Population transfer in the Soviet Union

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Population transfer in the Soviet Union
Part of
forced settlements in the Soviet Union

From 1930 to 1952, the

deportations of entire nationalities, labor force transfer, and organized migrations in opposite directions to fill ethnically cleansed territories. Dekulakization marked the first time that an entire class was deported, whereas the deportation of Soviet Koreans in 1937 marked the precedent of a specific ethnic deportation of an entire nationality.[9]

In most cases, their destinations were underpopulated remote areas (see

kulaks were deported in 1930–31, 1.0 million peasants and ethnic minorities in 1932–39, whereas about 3.5 million ethnic minorities were further resettled during 1940–52.[12]

Soviet archives documented 390,000

crime against humanity and ethnic persecution. Two of these cases with the highest mortality rates were recognized as genocides–the deportation of the Crimean Tatars was declared as genocide by Ukraine and three other countries, whereas the deportation of the Chechens and Ingush was recognized as genocide by the European Parliament, respectively. On 26 April 1991 the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Socialist Federal Soviet Republic, under its chairman Boris Yeltsin, passed the law On the Rehabilitation of Repressed Peoples with Article 2 denouncing all mass deportations as "Stalin's policy of defamation and genocide."[3]

The Soviet Union also practiced deportations in occupied territories, with over 50,000 perishing from

expulsion of Germans from Eastern Europe due to Soviet deportation, massacres, and internment and labour camps.[15]

Deportation of social groups

Many Soviet farmers, regardless of their actual income or property, were labeled "

kolhozes", which was one of the last resettlements of that social group.[17]

Large numbers of "kulaks", regardless of their nationality, were resettled in Siberia and Central Asia. According to data from Soviet archives, which were published in 1990, 1,803,392 people were sent to labor colonies and camps in 1930 and 1931, and 1,317,022 reached the destination. Deportations on a smaller scale continued after 1931. The reported number of kulaks and their relatives who died in labour colonies from 1932 to 1940 was 389,521.[18] The total number of the deported people is disputed. Conservative estimates assume that 1,679,528-1,803,392 people were deported,[19] while the highest estimates are that 15 million kulaks and their families were deported by 1937, and that during the deportation many people died, but the full number is not known.[20]

Ethnic operations

Soviet annexation of Bessarabia

During the 1930s, categorisation of so-called enemies of the people shifted from the usual Marxist–Leninist, class-based terms, such as kulak, to ethnic-based ones.[21] The partial removal of potentially trouble-making ethnic groups was a technique used consistently by Joseph Stalin during his government;[22] between 1935 and 1938 alone, at least ten different nationalities were deported.[23] Germany's invasion of the Soviet Union led to a massive escalation in Soviet ethnic cleansing.[24]

The

forcibly moved from the Russian Far East to unpopulated areas of the Kazakh SSR and the Uzbek SSR in October 1937.[26]

Looking at the entire period of Stalin's rule, one can list:

Western annexations and deportations, 1939–1941

Lavrentiy Beria, the Chief of the NKVD, the Soviet secret police, was responsible for organizing and executing numerous deportations of ethnic minorities during that time.[30]

After the

Ukrainian SSR. From 1939–1941, 1.45 million people who inhabited the region were deported by the Soviet regime. According to Polish historians, 63.1% of these people were Poles and 7.4% of them were Jews.[31] Previously, it was believed that about 1.0 million Polish citizens died at the hands of the Soviets,[32] but recently, Polish historians, mostly based upon their study of Soviet archives, estimate that about 350,000 people who were deported from 1939–1945 died.[33][34]

The same policy was implemented in the

Eastern Prussia (now Kaliningrad) which, contrary to the original plans, never became part of Lithuania.[39]

Likewise,

Soviet deportations from Bessarabia
.)

World War II, 1941–1945

Route of people deported from Lithuania to remote regions of the Far East, up to 6,000 miles (9,700 km) away

During World War II, particularly in 1943–44, the Soviet government conducted a series of deportations. Some 1.9 million people were deported to Siberia and the Central Asian republics. According to the Soviets, of approximately 183,000 Crimean Tatars, 20,000 or 10% of the entire population served in German battalions,[41] though the figure in question is derived from a single SS report on how many individuals were expected to be willing to collaborate and is contradicted by official statistical records, which suggest the number was actually around 3,000, with only 800 being volunteers.[42] Consequently, Tatars too were transferred en masse by the Soviets after the war.[43] Vyacheslav Molotov justified this decision saying "The fact is that during the war we received reports about mass treason. Battalions of Caucasians opposed us at the fronts and attacked us from the rear. It was a matter of life and death; there was no time to investigate the details. Of course innocents suffered. But I hold that given the circumstances, we acted correctly."[44] Historian Ian Grey writes "Towards the Moslem peoples, the Germans pursued a benign, almost paternalistic policy. The Karachai, Balkars, Ingush, Chechen, Kalmucks, and Tatars of the Crimea all displayed pro-German sympathies in some degree. It was only the hurried withdrawal of the Germans from the Caucasus after the battle of Stalingrad that prevented their organizing the Moslem people for effective anti-Soviet action. The Germans boasted loudly, however, that they had left a strong "fifth column" behind them in the Caucasus."[45]

Volga Germans

Deportation of Crimean Tatars
.)

Other minorities evicted from the

Crimean Greeks, Romanians and Armenians
.

The Soviet Union also deported people from occupied territories such as the

expulsion of Germans after World War II between 1945 and 1948 to be over 600,000, with about 400,000 deaths in the areas east of the Oder and Neisse (ca. 120,000 in acts of direct violence, mostly by Soviet troops but also by Poles, 60,000 in Polish and 40,000 in Soviet concentration camps or prisons mostly from hunger and disease, and 200,000 deaths among civilian deportees to forced labor of Germans in the Soviet Union), 130,000 in Czechoslovakia (thereof 100,000 in camps) and 80,000 in Yugoslavia (thereof 15,000 to 20,000 from violence outside of and in camps and 59,000 deaths from hunger and disease in camps).[15]

By January 1953, there were 988,373 special settlers residing in the Kazakh Soviet Socialist Republic, including 444,005 Germans, 244,674 Chechens, 95,241 Koreans, 80,844 Ingush, and the others. As a consequence of these deportations, Kazakhs comprised only 30% of their native Republic's population.[51]

Post-war expulsion and deportation

After World War II, the

expelled and the depopulated area resettled by Soviet citizens, mainly by Russians. Between 1944 and 1953 a variety of groups from the Black Sea region — Kurds, Iranians, Greeks, Bulgarians, Armenians, and Hemshins were deported away from the Soviet border regions in Crimea and the Transcaucasus.[52]

Soviet Ukraine conducted population exchanges; Poles who resided east of the established Poland–Soviet border were deported to Poland (c.a. 2,100,000 people) and Ukrainians that resided west of the established Poland-Soviet Union border were deported to Soviet Ukraine. Population transfer to Soviet Ukraine occurred from September 1944 to April 1946 (ca. 450,000 people). Some Ukrainians (ca. 200,000 people) left southeast Poland more or less voluntarily (between 1944 and 1945).[53]

A dwelling typical to some deportees into Siberia in a museum in Rumšiškės, Lithuania

Labor force transfer

There were several notable campaigns of targeted non-penal workforce transfer.

Repatriation after World War II

When the war ended in May 1945, thousands of Soviet citizens were forcefully repatriated (against their will) into the USSR.[54] On 11 February 1945, at the conclusion of the Yalta Conference, the United States and United Kingdom signed a Repatriation Agreement with the USSR.[55]

The interpretation of this Agreement resulted in the forcible repatriation of all Soviet citizens regardless of their wishes.

collaborated with the Germans), including numerous people who had left Russia and established different citizenships for up to decades prior. The forced repatriation operations took place from 1945 to 1947.[56]

At the end of World War II, more than 5 million "

forced laborers (Ostarbeiter)[57] in Germany and occupied territories.[58][59]

Surviving POWs, about 1.5 million, repatriated

labor battalions, and 2% of civilians and 15% of the PoWs (226,127 out of 1,539,475 total) transferred to the NKVD, i.e. the Gulag.[60][61]

Rehabilitation

In the USSR

On 17 January 1956, a Decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet was issued on lifting restrictions on the Poles evicted in 1936; on 17 March 1956 for the Kalmyks; 27 March for the Greeks, Bulgarians, and Armenians; 18 April for the Crimean Tatars, Balkars, Meskhetian Turks, Kurds, and Hemshins; 16 July for the Chechens, Ingush, and Karachais (all without the right to return to their homeland).

In February 1956, Nikita Khrushchev, in his speech "On the Cult of Personality and Its Consequences", condemned the deportations as a violation of Leninist principles:

All the more monstrous are the acts whose initiator was Stalin and which are violations of the basic Leninist principles of the national policy of the Soviet state. We refer to the mass deportations from their native places of whole nations... This deportation action was not dictated by any military considerations. Thus, already at the end of 1943, when there occurred a permanent breakthrough at the fronts... a decision was taken and executed concerning the deportation of all the

Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Republic was liquidated. In April 1944, all Balkars were deported to faraway places from the territory of the Kalbino-Balkar Autonomous Republic and the Republic itself was renamed the Autonomous Kabardin Republic.[62]

In 1957 and 1958, the national autonomies of Kalmyks, Chechens, Ingush, Karachais, and Balkars were restored; these peoples were allowed to return to their historical territories. The return of repressed peoples was not carried out without difficulties, which both then and subsequently led to national conflicts (thus, clashes began between returning Chechens and the Russians who settled during their exile in the Grozny Oblast; Ingush in the Prigorodny District, populated by Ossetians and transferred to the North Ossetian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic).

However, a significant number of the repressed peoples (Volga Germans, Crimean Tatars, Meskhetian Turks, Greeks, Koreans, etc.) had still received neither national autonomy nor the right to return to their historical homeland.

On 29 August 1964, 23 years after the start of the deportation, the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, by its Decree of 29 August 1964 No. 2820-VI, abolished sweeping accusations against the German population living in the Volga region. A decree that completely lifted restrictions on freedom of movement and confirmed the right of Germans to return to the places they were expelled was adopted in 1972.

In the mid-1960s, the process of rehabilitation of the "punished peoples" was almost stopped.[63]

According to a secret Soviet Ministry of Interior report dated December 1965, for the period 1940–1953, 46,000 people were deported from Moldova, 61,000 from Belarus, 571,000 from Ukraine, 119,000 from Lithuania, 53,000 from Latvia, and 33,000 from Estonia.[64]

During the years of perestroika

During the Soviet era, the problems which were experienced by people who were deported from their historic places of residence after they were accused of aiding the enemies of the Soviet state did not become the subject of public attention until the years of

slander, genocide, forced relocation, the abolition of national-state entities, and the establishment of a regime of terror and violence in places of special settlements were all recognized as illegal and criminal measures.[citation needed
]

In post-Soviet Russia

On 26 April 1991, the RSFSR Law No. 1107-I "On the rehabilitation of repressed peoples" was adopted, which recognized the deportation of peoples as a "policy of slander and genocide" (Article 2). Among other things, the law recognized the right of repressed peoples to restore the territorial integrity that existed before the unconstitutional policy of forcibly redrawing borders, to restore national-state formations that existed before their abolition, and to compensate for damage caused by the state.[65]

Mukharbek Didigov called this law a triumph of historical justice. In his opinion, the fact that the state recognizes repression as illegal, inhumane actions directed against innocent people is an indicator of the development of democratic institutions, which has a special moral significance for deported peoples. According to him, the law gives confidence that this will not happen again.[66]

In furtherance of the law "On the rehabilitation of repressed peoples", several legislative acts were adopted, including the resolution of the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation of 16 July 1992 "On the rehabilitation of the Cossacks"; the Resolution of the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation of 1 April 1993 "On the rehabilitation of Russian Koreans"; the Decree of the Government of the Russian Federation of 24 January 1992 "On priority measures for the practical restoration of the legal rights of the repressed peoples of the Dagestan Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic"; the Resolution of the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation of 29 June 1993 "On the rehabilitation of Russian Finns", etc.

15 years after recognition in the USSR, in February 2004, the European Parliament also recognized the deportation of Chechens and Ingush in 1944 as an act of genocide.[67]

On 24 September 2012, deputies from United Russia introduced a bill on additional assistance to representatives of repressed peoples to the State Duma. The bill's authors proposed allocating 23 billion rubles from the federal budget to help political prisoners. According to the authors, this money should be used for monthly payments and compensation for lost property in the amount of up to 35 thousand rubles.[68]

Modern views

Several historians, including Russian historian

crime against humanity. They are also often described as Soviet ethnic cleansing.[71][72][12] Terry Martin of Harvard University
observes:

... the same principles that informed Soviet

ethnic terror against a limited set of stigmatized nationalities, while leaving nation-building policies in place for the majority of nonstigmatized nationalities.[73]

Funeral of the deported Crimean Tatars in Krasnovishersk, late 1944

Other academics and countries go further to call the deportations of the Crimean Tatars, Chechens and Ingushs

crime of genocide. German investigative journalist Lutz Kleveman compared the deportations of Chechens and Ingush to a "slow genocide".[87]

On 12 December 2015, the

Ukrainian Parliament issued a resolution recognizing the deportation of Crimean Tatars as genocide and established 18 May as the "Day of Remembrance for the victims of the Crimean Tatar genocide."[88] The parliament of Latvia recognized the event as an act of genocide on 9 May 2019.[89][90] The Parliament of Lithuania did the same on 6 June 2019.[91] Canadian Parliament passed a motion on 10 June 2019, recognizing the Crimean Tatar deportation of 1944 (Sürgünlik) as a genocide perpetrated by Soviet dictator Stalin, designating 18 May to be a day of remembrance.[92][93] The deportation of Chechens and Ingush was acknowledged by the European Parliament as an act of genocide in 2004:[94]

...Believes that the deportation of the entire Chechen people to Central Asia on 23 February 1944 on the orders of Stalin constitutes an act of genocide within the meaning of the Fourth Hague Convention of 1907 and the Convention for the Prevention and Repression of the Crime of Genocide adopted by the UN General Assembly on 9 December 1948.[95]

Experts of the

ethnic identity that the regime sought to eradicate."[99] According to Professor Francine Hirsch, "although the Soviet regime practiced politics of discrimination and exclusion, it did not practice what contemporaries thought of as racial politics." To her, these mass deportations were based on the concept that nationalities were "sociohistorical groups with a shared consciousness and not racial-biological groups".[100] In contrast to this view, Jon K. Chang contends that the deportations had been in fact based on ethnicity and that "social historians" in the West have failed to champion the rights of marginalized ethnicities in the Soviet Union.[101]

Possible motivations

The dominant view among historians of Russia and the USSR was and remains that of Harvard's Terry Martin and his theory of "Soviet xenophobia." This theory espouses the belief that the Soviet Union ethnically cleansed the border peoples of the USSR from 1937 to 1951 (including the Caucasus and the Crimea) to remove Soviet nationalities whose political allegiances were allegedly suspect or inimical to Soviet socialism. In this view, the USSR did not practice direct negative ethnic animus or discrimination ("In neither case did the Soviet state itself conceive of these deportations as ethnic.").[102] Political ideology of all Soviet peoples was the primary consideration.[103] Martin stated that the various deportations of the Soviet border peoples were simply the "culmination of a gradual shift from predominantly class-based terror" which began during collectivization (1932–33) to "national/ethnic" based terror (1937).[104] Accordingly, Martin further claimed that the nationalities deportations were "ideological, not ethnic. It was spurred by an ideological hatred and suspicion of foreign capitalist governments, not the national hatred of non-Russians."[105] His theory entitled "Soviet xenophobia" paints the USSR and the Stalinist regime as having practiced and carried out in politics, education and Soviet society relatively pure socialism and Marxist practices. This view has been supported by many of the major historians of the USSR, those in Russian and even Korean studies such as Fitzpatrick, Suny, F. Hirsch, A. Weiner and A. Park.[106] A. Park, in her archival work, found very little evidence that Koreans had proven or were able to prove their loyalties beyond a shadow of a doubt, thus 'necessitating' deportation from the border areas.[107] Robert Conquest stated that these nationalities were transferred because "in Stalin's view, either welcomed or not opposed the Germans".[108]

In contrast, the views of J. Otto Pohl and Jon K. Chang affirm that the Soviet Union, its officials and everyday citizens produced and reproduced (from the Tsarist era) racialized (primordialist) views, policies and tropes regarding their non-Slavic peoples. [109][110][111] Norman M. Naimark believed that the Stalinist "nationalities deportations" were forms of national-cultural genocide. The deportations at the very least changed the cultures, way of life and world views of the deported peoples as the majority were sent to Soviet Central Asia and Siberia.[112]

"Primordialism" is simply another way of saying ethnic

deported peoples were seen to have loyalties to their titular nations (or to non-Soviet polities) as the Soviet state in the 1930s regarded nationality (ethnicity) and political loyalty (ideology) as a primordial equivalents.[113]
Thus, it was no surprise that the regime would choose "deportation."

Martin's different interpretation is that the Soviet regime was not deporting the various diaspora peoples because of their nationality. Rather, nationality (ethnicity or phenotype) served as a referent or a signifier for the political ideology of the deported peoples.[115][116] Amir Weiner's argument is similar to Martin's, substituting "territorial identity" for Martin's "xenophobia."[117][118] The "Soviet xenophobia" argument also does not hold up semantically. Xenophobia is the fear by natives of invasion or loss of territory and influence to foreigners. The "Russians" and other Eastern Slavs are coming into the territory of the natives (the deported peoples) who were simply Soviet national minorities. They were not foreign elements. The Russian empire was not the "native" state, polity or government in the Asian Far East, the Caucasus and many other regions of the deported peoples.[118] Koguryo followed by Parhae/Balhae/Bohai were the first states of the Russian Far East.[119][120] John J. Stephan called the "erasure" of Chinese and Korean history (state-formation, cultural contributions, peoples) to the region by the USSR and Russia—the intentional "genesis of a 'blank spot.' "[121]

Chang notes that all forms of racism could be explained away in a like manner. Regardless, all of the Stalinist orders for "total deportation" of the thirteen nationalities (from 1937 to 1951) list each of the peoples by ethnicity as well as a charge of treason. Soviet law required that one's guilt or innocence (for treason) be determined individually and in a court of law prior to sentencing (per 1936 Constitution). Finally, on the other end of the "primordial" spectrum, the Eastern Slavs (Russians, Ukrainians, Belarusians) were seen as inherently more loyal and more representative of the Soviet people.[122] This is clearly a deviation from socialism and Marxist–Leninism.[123]

Death toll

The number of deaths attributed to deported people living in exile is considerable. The causes for such demographic catastrophe lie in harsh climates of Siberia and Kazakhstan, disease, malnutrition, work exploitation which lasted for up to 12 hours daily as well as the lack of any kind of appropriate housing or accommodation for the deported people. Overall, it is assumed that the fatalities caused by this relocation upheaval range from 800,000[5] up to 1,500,000.[6]

The partial documentation in the NKVD archives indicated that the

mortality rates of these deported ethnic groups were considerable. The Meskhetian Turks had a 14.6% mortality rate, the Kalmyks 17.4%, people from Crimea 19.6%, while the Chechens, the Ingush and other people from the Northern Caucasus had the highest losses reaching 23.7%.[124] The NKVD did not record excess deaths for the deported Soviet Koreans, but their mortality rate estimates range from 10%[125] to 16.3%.[126]

Number of deaths of peoples in exile, 1930s–1950s
Group Estimated number of deaths References
Kulaks 1930–1937 389,521 [127][128]
Chechens 100,000–400,000 [129][130]
Poles 90,000 [131]
Koreans 16,500–40,000 [125][132][133]
Estonians 5,400 [134]
Latvians 17,400 [134]
Lithuanians 28,000 [135]
Finns 18,800 [136]
Greeks 15,000

[137]

Hungarians 15,000–20,000 [138]
Karachays 13,100–35,000 [124][133][139]
Soviet Germans
42,823–228,800 [140][124]
Kalmyks 12,600–48,000 [124][136][133][141]
Ingush 20,300–23,000 [124][133]
Balkars 7,600–11,000 [124][136][133]
Crimean Tatars 34,300–109,956 [124][142][143][144]
Meskhetian Turks 12,859–50,000 [124][133][145]
Total 800,000–1,500,000 [5][6]

Additionally, around 300,000–360,000 Germans deported after World War II from occupied territories in Eastern Europe perished,[15] but the Soviet Army was not the sole perpetrator of these expulsions, since other European countries also participated.

Timeline

Date of transfer Targeted group Approximate numbers Place of initial residence Transfer destination Stated reasons for transfer
April 1920 Cossacks, Terek Cossacks 45,000[146] North Caucasus Ukraine, northern Russian SFSR "
Decossackization", stopping Russian colonisation of North Caucasus
1930–1931 Kulaks 1,679,528- 1,803,392[19] "Regions of total collectivization", most of Russian SFSR, Ukraine, other regions Northern
Kirghiz ASSR
Collectivization
1930–1937 Kulaks 15,000,000[20] "Regions of total collectivization", most of Russian SFSR, Ukraine, other regions Northern
Kirghiz ASSR
Collectivization
November–December 1932
Peasants
45,000[147] - 46,000[148] Krasnodar Krai (Russian SFSR) Northern Russia Sabotage
May 1933 People from
Leningrad
who had been unable to obtain an internal passport
6,000
Leningrad
Nazino Island
"cleanse Moscow, Leningrad and the other great urban centers of the USSR of superfluous elements not connected with production or administrative work, as well as kulaks, criminals, and other antisocial and socially dangerous elements."[149]
February–May 1935; September 1941; 1942 Ingrian Finns 420,000[150] Leningrad Oblast, Karelia (Russian SFSR)
Western Siberia, Kazakhstan, Tajikistan, Finland
February–March 1935
Germans, Poles
412,000[147] Central and western Ukraine Eastern Ukraine
May 1936
Germans, Poles
45,000[147] Border regions of Ukraine Ukraine
July 1937
Kurds
1,325[151] Border regions of Georgia, Azerbaijan, Armenia, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, and Tajikistan Kazakhstan, Kirghizia
September–October 1937 Koreans 172,000[152]
Far East
Northern Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan
September–October 1937 Chinese, Harbin Russians At least 17,500[153] Southern
Far East[147]
Xinjiang,[153]

Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan[147]

At least 12,000 Chinese citizens were deported to Xinjiang, while 5,500 Chinese Soviet citizens were deported to Central Asia.[153]
1938 Persian Jews 6,000[154]
Mary Province (Turkmenistan
)
Deserted areas of northern Turkmenistan
January 1938
Kurds, Assyrians
6,000[155] Azerbaijan Kazakhstan Iranian citizenship
January 1940 – 1941 Poles, Jews, Ukrainians (including refugees from Poland) 320,000[156] Western Ukraine, western Byelorussia Northern Russian SFSR, Ural, Siberia, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan
June 1940 Norwegians, Finns, Swedes, Estonians, Latvians, Lithuanians 6,973[157][158] Murmansk and Murmansk Oblast
Karelo-Finnish SSR and later to Arkhangelsk Oblast
Lavrenty Beria's order of June 23, 1940 about resettlement of "citizens of foreign nationalities"[158]
June 1940 Germans, Poles, Chinese, Greeks, Koreans, and other "citizens of foreign nationalities" 1,743[158] Murmansk and Murmansk Oblast Altai Krai Lavrenty Beria's order of June 23, 1940 about resettlement of "citizens of foreign nationalities[158]
July 1940 to 1953 Estonians, Latvians and Lithuanians 203,590[159] Baltic states Siberia and Northern Russian SFSR
September 1941 – March 1942
Germans
855,674[160] Povolzhye, the Caucasus, Crimea, Ukraine, Moscow, central Russian SFSR Kazakhstan, Siberia
August 1943
Karachais
69,267[161]
Karachay–Cherkess AO, Stavropol Krai (Russian SFSR
)
Kazakhstan, Kirghizia, other
Banditism
, other
December 1943 Kalmyks 93,139[152]
Kalmyk ASSR, (Russian SFSR
)
Kazakhstan, Siberia
February 1944 Chechens, Ingush 478,479[162] North Caucasus Kazakhstan, Kirghizia
1940-1944 insurgency in Chechnya
April 1944
Azeris
3,000[163] Tbilisi (Georgia) Southern Georgia
May 1944 Balkars 37,406[161]–40,900[152] North Caucasus Kazakhstan, Kirghizia
May 1944 Crimean Tatars 191,014[161][152]
Crimea
Uzbekistan
May–June 1944 Greeks, Bulgarians, Armenians, Turks 37,080
(9,620 Armenians, 12,040 Bulgarians, 15,040 Greeks[164])
Crimea
Uzbekistan (?)
June 1944
Kabardins
2,000
Kabardino-Balkarian ASSR, (Russian SFSR
)
Southern Kazakhstan Collaboration with the
Nazis
July 1944 Russian True Orthodox Church members 1,000 Central Russian SFSR Siberia
November 1944
Karapapaks, Lazes
and other inhabitants of the border zone
115,000[152] Southwestern Georgia Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Kirghizia
November 1944 – January 1945 Hungarians, Germans 30,000–40,000[138]
Transcarpathian Ukraine
Ural, Donbas, Byelorussia
January 1945 "Traitors and collaborators" 2,000[165] Mineralnye Vody (Russian SFSR) Tajikistan Collaboration with the
Nazis
1944–1953 Families of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army 204,000[166] Western Ukraine Siberia
1944–1953 Poles 1,240,000[150] Kresy region postwar Poland Removal of indigenous population from the new territory acquired by Soviet Union
1945–1950 Germans Tens of thousands Königsberg West or Middle Germany Removal of indigenous population from the new territory acquired by Soviet Union
1945–1951 Japanese, Koreans 400,000[167] Mostly from Sakhalin, Kuril Islands
Far East, North Korea, Japan
Removal of indigenous population from the new territory acquired by Soviet Union
1948–1951
Azeris
100,000[168] Armenia
Kura-Aras Lowland, Azerbaijan
"Measures for resettlement of collective farm workers"
May–June 1949 Greeks, Armenians, Turks 57,680[169]
(including 15,485 Dashnaks)[169]
The Black Sea coast (Russian SFSR), South Caucasus Southern Kazakhstan Membership in the nationalist Dashnaktsutiun Party (Armenians), Greek or Turkish citizenship (Greeks): "suspect cross-border ethnic ties."[52]
March 1951
Basmachis
2,795[169] Tajikistan Northern Kazakhstan
April 1951 Jehovah's Witnesses 8,576–9,500 [170] Mostly from Moldavia and Ukraine
Western Siberia
Operation North
1991 Armenians 24 villages,[171] 17,000 people[172] Nagorno-Karabakh Armenia Operation Ring

Desire to re-unify with Armenia and/or obtain more autonomy from the Azeri SSR.[173][174]

1920 to 1953 Total ~20,296,000 -

See also

Citations

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  2. .
  3. ^ .
  4. .
  5. ^ a b c Grieb 2014, p. 930.
  6. ^ a b c d e Werth 2004, p. 73.
  7. ^ Bekus 2010, p. 42.
  8. ^ Casey Michael (9 August 2022). "Russia's Crimes of Colonialism". Wall Street Journal.
  9. ^ Ellman 2002, p. 1158.
  10. ^ Polian 2004, p. 4.
  11. .
  12. ^ a b c Ellman 2002, p. 1159.
  13. ^ Pohl 1997, p. 58.
  14. ^ Pohl 1997, p. 148.
  15. ^ a b c Vertreibung und Vertreibungsverbrechen 1945–1978. Bericht des Bundesarchivs vom 28 Mai 1974. Archivalien und ausgewälte Erlebenisberichte, Bonn 1989, pp. 40–41, 46–47, 51–53
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  19. ^ a b Viola 2007, p. 32.
  20. ^ . By 1937, 18,5 million were collectivized but there were now only 19.9 million households: 5.7 million households, perhaps 15 million persons, had been deported, many of them dead
  21. ^ Martin 1998.
  22. ^ Pohl 1999.
  23. ^ Martin 1998, p. 815. Poles, Germans, Finns, Estonians, Latvians, Koreans, Italians, Chinese, Kurds, and Iranians.
  24. ^ Martin 1998, p. 820.
  25. .
  26. and Nikolai Pobol
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  28. .
  29. ^ "Table 1B : Soviet Transit, Camp and Deportation Death Rates" (GIF). Hawaii.edu. Retrieved 17 February 2015.
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  31. , P.14
  32. ^ Franciszek Proch, Poland's Way of the Cross, New York 1987 P.146
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Bibliography

Further reading

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