known as Little October. The confiscation campaign was carried out by Kazakhs against other Kazakhs, and it was up to those Kazakhs to decide who was a bai and how much to confiscate from them.[78] This engagement was intended to make Kazakhs active participants in the transformation of Kazakh society.[79] More than 10,000 bais may have been deported due to the campaign against them.[80]
Slaughter of livestock
During collectivization, the peasantry was required to relinquish their farm animals to government authorities. Many chose to slaughter their livestock rather than give them up to collective farms. In the first two months of 1930, kulaks killed millions of cattle, horses, pigs, sheep, and goats, with the meat and hides being consumed and bartered. In 1934, the
Agrotechnological failures
Historian Stephen G. Wheatcroft lists four problems Soviet authorities ignored that would hinder the advancement of agricultural technology and ultimately contributed to the famine:[62]
- "Over-extension of the sown area" — Crops yields were reduced and likely some plant disease caused by the planting of future harvests across a wider area of land without rejuvenating soil leading to the reduction of fallow land.
- "Decline in draught power" — the overextraction of grain led to the loss of food for farm animals, which in turn reduced the effectiveness of agricultural operations.
- "Quality of cultivation" — the planting and extracting of the harvest, along with ploughing was done in a poor manner due to inexperienced and demoralized workers and the aforementioned lack of draught power.
- "The poor weather" — drought and other poor weather conditions were largely ignored by Soviet authorities who gambled on good weather and believed agricultural difficulties would be overcome.
Mark Tauger notes that Soviet and Western specialist at the time noted draught power shortages and lack of crop rotation contributed to intense weed infestations[54] with these both being aforementioned factors Stephen Wheatcroft lists as contributing to the famine.
Food requisitioning
In the summer of 1930, the Soviet government had instituted a program of food requisitioning, ostensibly to increase grain exports. That same year, Ukraine produced 27% of the Soviet harvest but provided 38% of the deliveries, and made 42% of the deliveries in 1931; however, the Ukrainian harvest fell from 23.9 million tons to 18.3 million tons in 1931, and the previous year's quota of 7.7 million tons remained. Authorities were able to procure only 7.2 million tons, and just 4.3 million tons of a reduced quota of 6.6 million tons in 1932.[83]
Between January and mid-April 1933, a factor contributing to a surge of deaths within certain regions of Ukraine during the period was the relentless search for alleged hidden grain by the confiscation of all food stuffs from certain households, which Stalin implicitly approved of through a telegram he sent on the 1 January 1933 to the Ukrainian government reminding Ukrainian farmers of the severe penalties for not surrendering grain they may be hiding.
Religious repression
Coiner of the term genocide, Raphael Lemkin considered the repression of the Ukrainian Autocephalous Orthodox Church by Soviet authorities to be a prong of genocide against Ukrainians when seen in correlation to the Holodomor famine.[86] Collectivization did not just entail the acquisition of land from farmers but also the closing of churches, burning of icons, and the arrests of priests.[87] Associating the church with the tsarist regime,[88] the Soviet state continued to undermine the church through expropriations and repression.[89] They cut off state financial support to the church and secularized church schools.[88] Peasants began to associate Communists with atheists because the attack on the church was so devastating.[89] Identification of Soviet power with the antichrist also decreased peasant support for the Soviet regime. Rumors about religious persecution spread mostly by word of mouth but also through leaflets and proclamations.[90] Priests preached that the Antichrist had come to place "the Devil's mark" on the peasants.[91]
By early 1930, 75% of the Autocephalist parishes in Ukraine were persecuted by Soviet authorities.[92] The GPU instigated a show trial which denounced the Orthodox Church in Ukraine as a "nationalist, political, counter-revolutionary organization" and instigated a staged "self-dissolution."[92] However the Church was later allowed to reorganize in December 1930 under a pro-Soviet cosmopolitan leader of Ivan Pavlovsky yet purges of the Church reignited during the Great Purge.[92] The collectivization campaign in Kazakhstan also corresponded to arrests of former members of the Alash movement and repression of religious authorities and practices.[84]
Export of grain and other food
After recognition of the famine situation in Ukraine during the drought and poor harvests, the Soviet government in Moscow not only prevented some of the shipments of the export grain abroad, but also ordered the People's Commissariat of External Trade to purchase 57,332.4 tonns (3.5 million pounds) of grain in the Asian countries.[93] Export of grain was also decreased in comparison with previous years.[94] In 1930–1931, there had been 5,832,000 metric tons of grains exported. In 1931–1932, grain exports declined to 4,786,000 metric tons. In 1932–1933, grain exports were just 1,607,000 metric tons, and this further declined to 1,441,000 metric tons in 1933–1934.[95]
Officially published data[96] differed slightly:
- Cereals (in tonnes)
- 1930 – 4,846,024
- 1931 – 5,182,835
- 1932 – 1,819,114 (~750,000 during the first half of 1932; from late April ~157,000 tonnes of grain was also imported)
- 1933 – 1,771,364 (~220,000 during the first half of 1933;[48] from late March grain was also imported)[97]
- Only wheat (in tonnes)
- 1930 – 2,530,953
- 1931 – 2,498,958
- 1932 – 550,917
- 1933 – 748,248
In 1932, via Ukrainian commercial ports were exported 988,300 tons of grains and 16,500 tons of other types of cereals. In 1933, the totals were: 809,600 tons of grains, 2,600 tons of other cereals, 3,500 tons of meat, 400 tons of butter, and 2,500 tons of fish. Those same ports imported less than 67,200 tons of grains and cereals in 1932, and 8,600 tons of grains in 1933.[citation needed]
From other Soviet ports were received 164,000 tons of grains, 7,300 tons of other cereals, 31,500 tons of flour,[98] and no more than 177,000 tons of meat and butter in 1932, and 230,000 tons of grains, 15,300 tons of other cereals, 100 tons of meat, 900 tons of butter, and 34,300 tons of fish in 1933.[citation needed]
Law of Spikelets
The "Decree About the Protection of Socialist Property", nicknamed by the farmers the Law of Spikelets, was enacted on 7 August 1932. The purpose of the law was to protect the property of the kolkhoz collective farms. It was nicknamed the Law of Spikelets because it allowed people to be prosecuted for gleaning leftover grain from the fields. However, in practice the law prohibited starving people from finding leftover food in the fields. There were more than 200,000 people sentenced under this law and the penalty for it was often death.[15] According to researcher I.V. Pykhalov, 3.5% of those sentenced under the law of Spikelets were executed, 60.3% of the sentenced received a 10-year gulag sentence, while 36.2% were sentenced to less than 10 years. The general law courts sentenced 2686 to death between 7 August 1932 and 1 January 1933. Other types of law courts also issued death sentences under this law, e.g. Transportation Courts issued 812 death sentences under this law for the same period.[99]
Blacklisting
The blacklist system was formalized in 1932 by the November 20 decree "The Struggle against Kurkul Influence in Collective Farms";
Although nominally targeting collective farms failing to meet grain quotas and independent farmers with outstanding tax-in-kind, in practice the punishment was applied to all residents of affected villages and raions, including teachers, tradespeople, and children.
Passports
Joseph Stalin signed the January 1933 secret decree named "Preventing the Mass Exodus of Peasants who are Starving", restricting travel by peasants after requests for bread began in the Kuban and Ukraine; Soviet authorities blamed the exodus of peasants during the famine on anti-Soviet elements, saying that "like the outflow from Ukraine last year, was organized by the enemies of Soviet power."[106] There was a wave of migration due to starvation and authorities responded by introducing a requirement that passports be used to go between republics and banning travel by rail.[107]
The
The lack of passports could not completely stop peasants leaving the countryside, but only a small percentage of those who illegally infiltrated into cities could improve their lot. Unable to find work or possibly buy or beg a little bread, farmers died in the streets of
Hidden grain reserves
Around 1,997,000 tons of grain was estimated by official Soviet figures by July 1, 1931, to have been concealed in two secret grain reserves for the Red Army and other groups with the actual figure being closer to roughly 1,141,000 which means in the opinion to a paper by Stephen Wheatcroft, Mark Tauger, and R.W. Davies that (in the paper's words): "it seems certain that, if Stalin had risked lower levels of these reserves in spring and summer 1933, hundreds of thousands-perhaps millions-of lives could have been saved".[61]
Confiscation of reserve funds
In order to make up for unfulfilled grain procurement quotas in Ukraine, reserves of grain were confiscated from three sources including, according to Oleh Wolowyna, "(a) grain set aside for seed for the next harvest; (b) a grain fund for emergencies; (c) grain issued to collective farmers for previously completed work, which had to be returned if the collective farm did not fulfill its quota."[5]
Purges
In Ukraine, there was a widespread purge of Communist party officials at all levels. According to Oleh Wolowyna, 390 "anti-Soviet, counter-revolutionary insurgent and chauvinist" groups were eliminated resulting in 37,797 arrests, that lead to 719 executions, 8,003 people being sent to Gulag camps, and 2,728 being put into internal exile.[5] 120,000 individuals in Ukraine were reviewed in the first 10 months of 1933 in a top-to-bottom purge of the Communist party resulting in 23% being eliminated as perceived class hostile elements.[5] Pavel Postyshev was set in charge of placing people at the head of Machine-Tractor Stations in Ukraine which were responsible for purging elements deemed to be class hostile.[5] By the end of 1933, 60% of the heads of village councils and raion committees in Ukraine were replaced with an additional 40,000 lower-tier workers being purged.[5]
Purges were also extensive in the Ukrainian populated territories of the Kuban and North Caucasus. 358 of 716 party secretaries in Kuban were removed, along with 43% of the 25,000 party members there; in total, 40% of the 115,000 to 120,000 rural party members in the North Caucasus were removed.[109] Party officials associated with Ukrainization were targeted, as the national policy was viewed to be connected with the failure of grain procurement by Soviet authorities.[110]
Resistance to forced collectivization
There was widespread resistance to Soviet authorities during the famine across the USSR. The OGPU recorded 932 disturbances in Ukraine, 173 in the North Caucasus, and only 43 in the Central Black Earth Oblast (out of 1,630 total). Reports two years prior recorded over 4,000 unrests in Ukraine, while in other agricultural regions - Central Black Earth, Middle Volga, Lower Volga, and North Caucasus - the numbers were sightly above 1,000. OGPU's summaries also cited public proclamations of Ukrainian insurgents to restore the independence of Ukraine, while reports by the Ukrainian officials included information about the declining popularity and authority of the party among peasants.[55]
Thousands of Kazakhs violently resisted the collectivization campaign with weapons left over by the white army with 8 rebellions occurring in 1930 alone.
Resistance also occurred in the Kuban region of Russia. The large Cossack stanitsa Poltavskaia sabotaged and resisted collectivization more than any other area in the Kuban, which was perceived by Lazar Kaganovich to be connected to Ukrainian nationalist and Cossack conspiracy.[113] Kaganovich relentlessly pursued the policy of requisition of grain in Poltavskaia and the rest of the Kuban region and personally oversaw the purging of local leaders and Cossacks. Kaganovich viewed the resistance of Poltavskaia through the Ukrainian lens, delivering an oration in a mixed Ukrainian language. To justify this, Kaganovich cited a letter allegedly written by a stanitsa ataman named Grigorii Omel'chenko advocating Cossack separatism and local reports of resistance to collectivization in association with this figure to substantiate this suspicion of the area.[113] However, Kaganocvich did not reveal in speeches throughout the region that many of those targeted by persecution in Poltavskaia had their family members and friends deported or shot including in years before the supposed Omel'chenko crisis even started. Ultimately, due to being perceived as the most rebellious area, almost all (or 12,000) members of the Poltavskaia stantisa were deported to the north.[113] This coincided with and was a part of a wider deportation of 46,000 cossacks from Kuban.[114] According to the Holodomor Museum, 300,000 people were deported from the North Caucasus between 1930 and 1933 2/3 of them from the Kuban region.[115]
Refusal of foreign assistance
Despite the crisis, the Soviet government actively denied to ask for foreign aid for the famine and instead actively denied the famine's existence.[116]
Inoculation
Soviet officials sent medical personnel into Kazakhstan to inoculate 200,000 Kazakhs from famine-related diseases.[117]
Cannibalism
Evidence of widespread cannibalism was documented during the famine within Ukraine[118][119] and Kazakhstan. Some of the starving in Kazakhstan devolved into cannibalism ranging from eating leftover corpses to the famished actively murdering each other in order to feed.[120][121] More than 2,500 people were convicted of cannibalism during the famine.[122]
An example of a testimony of cannibalism in Ukraine during the famine is as follows: "Survival was a moral as well as a physical struggle. A woman doctor wrote to a friend in June 1933 that she had not yet become a cannibal, but was 'not sure that I shall not be one by the time my letter reaches you.' The good people died first. Those who refused to steal or to
Famine refugees
"The old aul is now breaking apart, it is moving toward settled life, toward the use of hay fields, toward land cultivation; it is moving from worse land to better land, to state farms, to industry, to collective farm construction."[124]
—Filipp Goloshchyokin, First Secretary of the Kazakh Regional Committee of the Communist Party
Due to starvation, between 665,000 and 1.1 million[125] Kazakhs fled the famine with their cattle outside Kazakhstan to China, Mongolia, Afghanistan, Iran, Turkey, and the Soviet republics of Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan, and Russia in search of food and employment in the new industrialization sites of Western Siberia. These refugees took an estimated 900,000 head of cattle with them.[126]
Kazakhs who tried to escape were classified as class enemies and shot.[127] The Soviet government also worked to repatriate them back to Soviet territory.[128] This repatriation process could be brutal, as Kazakhs homes were broken into with both refugee and non-refugee Kazakhs being forcibly expelled onto train cars without food, heating, or water.[129] 30% of the refugees died due to epidemics and hunger.[126] Refugees that were repatriated were integrated into collective farms where many were too weak to work, and in a factory within Semipalatinsk half the refugees were fired within a few days with the other half being denied food rations.[130]
Professor K.M. Abzhanov, Director of the Institute of History and Ethnology[131] of the Kazakhstan Academy of Sciences stated that "One-sixth of the indigenous population left their historical homeland forever."[131]
As the refugees fled the famine, the Soviet government made violent attempts to stop them.[132] In one case, relief dealers placed food in the back of a truck to attract refugees, and then locked the refugees inside the truck and dumped them in the middle of the mountains; the fate of these refugees is unknown.[133] Starting from 1930 onward thousands of Kazakhs were shot dead as they attempted to flee to China,[134] such as in one infamous killing of 18 to 19 Kazakhs by state border guards called the Karatal Affair which not only had killings but also the rape of several women and children occurring in the incident as noted by a doctor who analyzed the event.[134][135] The flight of refugees was framed by authorities as a progressive occurrence of nomads moving away from their 'primitive' lifestyle.[124] Famine refugees were suspected by OGPU officials of maintaining counterrevolutionary, bai, and kulak 'tendencies', due to some refugees engaging in crime in the republics they arrived in.[136]
Swiss reporter Ella Maillart, who traveled through Soviet Central Asia and China in the early 1930s, witnessed and wrote of viewing the firsthand effects of the repatriation campaign:[126]One report from an officer in Siberia reads: “When one thinks of the extreme distress in which Kazakhs live here with us, one can easily imagine that things in Kazakhstan are much worse."[138]“In every wagon carrying merchandise there were Kazakh families wearing rags. They killed time picking lice from each other. […] The train stops in the middle of a parched region. Packed alongside the railway are camels, cotton that is unloaded and weighed, piles of wheat in the open air. From the Kazakh wagons comes a muted hammering sound repeated the length of the train. Intrigued, I discover women pounding grain in mortars and making flour. The children ask to be lowered to the ground; they are wearing a quarter of a shirt on their shoulders and have scabs on their heads. A woman replaces her white turban, her only piece of clothing not in tatters, and I see her greasy hair and silver earrings. Her infant, clutching her dress and with skinny legs from which his boney knees protrude; his small behind is devoid of muscle, a small mass of rubbery, much-wrinkled skin. Where do they come from? Where are they going?”[137]
Food aid
Historian
Measures were introduced to localize cases using locally available resources. While the numbers of such reports increased, the
After the first wave of hunger in February and March, Ukrainian authorities met with a second wave of hunger and starvation in April and May, specifically in the
Documents from Soviet archives indicate that the aid distribution was made selectively to the most affected areas, and during the spring months, such assistance was the goal of the relief effort. A special resolution of the Central Committee of the
The last Politiburo's decision of the
Selective distribution of aid
The distribution of food aid in the wake of the famine was selective in both Ukraine and Kazakhstan. Grain producing oblasts in Ukraine such as
The discrimination in aid was arguably even worse in Kazakhstan, where Europeans had disproportionate power in the party which has been argued to be a cause of why indigenous nomads suffered the worst part of the collectivization process rather than the European sections of the country.
Reactions
Some well-known journalists, most notably
As a child,
Members of the international community have denounced the Soviet government for the events of the years 1932–1933; however, the classification of the Ukrainian famine as a genocide is a subject of debate. A comprehensive criticism is presented by Michael Ellman in the article "Stalin and the Soviet Famine of 1932–1933 Revisited" published in the journal Europe-Asia Studies.[15] Ellman refers to the Genocide Convention, which specifies that genocide is the destruction "in whole or in part" of a national group and "any acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group".[158] The reasons for the famine are claimed to have been rooted in the industrialization and widespread collectivization of farms that involved escalating taxes, grain-delivery quotas, and dispossession of all property. The latter was met with resistance that was answered by "imposition of ever higher delivery quotas and confiscation of foodstuffs."[159] As people were left with insufficient amount of food after the procurement, the famine occurred. Therefore, the famine occurred largely due to the policies that favored the goals of collectivization and industrialization rather than the deliberate attempt to destroy the Kazakhs or Ukrainians as a people.[15]
In
Estimation of the loss of life
It has been estimated that between 3.3[162] and 3.9 million died in Ukraine,[163] between 2 and 3 million died in Russia,[164] and 1.5–2 million (1.3 million of whom were ethnic Kazakhs) died in Kazakhstan.[165][166][167][168] In addition to the Kazakh famine of 1919–1922, these events saw Kazakhstan lose more than half of its population within 15 years. The famine made Kazakhs a minority in their own republic. Before the famine, around 60% of the republic's population were Kazakhs; after the famine, only around 38% of the population were Kazakhs.[44][169]
The exact number of deaths is hard to determine due to a lack of records,[163][170] but the number increases significantly when the deaths in Ukrainian-majority Kuban region of Russia are included.[171] Older estimates are still often cited in political commentary.[172] In 1987, Robert Conquest had cited a number of Kazakhstan losses of one million; a large number of nomadic Kazakhs had roamed abroad, mostly to China and Mongolia. In 1993, "Population Dynamics: Consequences of Regular and Irregular Changes" reported that "general collectivization and repressions connected with it, as well as the 1933 famine, may be responsible for 7 million deaths."[173] In 2007, David R. Marples estimated that 7.5 million people died as a result of the famine in Soviet Ukraine, of which 4 million were ethnic Ukrainians.[174] According to the findings of the Court of Appeal of Kyiv in 2010, the demographic losses due to the famine amounted to 10 million, with 3.9 million direct famine deaths, and a further 6.1 million birth deficit.[163] Later in 2010, Timothy Snyder estimated that around 3.3 million people died in total in Ukraine.[162] In 2013, it was said that total excess deaths in Ukraine could not have exceeded 2.9 million.[175]
Other estimates for famine dead are as follow:
- The 2004 book The Years of Hunger: Soviet Agriculture, 1931–1933 by R. W. Davies and Stephen G. Wheatcroft gives an estimate of 5.5 to 6.5 million deaths.[176]
- The Encyclopædia Britannica estimates that 6 to 8 million people died from hunger in the Soviet Union during this period, of whom 4 to 5 million were Ukrainians.[177] As of 2021, the Encyclopædia Britannica Online read: "Some 4 to 5 million died in Ukraine, and another 2 to 3 million in the North Caucasus and the Lower Volga area."[178]
- Kazakh ASSR.[179]
- Another study by Michael Ellman using data given by Davies and Wheatcroft estimates "'about eight and a half million' victims of famine and repression" combined in the period 1930–1933.[180]
- In his 2010 book Stalin's Genocides, Norman Naimark estimates that 3 to 5 million Ukrainians died in the famine.[17]
- In 2008, the Russian State Duma issued a statement about the famine, stating that within territories of Povolzhe, Central Black Earth Region, Northern Caucasus, Ural, Crimea, Western Siberia, Kazakhstan, Ukraine, and Belarus the estimated death toll is about 7 million people.[181]
- The loss of life in the Ukrainian countryside is estimated at 5 million people by another source.[182]
- A 2020 Journal of Genocide Research article by Oleh Wolowyna estimated 8.7 million deaths across the entire Soviet Union including 3.9 million in Ukraine, 3.3 million in Russia, and 1.3 million in Kazakhstan, plus a lower number of dead in other republics.[5]
See also
- List of famines
- Droughts and famines in Russia and the Soviet Union
- Excess mortality in the Soviet Union under Joseph Stalin
- The Black Book of Communism
- Crimes against humanity under communist regimes
- Criticism of communist party rule
- Mass killings under communist regimes
- Holodomor
Notes
- ^ The official goal of kulak liquidation came without precise instructions, and encouraged local leaders to take radical action, which resulted in physical elimination. The campaign to liquidate the kulaks as a class constituted the main part of Stalin's social engineering policies in the early 1930s.[13] Some scholars who argue for the genocide thesis of the famine, especially in Kazakhstan and Ukraine, emphasize the literal meaning as representing genocidal intent,[14] while other scholars disagree.[15] For further information, see Holodomor genocide question.
- ^ In November 2009, Jones' diaries recording the Soviet famine of 1932–1933 went on public display for the first time at Cambridge University.[25]
- ^ "We may well ask whether having revolutionarily high expectations is a crime? Of course it is, if it leads to an increase in the level of deaths, as a result of insufficient care being taken to safeguard the lives of those put at risk when the high ambitions failed to be fulfilled, and especially when it was followed by a cover-up. The same goes for not adjusting policy to unfolding evidence of crisis. But these are crimes of manslaughter and fraud rather than of murder. How heinous are they in comparison, say, with shooting over 600,000 citizens wrongly identified as enemies in 1937–8, or in shooting 25,000 Poles identified as a security risk in 1940, when there was no doubt as to the outcome of the orders? The conventional view is that manslaughter is less heinous than cold blooded murder."[32]
- sanctions against Iraq in the 1990s, among many others. Historian Hiroaki Kuromiya finds it persuasive.[36]: 663
References
- ^ Engerman 2004, p. 194.
- ^ . Retrieved 2021-11-26 – via ResearchGate.
- ISBN 9780230238558.
- .
- ^ S2CID 226316468.
- ^ Ohayon, Isabelle (2013-09-28). "The Kazakh Famine: The Beginnings of Sedentarization". Sciences Po. Paris Institute of Political Studies. Retrieved 2021-12-19.
- ^ S2CID 132830478. Retrieved 2021-11-19 – via ResearchGate.
- ^ Engerman 2004, p. 194.
- ^ "Famine on the South Siberia". Human Science. 2 (98). RU: 15.
- ^ "Demographic aftermath of the famine in Kazakhstan". Weekly. RU. 2003-01-01.
- JSTOR 2497035.
- ISBN 978-0195051803.
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- ^ Serbyn, Roman (2006). "The Ukrainian Famine of 1932–1933 as Genocide in the Light of the UN Convention of 1948". The Ukrainian Quarterly. 62 (2): 186–204. Retrieved 2021-11-20 – via Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group.
- ^ from the original on 2007-10-14.
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The Soviet regime was adept at creating its own enemies, whom it then suspected of conspiracy against the state. It did so first by declaring that all members of certain social classes and estates—primarily former nobles, members of the bourgeoisie, priests, and kulaks—were by definition 'class enemies,' resentful of their loss of privilege and likely to engage in counterrevolutionary conspiracy to recover them. The next step, taken at the end of the 1920s, was the 'liquidation as a class' of certain categories of class enemies, notably kulaks and, to a lesser extent, Nepmen and priests. This meant that the victims were expropriated, deprived of the possibility of continuing their previous way of earning a living, and often arrested and exiled.
- ^ ISBN 978-0-691-14784-0.
- ^ "The First Five Year Plan, 1928-1932". Special Collections & Archives. 2015-10-07. Retrieved 2022-10-03.
- ^ )
- JSTOR 1927822.
- ^ "International Recognition of the Holodomor". Holodomor Education. Archived from the original on 2015-12-31. Retrieved 2015-12-26.
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Geoffrey A. Hosking concluded that: Conquest's research establishes beyond doubt, however, that the famine was deliberately inflicted there [in Ukraine] for ethnic reasons...Craig Whitney, however, disagreed with the theory of genocide
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Similarly, the overwhelming weight of opinion among scholars working in the new archives (including Courtois's co-editor Werth) is that the terrible famine of the 1930s was the result of Stalinist bungling and rigidity rather than some genocidal plan.
- ISBN 978-0-230-27397-9.
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Most scholars rejected this claim, seeing the famine as following from a badly conceived and miscalculated policy of excessive requisitioning of grain, but not as directed specifically against ethnic Ukrainians.
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Stalin and other leaders made concessions to Ukraine in procurements and were clearly trying to balance the subsistence needs of Ukraine and other regions, especially people in towns and industrial sites who could not access the surrogate foods that some peasants relied on to survive ... . Soviet leaders did not understand the 1932 crop failure: they thought that peasants were withholding food to drive up prices on the private market, as some of them had in 1928. They worried about the Japanese take-over of Manchuria in 1931–1932 and the Nazi victory in Germany in early 1933, and feared nationalist groups in Poland and Austria could inspire a nationalist rebellion in Ukraine. Faced with these 'threats,' Soviet leaders were reluctant to make the USSR appear weak by admitting the famine and importing a lot of food, both of which they had done repeatedly earlier. The famine and the Soviets' insufficient relief can be attributed to crop failure, and to leaders' incompetence and paranoia regarding foreign threats and peasant speculators: a retaliatory version of the moral economy.
- S2CID 163767073.
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- Paris Institute of Political Studies. Retrieved 2021-12-19.
In the early 1990s, some Kazakh historians (Abylkhozhin, Tatimov) characterized the famine as 'Goloshchyokin's genocide,' attributing sole responsibility for this tragedy to the first secretary of the Communist Party of Kazakhstan and accentuating his contempt towards the people, whom perceived as backwards. Although unmentioned in the magnum opus of the history of Kazakhstan (Istorija Kazakhstana s drevnejshyh vremen do nashih dnej, 2010: 284 et sqq.), the genocide argument currently found in certain textbooks were to some extent an empty exercise because it was not based on the international legal definition of genocide and did not go particularly far in terms of evidence. Instead, these arguments were consistent with the official Soviet contention that considered that the forced resignation of Goloshchyokin and his replacement by Mirzojan reveal that the entire episode was the work of a single man. Although it has been demonstrated and acknowledged that as political leader, Goloshchyokin played a key role in covering up the full extent of increases in mortality between 1930 and 1933, it remains there is scant evidence of a desire on the part of the government or particular individuals to exterminate the Kazakhs as a group, or even to identify compelling motives for such a deliberate strategy. Indeed, the Kazakh population never represented a political danger for the Soviet government, nor did the protest movement or secessionist leanings among the population at any time imperil Soviet territorial integrity (Ohayon, 2006: 365).
- ^ a b Cameron 2018, p. 99.
- ^ Cameron 2018, p. 178.
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- ^ a b c d e f Naumenko, Natalya (September 2023). "Response to Professor Tauger's Comments". Econ Journal Watch: 313.
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- ^ Davies, Robert W.; Wheatcroft, Stephen G. (2004). The Years of Hunger: Soviet Agriculture 1931–1933. Palgrave Macmillan on page 437… “It was not until the autumn of 1932 that the restoration of proper crop rotation received the strong support of the authorities (see pp. 231–4). Meanwhile, much damage had been done. Such a dramatic expansion of sown area and reduction of fallow, without improved crop rotation and the careful introduction of alternative means for rejuvenating the soil with fertilisers or manure, was bound to lead to the reduction of yields and an increased likelihood of crop diseases. By 1932, in many regions, and particularly in Ukraine, soil exhaustion and crop diseases were widespread.”
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- ^ a b Л. Д. Троцкий «Материалы о революции. Преданная революция. Что такое СССР и куда он идет»
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- ^ Environment, Empire, and the Great Famine in Stalin's Kazakhstan Niccolò Pianciola
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'TsK VKP/b/ and Sovnarkom have received information that in the Kuban and Ukraine a massive outflow of peasants 'for bread' has begun into Belorussia and the Central-Black Earth, Volga, Western, and Moscow regions. / TsK VKP/b/ and Sovnarkom do not doubt that the outflow of peasants, like the outflow from Ukraine last year, was organized by the enemies of Soviet power, the SRs and the agents of Poland, with the goal of agitation 'through the peasantry' ... TsK VKP/b/ and Sovnarkom order the OGPU of Belorussia and the Central-Black Earth, Middle Volga, Western and Moscow regions to immediately arrest all 'peasants' of Ukraine and the North Caucasus who have broken through into the north and, after separating out the counterrevolutionariy elements, to return the rest to their place of residence.' ... Molotov, Stalin
- ^ Mark B. Tauger, The 1932 Harvest and the Famine of 1933, Slavic Review, Volume 50, Issue 1 (Spring, 1991), 70–89, (PDF Archived 2016-03-03 at the Wayback Machine)
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In a considerable number of districts in Ukraine and the North Caucasus counter-revolutionary elements – kulaks, former officers, Petlyurians, supporters of the Kuban' Rada and others – were able to penetrate into the kolkhozy as chairmen or influential members of the board, or as bookkeepers and storekeepers, and as brigade leaders at the threshers, and were able to penetrate into the village soviets, land agencies and cooperatives. They attempt to direct the work of these organisations against the interests of the proletarian state and the policy of the party; they try to organise a counter-revolutionary movement, the sabotage of the grain collections, and the sabotage of the village.
- ^ a b c d Cameron (2018), p. 124.
- ^ a b c Cameron (2018), p. 125.
- ^ JSTOR 23611465.
- ^ "Russia: Cossacks Punished". Time. 1933-01-30. Archived from the original on 2021-05-28. Retrieved 2023-10-22.
- ^ "What was Stanytsia Poltavska punished for?". Holodomor Museum. Archived from the original on 2024-01-04.
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- ^ Tauger, Mark. "The Hungry Steppe: Famine, Violence, and the Making of Soviet Kazakhstan by Cameron Sarah (review)". Retrieved 2023-10-16.
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- ^ Sokur, Vasily (2008-11-21). "Vyyavlennym vo vremya golodomora lyudoyedam khodivshiye po selam meditsinskiye rabotniki davali otravlennyye 'primanki' – kusok myasa ili khleba" Выявленным во время голодомора людоедам ходившие по селам медицинские работники давали отравленные 'приманки' — кусок мяса или хлеба [The cannibals identified during the Holodomor were given poisoned 'baits' – a piece of meat or bread by medical workers who walked through the villages]. Fakty i Kommentarii (in Russian). Archived from the original on 2013-01-20. Retrieved 2021-11-26.
- ^ Kindler 2018, p. 167.
- ^ Cameron 2018, p. 156.
- ^ Boriak, Hennadii (November 2008). "Holodomor Archives and Sources: The State of the Art" (PDF). The Harriman Review. 16 (2). Columbia University Press: 30. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2011-12-12. Retrieved 2021-11-26 – via Harriman Institute.
- ^ Snyder 2010, pp. 50–51.
- ^ a b Cameron (2018), p. 144.
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- ^ "Kazakhstan's 1930s Famine Gets Dramatic but Imperfect Portrayal | Wilson Center". www.wilsoncenter.org. Retrieved 2023-03-21.
- ^ Ohayon (2006).
- ^ Cameron (2018), p. 150.
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- ^ Kindler (2018), p. 11.
- ^ Kindler (2018), p. 177.
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- ^ TsGARK f. 44, op. 12, d. 492, ll. 54, 58.
- ^ Cameron (2018), p. 149.
- .
- ^ Kindler, Robert, 2018, pg. 199
- ^ Snyder 2010, pp. 42.
- ^ Documents 69 and 70. Also traces of such decisions (at least for Dnipropetrovsk region) can be found at "Голод 1932–1933 років на Україні: очима істориків, мовою документів". Archived 9 November 2017 at the Wayback Machine
- ^ "Голод 1932–1933 років на Україні: очима істориків, мовою документів". Archived from the original on 2017-11-09. Retrieved 2016-12-21.
- ISBN 9780333311073.
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- ^ "ТЕЛЕГРАМА ЦК ВКП(б) ЦЕНТРАЛЬНОМУ КОМІТЕТУ КП(б)У З ОГОЛОШЕННЯМ ПОСТАНОВИ ЦК ВКП(б) ВІД 1 СІЧНЯ 1933 р. ПРО ДОБРОВІЛЬНУ ЗДАЧУ ДЕРЖАВІ КОЛГОСПАМИ, КОЛГОСПНИКАМИ ТА ОДНООСІБНИКАМИ РАНІШЕ ПРИХОВАНОГО ХЛІБА ТА ВЖИТТЯ СУВОРИХ ЗАХОДІВ ЩОДО ТИХ, ХТО ПРОДОВЖУВАТИМЕ УКРИВАТИ ВІД ОБЛІКУ ХЛІБ". Archived 9 November 2017 at the Wayback Machine. Doc No. 204.
- Den. 21 November 2021.
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Finally, new studies have revealed the very selective — indeed, highly politicized — nature of state assistance in Ukraine in 1932–1933. Soviet authorities, as we know, took great pains to guarantee the supply of food to the industrial workforce and to certain other categories of the population — Red Army personnel and their families, for example. As the latest research has shown, however, in the spring of 1933, famine relief itself became an ideological instrument. The aid that was provided in rural Ukraine at the height of the Famine, when much of the population was starving, was directed, first and foremost, to 'conscientious' collective farm workers — those who had worked the highest number of workdays. Rations, as the sources attest, were allocated in connection with spring sowing). The bulk of assistance was delivered in the form of grain seed that was 'lent' to collective farms (from reserves that had been seized in Ukraine) with the stipulation that it would be repaid with interest. State aid, it seems clear, was aimed at trying to salvage the collective farm system and a workforce necessary to maintain it. At the very same time, Party officials announced a campaign to root out 'enemy elements of all kinds who sought to exploit the food problems for their own counter-revolutionary purposes, spreading rumours about the famine and various 'horrors'. Famine-relief, in this way, became yet another way to determine who lived and who died.
- ISBN 978-1498596794.
- ^ Payne, Matthew J. (2011). "Seeing like a soviet state: settlement of nomadic Kazakhs, 1928–1934". In Alexopoulos, Golgo; Hessler, Julie, eds. Writing the Stalin Era. pp. 59–86.
- ^ Cameron 2018, p. 175.
- ^ Kindler 2018, pp. 176–177.
- ^ Cameron 2018, p. 162.
- ^ ISBN 978-1-4128-1760-8.
- ^ Walter Duranty (1933-03-31). "Russians Hungry, But Not Starving; Deaths From Diseases Due to Malnutrition High, Yet the Soviet Is Entrenched". The New York Times: 13. Archived from the original on 2003-03-30.
- ISBN 978-0-19-505700-3.
- ^ Shipton, Martin (2013-06-20). "Welsh journalist hailed one of greatest 'eyewitnesses of truth' for exposing '30s Soviet famine". Wales Online.
- ISBN 1-905570-02-3
- ^ "Analysis Framework" (PDF). Office of the Special Adviser on the Prevention of Genocide. United Nations. Retrieved 2021-11-14.
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- ^ a b Snyder 2010, p. 53: "One demographic retrojection suggests a figure of 2.5 million famine deaths for Soviet Ukraine. This is too close to the recorded figure of excess deaths, which is about 2.4 million. The latter figure must be substantially low, since many deaths were not recorded. Another demographic calculation, carried out on behalf of the authorities of independent Ukraine, provides the figure of 3.9 million dead. The truth is probably in between these numbers, where most of the estimates of respectable scholars can be found. It seems reasonable to propose a figure of approximately 3.3 million deaths by starvation and hunger-related disease in Soviet Ukraine in 1932–1933."
- ^ a b c Наливайченко назвал количество жертв голодомора в Украине [Nalyvaichenko called the number of victims of Holodomor in Ukraine] (in Russian). LB.ua. 2010-01-14. Retrieved 2012-07-21.
- ^ "The U.S.S.R. from the death of Lenin to the death of Stalin – The Party versus the peasants". Encyclopædia Britannica.
- PMID 20034146.
- ^ Volkava, Elena (2012-03-26). "The Kazakh Famine of 1930–33 and the Politics of History in the Post-Soviet Space". Wilson Center. Retrieved 2015-07-09.
- ^ Татимов М. Б. Социальная обусловленность демографических процессов. Алма-Ата, 1989. С.124
- ^ "Famine of 1932". Encyclopedia Britannica. Retrieved 2019-02-04.
- ^ "Алма-Ата. Дружбы народов надежный оплот". Запомнил и долю казахов в пределах своей республики – 28%. А за тридцать лет до того они составляли у себя дома уверенное большинство."
- ^ "Yulia Tymoshenko: our duty is to protect the memory of the Holodomor victims". Tymoshenko's official website. 2010-11-27. Archived from the original on 2010-11-29. Retrieved 2012-07-21.
- ^ Naimark 2010, p. 70.
- ^ "Harper accused of exaggerating Ukrainian genocide death toll". MontrealGazette.com. 2010-10-30. Archived from the original on 2012-08-01. Retrieved 2012-07-21.
- ISBN 9780415101943.
- ^ Marples, David R. Heroes and Villains: Creating National History in Contemporary Ukraine. p. 50.
- ^ Graziosi, A, Hajda, Lubomyr, editor of compilation & Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute, host institution 2013, After the Holodomor: The Enduring Impact of the Great Famine on Ukraine.
- ^ Harrison 2005, p. 1: "The main findings are as follows. The authors' best estimate of the number of famine deaths in 1932–1933 is 5.5 to 6.5 millions (p. 401), the total population of the Soviet Union at that time being roughly 140 millions; the main scope for error in famine deaths arises from unregistered deaths and uncertainties over 'normal' infant mortality. The main areas affected were the Ukraine, Kazakhstan, and the north Caucasus. There was an increase in urban mortality, but most deaths were recorded amongst the agricultural population."
- ^ "Ukraine – The famine of 1932–33". Encyclopædia Britannica. Retrieved 2008-06-26.
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- S2CID 13880089. Retrieved 2008-07-04.
- ^ Works related to Soviet famine of 1930s at Wikisource
- ^ Siegelbaum, Lewis H. (2015-06-17). "Collectivization". Seventeen Moments in Soviet History. Michigan State University. Retrieved 2018-03-26.
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- Thorson, Carla (2003-05-05), The Soviet Famine of 1931–33: Politically Motivated or Ecological Disaster?, UCLA International Institute.
- Wheatcroft, Stephen G. (April 1990), "More light on the scale of repression and excess mortality in the Soviet Union in the 1930s" (PDF), Soviet Studies, 42 (2): 355–367, .
- Kondrashin, Viktor, ed. (2009), Famine in the Soviet Union 1929–1934 (PDF) (slide stack), Katz, Nikita B transl. docs.; Dolgova, Alexandra transl. note from compilers; Glizchinskaya, Natalia design, RU: Russian Archives, archived from the original (PDF) on 2009-03-19.
Further reading
- Davies, R. W. (2003). Khlevniuk, O., Rees, E. A., Kosheleva, L. P., Rogovaya, L. A. (eds.). The Stalin-Kaganovich Correspondence, 1931–36. Yale University Press.
- Morgan, Lesa (2010). 'Remember the peasantry': A study of genocide, famine, and the Stalinist Holodomor in Soviet Ukraine, 1932–33, as it was remembered by post-war immigrants in Western Australia who experienced it (DA). University of Notre Dame Australia. Retrieved 2021-11-20 – via ResearchOnline.
- Sokolova, Sofiia (October 2019). "Technology of Soviet Myth Creation about Famine as a Result of Crop Failure in Ukraine of the 1932–1933s". Journal of Modern Science. 42 (3). Alcide De Gasperi University of Euroregional Economy: 37–56. S2CID 211412844.
External links
- Documenting the Famine of 1932-1933 in Ukraine: Archival Collections on the Holodomor outside the former Soviet Union; University of Alberta, November 1‐2, 2019.
- The Holodomor—A Look Back at Stalin's 1932-33 Genocide in Ukraine; Featured Lecture by Professor Timothy D. Snyder on the Holodomor exhibit at the Holocaust Museum & Cohen Education Center in Naples, Florida, October 20, 2019.