Anglo-Saxon paganism
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Anglo-Saxon paganism, sometimes termed Anglo-Saxon heathenism, Anglo-Saxon pre-Christian religion, or Anglo-Saxon traditional religion, refers to the religious beliefs and practices followed by the
Developing from the earlier
Anglo-Saxon paganism was a
The deities of this religion provided the basis for the names of the days of the week in the English language. What is known about the religion and its accompanying mythology have since influenced both literature and modern paganism.
Definition
The word
There is no evidence that anyone living in Anglo-Saxon England ever described themselves as a "pagan" or understood there to be a singular religion, "paganism", that stood as a monolithic alternative to Christianity.[5] These pagan belief systems would have been inseparable from other aspects of daily life.[7] According to the archaeologists Martin Carver, Alex Sanmark, and Sarah Semple, Anglo-Saxon paganism was "not a religion with supraregional rules and institutions but a loose term for a variety of local intellectual world views."[8] Carver stressed that, in Anglo-Saxon England, neither paganism nor Christianity represented "homogenous intellectual positions or canons and practice"; instead, there was "considerable interdigitation" between the two.[9] As a phenomenon, this belief system lacked any apparent rules or consistency, and exhibited both regional and chronological variation.[6] The archaeologist Aleks Pluskowski suggested that it is possible to talk of "multiple Anglo-Saxon 'paganisms'".[7]
Adopting the terminology of the sociologist of religion Max Weber, the historian Marilyn Dunn described Anglo-Saxon paganism as a "world accepting" religion, one which was "concerned with the here and now" and in particular with issues surrounding the safety of the family, prosperity, and the avoidance of drought or famine.[10] Also adopting the categories of Gustav Mensching, she described Anglo-Saxon paganism as a "folk religion", in that its adherents concentrated on survival and prosperity in this world.[10]
Using the expressions "paganism" or "heathenism" when discussing pre-Christian belief systems in Anglo-Saxon England is problematic.[5] Historically, many early scholars of the Anglo-Saxon period used these terms to describe the religious beliefs in England before its conversion to Christianity in the 7th century.[5] Several later scholars criticised this approach;[5] as the historian Ian N. Wood stated, using the term "pagan" when discussing the Anglo-Saxons forces the scholar to adopt "the cultural constructs and value judgements of the early medieval [Christian] missionaries" and thus obscures scholarly understandings of the so-called pagans' own perspectives.[11] At present, while some Anglo-Saxonists have ceased using the terms "paganism" or "pagan" when discussing the early Anglo-Saxon period, others have continued to do so, viewing these terms as a useful means of designating something that is not Christian yet which is still identifiably religious.[5] The historian John Hines proposed "traditional religion" as a better alternative,[5] although Carver cautioned against this, noting that Britain in the 5th to the 8th century was replete with new ideas and thus belief systems of that period were not particularly "traditional".[12] The term "pre-Christian" religion has also been used; this avoids the judgemental connotations of "paganism" and "heathenism" but is not always chronologically accurate.[13]
Evidence
Surviving primary textual source material derives from later authors, such as
Far fewer textual records discuss Anglo-Saxon paganism than the pre-Christian belief systems found in nearby Ireland, Francia, or Scandinavia.[20] There is no neat, formalised account of Anglo-Saxon pagan beliefs as there is for instance for Classical mythology and Norse mythology.[21] Although many scholars have used Norse mythology as a guide to understanding the beliefs of pre-Christian Anglo-Saxon England, caution has been expressed as to the utility of this approach.[22] Stenton assumes that the connection between Anglo-Saxon and Scandinavian paganism occurred "in a past which was already remote" at the time of the Anglo-Saxon migration to Britain,[23] and claims that there was clear diversity among the pre-Christian belief systems of Scandinavia itself, further complicating the use of Scandinavian material to understand that of England.[24] Conversely, the historian Brian Branston argued for the use of Old Norse sources to better understand Anglo-Saxon pagan beliefs, recognising mythological commonalities between the two rooted in their common ancestry.[25]
Old English place-names also provide some insight into the pre-Christian beliefs and practices of Anglo-Saxon England.[26] Some of these place-names reference the names of particular deities, while others use terms that refer to cultic practices that took place there.[27] In England, these two categories remain separate, unlike in Scandinavia, where certain place-names exhibit both features.[28] Those place-names which carry possible pagan associations are centred primarily in the centre and south-east of England,[29] while no obvious examples are known from Northumbria or East Anglia.[30] It is not clear why such names are rarer or non-existent in certain parts of the country; it may be due to changes in nomenclature brought about by Scandinavian settlement in the Late Anglo-Saxon period or because of evangelising efforts by later Christian authorities.[31] In 1941, Stenton suggested that "between fifty and sixty sites of heathen worship" could be identified through the place-name evidence,[32] although in 1961 the place-name scholar Margaret Gelling cautioned that only forty-five of these appeared reliable.[33] The literature specialist Philip A. Shaw has however warned that many of these sites might not have been named by pagans but by later Christian Anglo-Saxons, reflecting spaces that were perceived to be heathen from a Christian perspective.[34]
"Although our understanding of Anglo-Saxon pre-Christian religion from written sources and from place names is partial and far from complete, archaeology is beginning to reveal more."
— Archaeologist Martin Welch, 2011.[35]
According to Wilson, the archaeological evidence is "prolific and hence is potentially the most useful in the study of paganism" in Anglo-Saxon England.[36] Archaeologically, the realms of religion, ritual, and magic can only be identified if they affected material culture.[37] As such, scholarly understandings of pre-Christian religion in Anglo-Saxon England are reliant largely on rich burials and monumental buildings, which exert as much of a political purpose as a religious one.[37] Metalwork items discovered by metal detectorists have also contributed to the interpretation of Anglo-Saxon paganism.[38] The world-views of the pre-Christian Anglo-Saxons would have impinged on all aspects of everyday life, making it particularly difficult for modern scholars to separate Anglo-Saxon ritual activities as something distinct from other areas of daily life.[39] Much of this archaeological material comes from the period in which pagan beliefs were being supplanted by Christianity, and thus an understanding of Anglo-Saxon paganism must be seen in tandem with the archaeology of the conversion.[40]
Based on the evidence available, the historian John Blair stated that the pre-Christian religion of Anglo-Saxon England largely resembled "that of the pagan Britons under Roman rule... at least in its outward forms".[41] However, the archaeologist Audrey Meaney concluded that there exists "very little undoubted evidence for Anglo-Saxon paganism, and we remain ignorant of many of its essential features of organisation and philosophy".[42] Similarly, the Old English specialist Roy Page expressed the view that the surviving evidence was "too sparse and too scattered" to permit a good understanding of Anglo-Saxon paganism.[43]
Historical development
Arrival and establishment
During most of the fourth century, the majority of Britain had been part of the Roman Empire, which—starting in 380 AD with the Edict of Thessalonica—had Christianity as its official religion.[44] However, in Britain, Christianity was probably still a minority religion, restricted largely to the urban centres and their hinterlands.[44] While it did have some impact in the countryside, here it appears that indigenous Late Iron Age polytheistic belief systems continued to be widely practised.[44] Some areas, such as the Welsh Marches, the majority of Wales (excepting Gwent), Lancashire, and the south-western peninsula, are totally lacking evidence for Christianity in this period.[44]
Britons who found themselves in the areas now dominated by Anglo-Saxon elites possibly embraced the Anglo-Saxons' pagan religion in order to aid their own self-advancement, just as they adopted other trappings of Anglo-Saxon culture.[45] This would have been easier for those Britons who, rather than being Christian, continued to practise indigenous polytheistic belief systems,[45] and in areas this Late Iron Age polytheism could have syncretically mixed with the incoming Anglo-Saxon religion.[46] Conversely, there is weak possible evidence for limited survival of Roman Christianity into the Anglo-Saxon period, such as the place-name ecclēs, meaning 'church', at two locations in Norfolk and Eccles in Kent.[45] However, Blair suggested that Roman Christianity would not have experienced more than a "ghost-life" in Anglo-Saxon areas.[45] Those Britons who continued to practise Christianity were probably perceived as second-class citizens and were unlikely to have had much of an impact on the pagan kings and aristocracy which was then emphasising Anglo-Saxon culture and defining itself against British culture.[47] If the British Christians were able to convert any of the Anglo-Saxon elite conquerors, it was likely only on a small community scale, with British Christianity having little impact on the later establishment of Anglo-Saxon Christianity in the seventh century.[48]
Prior scholarship tended to view Anglo-Saxon paganism as a development from an older Germanic paganism. The scholar Michael Bintley cautioned against this approach, noting that this "'Germanic' paganism" had "never had a single ur-form" from which later variants developed.[49]
The conversion to Christianity
Anglo-Saxon paganism only existed for a relatively short time-span, from the fifth to the eighth centuries.
As with other areas of Europe, the conversion to Christianity was facilitated by the aristocracy.[53] These rulers may have felt themselves to be members of a pagan backwater in contrast to the Christian kingdoms in continental Europe.[54] The pace of Christian conversion varied across Anglo-Saxon England,[40] with it taking almost 90 years for the official conversion to succeed.[55] Most of the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms returned to paganism for a time after the death of their first converted king.[40] However, by the end of the 680s, all of the Anglo-Saxon peoples were at least nominally Christian.[52] Blair noted that for most Anglo-Saxons, the "moral and practical imperatives" of following one's lord by converting to Christianity were a "powerful stimulus".[56]
It remains difficult to determine the extent to which pre-Christian beliefs retained their popularity among the Anglo-Saxon populace from the seventh century onward.
In the latter decades of the ninth century during the Late Anglo-Saxon period, Scandinavian settlers arrived in Britain, bringing with them
Archaeologically, the introduction of Norse paganism to Britain in this period is mostly visited in the mortuary evidence.[66] A number of Scandinavian furnished burial styles were also introduced that differed from the Christian churchyard burials then dominant in Late Anglo-Saxon England. Whether these represent clear pagan identity or not is however debated among archaeologists.[67] Norse mythological scenes have also been identified on a number of stone carvings from the period, such as the Gosforth Cross, which included images of Ragnarök.[68]
The English church found that it needed to conduct a new conversion process to Christianise the incoming Scandinavian population.[69] It is not well understood how the Christian institutions converted these settlers, in part due to a lack of textual descriptions of this conversion process equivalent to Bede's description of the earlier Anglo-Saxon conversion.[70] However, it appears that the Scandinavian migrants had converted to Christianity within the first few decades of their arrival.[66]
The historian Judith Jesch suggested that these beliefs survived throughout Late Anglo-Saxon England not in the form of an active non-Christian religion, but as "cultural paganism", the acceptance of references to pre-Christian myths in particular cultural contexts within an officially Christian society.
Post-Christianization folklore
"The pagan hierarchical structure disintegrated rapidly in the seventh century in the face of Christianity's systematic organization. But folk practices were all-pervasive in everyday life. The animistic character of Germanic belief prior to Christianization, with its emphasis on nature, holistic cures, and worship at wells, trees, and stones, meant that it was hard to counteract on an institutional level of organized religion... The synthesis of Christian and Germanic ideas gradually transformed these practices, undoubtedly at the local level... In this way Christianity ultimately penetrated the homes and daily lives of the various Germanic peoples in the centuries after the arrival of the first missionaries."
— Historian Karen Louise Jolly, 1996.[74]
Although Christianity had been adopted across Anglo-Saxon England by the late seventh century, many pre-Christian customs continued to be practised.
Both secular and church authorities issued condemnations of alleged non-Christian pagan practices, such as the veneration of wells, trees, and stones, right through to the eleventh century and into the High Middle Ages.
Various elements of English
Mythology
Cosmology
Little is known about the cosmological beliefs of Anglo-Saxon paganism.
Although we have no evidence directly testifying to the existence of such a belief, the possibility that the pre-Christian Anglo-Saxons believed in a cosmological
Deities
"The world of the Anglo-Saxon gods will forever remain a mystery to us, existing just beyond the reach of written history. This pagan world sits in an enigmatic realm that is in many respects prehistoric, an alien headspace far removed from our own intellectual universe. Situated within a polytheistic cosmos, clouded from us by centuries of Christian theology and Enlightenment rationalism, we can discern the existence of a handful of potential deities, who though long deceased have perhaps left their mark in place-names, royal genealogies, and the accounts of proselytizing monks. Such sources have led scholars to put together a pantheon for early medieval England, populated by such murky figures as Woden, Þunor, Tiw, and Frig."
— Historian Ethan Doyle White, 2014[92]
Anglo-Saxon paganism was a polytheistic belief system, with its practitioners believing in many deities.[93] However, most Christian Anglo-Saxon writers had little or no interest in the pagan gods, and thus did not discuss them in their texts.[94] The Old English words for a god were ēs and ōs, and they may be reflected in such place-names as Easole ("God's Ridge") in Kent and Eisey ("God's Island") in Wiltshire.[95]
The deity for whom we have most evidence is
It has been suggested that Woden was also known as Grim – a name which appears in such English place-names as
The second most widespread deity from Anglo-Saxon England appears to be the god Thunor. It has been suggested that the hammer and the swastika were the god's symbols, representing thunderbolts, and both of these symbols have been found in Anglo-Saxon graves, the latter being common on cremation urns.[106] A large number of Thunor place-names feature the Old English word lēah ("wood", or "clearing in a wood"), among them Thunderley and Thundersley in Essex.[107] The deity's name also appears in other compounds too, as with Thunderfield ("Thunor's Open Land") in Surrey and Thunores hlaew ("Thunor's Mound") in Kent.[108]
A third Anglo-Saxon god that is attested is
"A worm came creeping, he tore a man in two, then Woden took nine Glory-Twigs, then struck the adder, that it flew apart into nine [bits] ... [Woden] established [the nine herbs] and sent [them] into the seven worlds, for the poor and the rich, a remedy for all, it stands against pain, it fights against poison, it avails against three and against thirty, against foe's hand and against noble scheming, against enchantment of vile creatures."
Perhaps the most prominent female deity in Anglo-Saxon paganism was
The
References to
Wights
Many Anglo-Saxonists have also assumed that Anglo-Saxon paganism was
Legend and poetry
In pre-Christian Anglo-Saxon England, legends and other stories were transmitted orally instead of being written down; it is for this reason that very few survive today.[128]
In both
The only surviving Anglo-Saxon
Nonetheless, some academics still hold reservations about accepting it as containing information pertaining to Anglo-Saxon paganism, with Patrick Wormald noting that "vast reserves of intellectual energy have been devoted to threshing this poem for grains of authentic pagan belief, but it must be admitted that the harvest has been meagre. The poet may have known that his heroes were pagans, but he did not know much about paganism."[134] Similarly, Christine Fell declared that when it came to paganism, the poet who authored Beowulf had "little more than a vague awareness of what was done 'in those days'."[135] Conversely, North argued that the poet knew more about paganism that he revealed in the poem, suggesting that this could be seen in some of the language and references.[136]
Cultic practice
As archaeologist Sarah Semple noted, "the rituals [of the early Anglo-Saxons] involved the full pre-Christian repertoire: votive deposits, furnished burial, monumental mounds, sacred natural phenomenon and eventually constructed pillars, shrines and temples", thereby having many commonalities with other pre-Christian religions in Europe.[137]
Places of worship
Place-name evidence
Place-name evidence may indicate some locations which were used as places of worship by the pre-Christian Anglo-Saxons.
Highlighting that while wēoh sites vary in their location, some being on high ground and others on low ground, Wilson noted that the majority were very close to ancient routeways.[140] Accordingly, he suggested that the term wēoh denoted a "small, wayside shrine, accessible to the traveller".[143] Given that some wēoh-sites were connected to the name of an individual, Wilson suggested that such individuals may have been the owner or guardian of the shrine.[143]
A number of place-names including reference to pre-Christian deities compound these names with the Old English word lēah ("wood", or "clearing in a wood"), and this may have attested to a sacred grove at which cultic practice took place.[144] A number of other place-names associate the deity's name with a high point in the landscape, such as dūn or hōh, which might represent that such spots were considered particularly appropriate for cultic practice.[145] In six examples, the deity's name is associated with feld ("open land"), in which case these might have been sanctuaries located to specifically benefit the agricultural actions of the community.[146]
Some Old English place names make reference to an animal's head, among them Gateshead ("Goat's Head") in Tyne and Wear and Worms Heath ("Snake's Head") in Surrey. It is possible that some of these names had pagan religious origins, perhaps referring to a sacrificed animal's head that was erected on a pole, or a carved representation of one; equally some or all of these place-names may have been descriptive metaphors for local landscape features.[147]
Built structures
"The idol temples of that race [the English] should by no means be destroyed, but only the idols in them. Take holy water and sprinkle it in these shrines, build altars and place relics in them. For if the shrines are well built, it is essential that they should be changed from the worship of devils to the service of the true God. When the people see that their shrines are not destroyed they will be able to banish error from their hearts and be more ready to come to the places they are familiar with, but now recognizing and worshipping the true God."
— Pope Gregory's letter to Mellitus.[148]
No cultic building has survived from the early Anglo-Saxon period, and nor do we have a contemporary illustration or even a clear description of such a structure.
Summarising the archaeological evidence, C. J. Arnold concluded that "the existence and nature of possible shrines remain intangible at present".[154] The best known archaeological candidate for a building used in pre-Christian cultic practice is Building D2 at the Yeavering complex in Northumberland.[155] Inside the east door of the building was a pit filled with ox skulls, which have been interpreted as sacrificial deposits,[156] while two post-holes inside the building have been interpreted as evidence for holding statues of the deities, and the building also showed no evidence of domestic usage, suggesting some special function.[157] Blair suggested that the development of temple buildings in the late sixth and seventh centuries reflects the assimilation of Christian ideas.[158]
"Bede's evidence and archaeology show that sanctuaries associated with royal estates at the end of the pagan period are likely to have been enclosures containing buildings of organic materials, with images of the gods inside. Earlier, in the countryside, the sanctuaries were probably open air sites, on hills or in forest groves, with some kind of central feature. Ceremonies which took place at these sites included at least one annually (probably around November) which involved a large sacrifice of cattle."
— Audrey Meaney, 1995.[159]
Other possible temples or shrine buildings have been identified by archaeological investigation as existing within such Anglo-Saxon cemeteries as
Blair highlighted evidence for the existence of square enclosures dating from the early Anglo-Saxon period which often included standing posts and which were often superimposed on earlier prehistoric monuments, most notably Bronze Age barrows.[163] He argued that these were cultic spaces, and that – rather than being based on a tradition from continental Europe – they were based on a tradition of square enclosure building that dated back to the Pre-Roman Iron Age in Britain, thus reflecting the adoption of indigenous British ideas into early Anglo-Saxon cult.[164] Building on Blair's argument, the archaeologist Sarah Semple suggested that in Early Anglo-Saxon England such barrows might have been understood as "the home of spirits, ancestors or gods" and accordingly used as cultic places.[165] According to Semple "ancient remains in the landscape held a significant place in the Anglo-Saxon mind as part of a wider, numinous, spiritual and resonant landscape".[166]
Blair suggested that the scant archaeological evidence for built cultic structures may be because many cultic spaces in early Anglo-Saxon England did not involve buildings.[167] Supporting this, he highlighted ethnographically recorded examples from elsewhere in Northern Europe, such as among the Mansi, in which shrines are located away from the main area of settlement, and are demarcated by logs, ropes, fabrics, and images, none of which would leave an archaeological trace.[168] Arnold suggested that it may be mistaken to assume that the pre-Christian Anglo-Saxons carried out ritual activity at specific sites, instead suggesting that such practices occurred within the domestic area.[169] As evidence, he pointed to certain deposits that have been excavated in Anglo-Saxon settlements, such as the deposition of an adult cow above a pit of clay and cobbles which had been placed at Cowdery's Down.[169] The deposition of human and animal bone in settlement sites has parallels both with continental practices and with Iron Age and Romano-British practices in Britain.[170]
Cultic trees and megaliths
"Let us raise a hymn, especially because He who thrust into Tartarus of terrible torture the ghastly three-tongued serpent who vomits torrents of rank and virulent poisons through the ages deigned in like measure to send to earth the offspring begotten of holy parturition... and because where once the crude pillars of the same foul snake and the stag were worshipped with coarse stupidity in profane shrines, in their place dwelling for students, not to mention holy houses of prayer, are constructed skilfully by the talents of the architect."
— Aldhelm's letter to Heahfrith, 680s.[171]
Although there are virtually no references to pre-Christian sacred trees in Old English literature,[148] there are condemnations of tree veneration as well as the veneration of stones and wells in several later Anglo-Saxon penitentials.[172] In the 680s, the Christian writer Aldhelm referred to the pagan use of pillars associated with the "foul snake and stag", praising the fact that many had been converted into sites for Christian worship.[173] Aldhelm had used the Latin terms ermula cruda ("crude pillars"), although it was unclear what exactly he was referring to; possibly examples include something akin to a wooden totem pole or a re-used Neolithic menhir.[171] Meaney suggested that Aldhelm's reference to the snake and stag might be describing a representation of an animal's head atop a pole, in which case it would be related to the animal-head place-names.[174] North also believed that this snake and stag were animals with pagan religious associations.[175]
It remains difficult to determine the location of any pre-Christian holy trees.
Sacrifice
Christian sources regularly complained that the pagans of Anglo-Saxon England practised animal sacrifice.[186] In the seventh century, the first laws against pagan sacrifices appeared, while in the Paenitentiale Theodori one to ten years' penance was allotted for making sacrifices or for eating sacrificed meat.[174] Archaeological evidence reveals that meat was often used as a funerary offering and in many cases whole animal carcasses were placed in burials.[186] Commenting on this archaeological evidence, Pluskowski expressed the view that this reflected "a regular and well-established practice in early Anglo-Saxon society."[186] It appears that they emphasised the killing of
Old English | Translation[188] |
---|---|
Sē mōnaþ is nemned Novembris on Lǣden, and on ūre ġeþēode "blōtmōnaþ", for þon þe ūre ieldran, þā hīe hǣðene wǣron, on þām mōnaþe hīe blēoton ā, þæt is þæt hīe betāhton and benemdon heora dēofolġieldum þā nēat þā þe hīe woldon sellan. | "The month is called Novembris in Latin, and in our language 'sacrifice month', because our ancestors, when they were heathens, always sacrificed in this month; that is, they took and devoted to their idols the cattle which they wished to offer." |
There are several cases where animal remains were buried in what appears to be ritualistic conditions, for instance at Frilford, Berkshire, a pig or boar's head was buried with six flat stones and two Roman-era tiles then placed on top, while at an Anglo-Saxon cemetery in Soham, Cambridgeshire, an ox's head was buried with the muzzle facing down. Archaeologist David Wilson stated that these may be "evidence of sacrifices to a pagan god".[189] The folklorist Jacqueline Simpson has suggested that some English folk customs recorded in the late medieval and early modern periods involving the display of a decapitated animal's head on a pole may derive their origins from pre-Christian sacrificial practices.[190]
Unlike some other areas of Germanic Europe, there is no written evidence for human sacrifice being practised in Anglo-Saxon England.[191] Dunn suggested that had Christian writers believed that such practices were being carried out then they would have strongly condemned them.[192] Nevertheless, the historian Hilda Ellis Davidson expressed the view that "undoubtedly human sacrifice must have been known to the Anglo-Saxons, even if it played no great part in their lives".[193] She suggested that those who were used as victims included slaves, criminals, or prisoners of war, and that such sacrifices were only resorted to in times of crisis, such as plagues, famine, or attack.[193] There has however been speculation that 23 of the corpses at the Sutton Hoo burial site were sacrificial victims clustered around a sacred tree from which they had been hanged.[194] Alongside this, some have suggested that the corpse of an Anglo-Saxon woman found at Sewerby on the Yorkshire Wolds suggested that she had been buried alive alongside a nobleman, possibly as a sacrifice, or to accompany him to the afterlife.[195]
Weapons, among them spears, swords, seaxes, and shield fittings have been found from English rivers, such as the River Thames, although no large-scale weapons deposits in wetlands have been discovered that are akin to those found elsewhere in Europe.[196]
Priests and kings
Wilson stated that "virtually nothing" was known of the pre-Christian priesthood in Anglo-Saxon England,[197] although there are two references to Anglo-Saxon pagan priests in the surviving textual sources.[198] One is that provided by Bede, which refers to Coifi of Northumbria.[198] North has backed Chaney's view that kings mediated between the gods and the people on the basis of a lack of any obvious priesthood.[199]
One of the inhumation burials excavated at Yeavering, classified as Grave AX, has been interpreted as being that of a pre-Christian priest; although the body was not able to be sexed or aged by osteoarchaeologists, it was found with a goat's skull buried by its feet and a long wooden staff with metal fittings beside it.
Campbell suggested that it might have been priestly authorities who organised the imposition of physical penalties in early Anglo-Saxon England, with secular authorities only taking on this role during the conversion to Christianity.[204] The concept of 'sacral kingship' no longer has much credibility within scholarship.[205]
Germanic pagan society was structured hierarchically, under a
Offices at the court included that of the
The pagan Anglo-Saxons inherited the common Germanic institution of
The title of
Funerary rites
Cemeteries are the most widely excavated aspect of Anglo-Saxon archaeology and thus much information about the funerary aspects of Anglo-Saxon pagan religion has been obtained.[36]
One of the aspects of Anglo-Saxon paganism that we know most about is their burial customs, which we have discovered from archaeological excavations at various sites, including
Certain Anglo-Saxon burials appeared to have ritualistic elements to them, implying that a religious rite was performed over them during the funeral. While there are many multiple burials, where more than one corpse was found in a single grave, that date from the Anglo-Saxon period, there is "a small group of such burials where an interpretation involving ritual practices may be possible". For instance, at
Archaeological investigation has displayed that structures or buildings were built inside a number of pagan cemeteries, and as David Wilson noted, "The evidence, then, from cemetery excavations is suggestive of small structures and features, some of which may perhaps be interpreted as shrines or sacred areas".[217] In some cases, there is evidence of far smaller structures being built around or alongside individual graves, implying possible small shrines to the dead individual or individuals buried there.[218]
Eventually, in the sixth and seventh centuries, the idea of
It has been considered largely impossible to distinguish a pagan grave from a Christian one in the Anglo-Saxon context after the latter had spread throughout England.[220]
Festivals
"These few remarks by Bede show us a people who of necessity fitted closely into the pattern of the changing year, who were of the earth and what grows in it, who breathed the farmy exhalations of cattle and sheep, who marked the passage of time according to the life-cycle of their stock and the growth of their plants or by the appropriate period for offerings to the gods".
— Historian Brian Branston, 1957.[221]
Everything that we know about the
The pagan Anglo-Saxons followed a calendar with twelve lunar months, with the occasional year having thirteen months so that the lunar and solar alignment could be corrected. Bede claimed that the greatest pagan festival was
Following this festival, in the month of Solmonað (February), Bede claims that the pagans offered cakes to their deities.
Remarking on Bede's account of the Anglo-Saxon year, the historian Brian Branston noted that they "show us a people who of necessity fitted closely into the pattern of the changing year, who were of the earth and what grows in it" and that they were "in fact, a people who were in a symbiotic relationship with mother earth and father sky".[221] Stenton thought that Bede's account reveals "that there was a strong element of heathen festivity" at the heart of the early Anglo-Saxon calendar.[233] The historian James Campbell described this as a "complicated calendar", and expressed the view that it would have required "an organised and recognised priesthood" to plan the observation of it.[198]
Symbolism
Various recurring symbols appear on certain pagan Anglo-Saxon artefacts, in particular on grave goods. Most notable among these was the
In the later sixth and seventh centuries, a trend emerged in Anglo-Saxon England entailing the symbolism of a horn-helmeted man.[236] The archaeologist Tim Pestell stated that these represented "one of the clearest examples of objects with primarily cultic or religious connotations".[236] This iconography is not unique to England and can be found in Scandinavia and continental Germanic Europe too.[237] The inclusion of this image on helmets and pendants suggests that it may have had apotropaic or amuletic associations.[238] This figure has often been interpreted as a depiction of Woden, although there is no firm evidence to support this conclusion.[239]
Shamanism, magic, and witchcraft
In 2011, Pluskowski noted that the term "shamanism" was increasingly being used by scholars of Anglo-Saxon paganism.[240] Glosecki argued that evidence for shamanic beliefs were visible in later Anglo-Saxon literature.[241] Williams also argued that paganism had a shamanic component through his analysis of early funerary rites.[53] Summarising this evidence, Blair noted that it was "hard to doubt that something like shamanism lies ultimately in the background" of early Anglo-Saxon religion.[242] He nevertheless highlighted problems with the use of "shamanism" in this context, noting that any such Anglo-Saxon practices would have been different from the shamanism of Siberia.[242] Conversely, Noël Adams expressed the view that "at present there is no clear evidence of shamanistic beliefs" in Anglo-Saxon England.[243]
Anglo-Saxon pagans believed in
The Christian authorities attempted to stamp out a belief and practice in witchcraft, with the Paenitentiale Theodori attributed to Theodore of Tarsus condemning "those that consult divinations and use them in the pagan manner, or that permit people of that kind into their houses to seek some knowledge".[244] Similarly, the U version of the Paenitentiale Theodori condemns those "who observe auguries, omens or dreams or any other prophecies after the manner of the pagans".[244]
The word wiccan "witches" is associated with animistic healing rites in the Paenitentiale Halitgari where it is stated that:
Some men are so blind that they bring their offering to earth-fast stone and also to trees and to wellsprings, as the witches teach, and are unwilling to understand how stupidly they do or how that dead stone or that dumb tree might help them or give forth health when they themselves are never able to stir from their place.
The pagan Anglo-Saxons also appeared to wear
Reception and legacy
Days of the week
Four of the modern English days of the week derive their names from Anglo-Saxon deities [clarification needed].[249] These names have their origins in the Latin system of week-day names, which had been translated into Old English.[250]
The Anglo-Saxons, like other Germanic peoples, adapted the
Modern English day name | Old English day name | English day name meaning | Glossed from Latin day name | Latin day name meaning |
---|---|---|---|---|
Monday | Mōnandæg | "Moon's day", personified in related Norse mythology as the god Máni | Dies Lunae | "Day of Luna (moon)" |
Tuesday | Tiwesdæg | " Tyr
|
Dies Martis | "Day of Mars" |
Wednesday | Wōdnesdæg | " Woden's day", personified in related Norse mythology as the god Odin
|
Dies Mercurii | "Day of Mercury" |
Thursday | Þūnresdæg | " Thunor's day", personified in related Norse mythology as the god Thor
|
Dies Iovis | "Day of Jupiter "
|
Friday | Frigedæg | "Frigg's day", personified in related Norse mythology as the goddess Frigg | Dies Veneris | "Day of Venus" |
Saturday | Sæturnesdæg | "Saetere's day", named by the Anglo-Saxons after the Roman god Saturn as no Germanic equivalent could be found; among North Germanic peoples this day is called "washing day" | Dies Saturni | "Day of Saturn" |
Sunday | Sunnandæg | "Sunna's day", personified in related Norse mythology as the goddess Sól
|
Dies Solis | "Day of Sol Invictus (sun)" |
Historiography
"Previous understanding of the topic, well rooted in the ideas of its time, regarded the English as adherents of two consecutive religions: paganism governed the settlers of the 4th-6th century, but was superseded in the 7th-10th century by Christianity. Of the two, Christianity, a religion of the book, documented itself thoroughly, while in failing to do so paganism laid itself open to centuries of abuse, conjecture or mindless admiration."
— Archaeologists Martin Carver, Alex Sanmark, and Sarah Semple, 2010.[8]
While historical investigation into Germanic paganism and its mythology began in the seventeenth century with Peder Resen's Edda Islandorum (1665), this largely focused only upon
The study of Anglo-Saxon paganism began only in the mid nineteenth century, when John Kemble published The Saxons in England Volume I (1849), in which he discussed the usefulness of examining place-names to find out about the religion.[252] This was followed by the publication of John Yonge Akerman's Remains of Pagan Saxondom (1855). Akerman defended his chosen subject in the introduction by pointing out the archaeological evidence of a "Pagan Saxon mode of sepulture" on English soil lasting from the "middle of the fifth to the middle or perhaps the end of the seventh century".[253] From this point onward, more academic research into the Anglo-Saxons' pagan religion appeared. This led to further books on the subject, such as those primarily about the Anglo-Saxon gods, such as Brian Branston's The Lost Gods of England (1957), and Kathy Herbert's Looking for the Lost Gods of England (1994). Others emphasised archaeological evidence, such as David Wilson's Anglo-Saxon Paganism (1992) and the edited anthology Signals of Belief in Early England: Anglo-Saxon Paganism Revisited (2010).
Modern paganism
The deities of pre-Christian Anglo-Saxon religion have been adopted by practitioners of various forms of
See also
- Christianity and Paganism
- List of Anglo-Saxon cemeteries
References
Footnotes
- ^ Welch 2011, p. 864; Pluskowski 2011, p. 764.
- ^ a b Welch 2011, p. 864.
- ^ Jesch 2004, p. 55; Welch 2011, p. 864.
- ^ Reynolds 2002, pp. 175–179; Shaw 2002, p. 30.
- ^ a b c d e f g Doyle White 2014, p. 285.
- ^ a b Price 2010, p. xiv.
- ^ a b Pluskowski 2011, p. 764.
- ^ a b c Carver, Sanmark & Semple 2010, p. ix.
- ^ Carver 2010, p. 15.
- ^ a b Dunn 2009, p. 2.
- ^ Wood 1995, p. 253; Doyle White 2014, p. 285.
- ^ Carver 2010, p. 7.
- ^ Jesch 2004, p. 55.
- ^ Meaney 1999, p. 351; Welch 2011, p. 864.
- ^ Hutton 2013, p. 297.
- ^ Wilson 1992, pp. 39–43.
- ^ Wilson 1992, pp. 22–28.
- ^ Stenton 1941, pp. 1–2.
- ^ Wilson 1992, p. 43.
- ^ a b Blair 2005, p. 167.
- ^ Herbert 1994, p. 8.
- ^ Stenton 1971, p. 96; Meaney 1999, p. 351; Jesch 2004, p. 55; Dunn 2009, pp. 58–59.
- ^ Stenton 1971, p. 96.
- ^ Page 1995, pp. 99–100.
- ^ Branston 1957, pp. 6, 34–35.
- ^ Stenton 1941, p. 1; Stenton 1971, p. 97.
- ^ Stenton 1941, p. 3; Stenton 1971, p. 101; Gelling 1961, p. 7; Wilson 1992, p. 2; Meaney 1995, p. 31.
- ^ Gelling 1961, p. 8; Wilson 1992, p. 16.
- ^ Stenton 1971, p. 102.
- ^ Branston 1957, p. 33; Stenton 1971, p. 102; Wilson 1992, pp. 16–17.
- ^ Gelling 1961, p. 22; Stenton 1971, p. 102; Wilson 1992, pp. 16–17.
- ^ Stenton 1941, p. 9.
- ^ Gelling 1961, p. 19.
- ^ Shaw 2002, p. 33.
- ^ a b Welch 2011, p. 872.
- ^ a b Wilson 1992, p. 1.
- ^ a b Carver 2010, p. 5.
- ^ Pestell 2012, p. 68.
- ^ Arnold 1997, p. 149; Pluskowski 2011, p. 765.
- ^ a b c d Pluskowski 2011, p. 765.
- ^ Blair 2000, pp. 6–7.
- ^ a b Meaney 1999, p. 352.
- ^ Page 1995, p. 99.
- ^ a b c d Blair 2005, p. 10.
- ^ a b c d Blair 2005, p. 24.
- ^ Blair 2005, p. 13.
- ^ Blair 2005, pp. 24–25.
- ^ Blair 2005, p. 33.
- ^ Bintley 2015, p. 86.
- ^ Dunn 2009, p. 1.
- ^ a b North 1997, p. 313.
- ^ a b c d Blair 2005, p. 9.
- ^ a b Pluskowski 2011, p. 771.
- ^ Blair 2005, p. 50.
- ^ North 1997, p. 312.
- ^ Blair 2005, p. 180.
- ^ Arnold 1997, p. 175.
- ^ a b Blair 2005, p. 168.
- ^ Jolly 1996, p. 36; Pluskowski 2011, p. 774.
- ^ Jesch 2011, pp. 19–20.
- ^ Gelling 1961, p. 13; Meaney 1970, p. 120; Jesch 2011, p. 15.
- ^ Meaney 1970, p. 120.
- ^ Jesch 2011, pp. 17–19.
- ^ Jesch 2011, p. 21.
- ^ North 1997, p. 232.
- ^ a b Pluskowski 2011, p. 774.
- ^ Jesch 2011, p. 14.
- ^ Meaney 1970, p. 118.
- ^ Jolly 1996, p. 36.
- ^ Jolly 1996, pp. 41–43; Jesch 2004, p. 56.
- ^ Jesch 2004, p. 57.
- ^ Jesch 2004, p. 61.
- ^ Jesch 2004, pp. 57–59.
- ^ Jolly 1996, p. 45.
- ^ a b c Hooke 2010, p. 31.
- ^ Bintley 2015, p. 1.
- ^ Jolly 1996, p. 24.
- ^ Jolly 1996, p. 29.
- ^ Blair 2011, p. 727.
- ^ Hooke 2010, p. 35; Price 2010, p. xiv.
- ^ Hutton 1991, pp. 39–41.
- ^ Jones and Pennick 1995. p. 159.
- ^ a b c Dunn 2009, p. 64.
- ^ a b c d e Hutton 1991, p. 272.
- ^ Branston 1957, p. 34.
- ^ Branston 1957, p. 57.
- ^ Branston 1957, p. 62.
- ^ Dunn 2009, p. 65.
- ^ Branston 1957, pp. 169–171; Tolley 2013, p. 179.
- ^ North 1997, p. 292.
- ^ a b Tolley 2013, p. 182.
- ^ Doyle White 2014, p. 284.
- ^ Branston 1957, p. 48; Hutton 2013, p. 297; Doyle White 2014, p. 284.
- ^ North 1997, p. 1.
- ^ Gelling 1961, p. 18; Wilson 1992, p. 21.
- ^ Branston 1957, p. 29.
- ^ Gelling 1961, p. 10.
- ^ Branston 1957, p. 29; Gelling 1961, pp. 10–11; Meaney 1966, pp. 105–106; Wilson 1992, p. 11; Welch 2011, p. 865.
- ^ Ryan 1963, p. 461; Meaney 1966, p. 110; North 1997, p. 12; Dunn 2009, p. 61.
- ^ a b Hutton 1991, p. 265.
- ^ Ryan 1963, pp. 472–473.
- ^ Ryan 1963, p. 467; Meaney 1966, p. 110.
- ^ Wilson 1992, p. 168; North 1997, p. 78.
- ^ Branston 1957, p. 29; Gelling 1961, p. 13; Ryan 1963, p. 464; Stenton 1971, pp. 100–101; Wilson 1992, p. 20.
- ^ Gelling 1961, p. 14; Wilson 1992, pp. 20–21.
- ^ Hutton 1991, p. 266.
- ^ Branston 1957, p. 30; Gelling 1961, p. 15.
- ^ Gelling 1961, p. 15; Wilson 1992, pp. 11–12.
- ^ a b Hutton 1991, p. 267.
- ^ Dunn 2009, pp. 67–68.
- ^ Branston 1957, p. 30; Gelling 1961, p. 14; Wilson 1992, p. 112; North 1997, p. 231.
- ^ North 1997, p. 231.
- ^ North 1997, p. 86.
- ^ Branston 1957, p. 30; Gelling 1961, p. 19; Wilson 1992, p. 21.
- ^ Wilson 1992, p. 38.
- ^ a b c Hutton 1991, p. 268.
- ^ North 1997, p. 226; Dunn 2009, pp. 62–63.
- ^ Pluskowski 2011, p. 766.
- ^ Welch 2011, p. 868; Pluskowski 2011, p. 767.
- ^ a b Pluskowski 2011, p. 767.
- ^ Welch 2011, p. 868.
- ^ Welch 2011, p. 869.
- ^ North 1997, p. 3.
- ^ a b Dunn 2009, p. 69.
- ^ Dunn 2009, p. 70.
- ^ Stenton 1941, p. 5.
- ^ Stenton 1941, pp. 5–6.
- ^ Branston 1957, pp. 50–52.
- ^ Branston 1957, pp. 3–4; North 1997, p. 53; Dunn 2009, p. 65.
- ^ North 1997, p. 53.
- ^ Branston 1957, pp. 3–4.
- ^ Wormald 1978, pp. 39–40.
- ^ Wormald 1978, p. 39.
- ^ Wormald 1978, p. 66.
- ^ Fell 1995, p. 28.
- ^ North 1997, p. 172.
- ^ Semple 1998, p. 42.
- ^ a b Arnold 1997, p. 149.
- ^ Wilson 1992, p. 6.
- ^ a b Wilson 1992, p. 8.
- ^ Semple 2007, p. 381.
- ^ Semple 2007, p. 383.
- ^ a b Wilson 1992, p. 10.
- ^ Gelling 1961, p. 15; Wilson 1992, p. 15; Dunn 2009, pp. 74–75.
- ^ Gelling 1961, p. 15.
- ^ Gelling 1961, p. 15; Wilson 1992, p. 15.
- ^ Gelling 1961, pp. 16–18; Meaney 1995, p. 30.
- ^ a b Hooke 2010, p. 24.
- ^ Meaney 1995, p. 31.
- ^ a b c Blair 1995, p. 2.
- ^ Branston 1957, p. 45; Wilson 1992, pp. 28–29; Blair 1995, p. 2.
- ^ Wilson 1992, pp. 30–31; Blair 1995, p. 2.
- ^ Wilson 1992, p. 32; Blair 1995, p. 2.
- ^ Arnold 1997, p. 151.
- ^ Wilson 1992, pp. 45–47; Meaney 1995, p. 29; Arnold 1997, p. 150; Semple 2010, pp. 39, 40.
- ^ Wilson 1992, p. 45; Meaney 1995, p. 29.
- ^ a b Wilson 1992, p. 45.
- ^ Blair 2005, p. 52.
- ^ Meaney 1995, p. 37.
- ^ Wilson 1992, pp. 48–59.
- ^ Wilson 1992, p. 44; Meaney 1995, p. 31.
- ^ Wilson 1992, p. 44.
- ^ Blair 1995, p. 3.
- ^ Blair 1995, pp. 3, 19.
- ^ Semple 1998, p. 118.
- ^ Semple 1998, p. 36.
- ^ Blair 2011, pp. 735–736.
- ^ Blair 2011, p. 736.
- ^ a b Arnold 1997, p. 150.
- ^ Pestell 2012, p. 76.
- ^ a b Blair 1995, pp. 2–3.
- ^ Hooke 2010, pp. 32–34.
- ^ Semple 2010, p. 39; Blair 1995, pp. 2–3; Blair 2013, p. 190.
- ^ a b Meaney 1995, p. 30.
- ^ North 1997, p. 51.
- ^ Blair 2013, p. 186.
- ^ Hooke 2010, p. 46.
- ^ Blair 2013, p. 187.
- ^ Blair 2013, p. 189.
- ^ Semple 2010, p. 41; Hooke 2010, p. 50.
- ^ Blair 2013, p. 190.
- ^ Semple 2010, p. 41.
- ^ Blair 2013, pp. 190–191.
- ^ North 1997, p. 290; Bintley 2015, pp. 46–49.
- ^ Bintley 2015, p. 2.
- ^ a b c Pluskowski 2011, p. 768.
- ^ Ewing 2008. pp. 24–26.
- ^ Bosworth & Toller 1882, p. 113.
- ^ Wilson 1992, p. 100.
- ^ Simpson 1967, pp. 194–195.
- ^ Wilson 1992, p. 34; Dunn 2009, p. 73.
- ^ Dunn 2009, p. 73.
- ^ a b Ellis Davidson 1992, p. 338.
- ^ Ellis Davidson 1992, pp. 331–333; Reynolds 1996, pp. 24–25.
- ^ a b c d Hutton 1991, p. 274.
- ^ Welch 2011, p. 870.
- ^ Wilson 1992, p. 175.
- ^ a b c Campbell 2007, p. 68.
- ^ North 1997, p. 15.
- ^ Wilson 1992, p. 176; Welch 2011, p. 871; Blair 2011, p. 731.
- ^ Dunn 2009, p. 81; Welch 2011, p. 871.
- ^ North 1997, pp. 50–51; Dunn 2009, p. 80.
- ^ Welch 2011, p. 871.
- ^ Campbell 2007, p. 70.
- ^ Dunn 2009, p. 77.
- ^ Kemble, Saxons in England (1876) II. v. 151–181
- ^ Halsall (1989:155—177).
- ^ Chaney (1970).
- ^ Bowra (1952:244).
- ^ Wormald (118—119).
- ^ Wilson 1992, p. 87.
- ^ Wilson 1992, pp. 98–100.
- ^ Wilson 1992, pp. 71–75.
- ^ Wilson 1992, pp. 77–80.
- ^ Hutton 1991, p. 275.
- ^ Wilson 1992, pp. 92–95.
- ^ Wilson 1992, p. 63.
- ^ Wilson 1992, p. 53.
- ^ a b Hutton 1991, p. 277.
- ^ Arnold 1997, p. 165.
- ^ a b Branston 1957, pp. 42–43.
- ^ Stenton 1971, p. 96; Wilson 1992, p. 35.
- ^ Hutton 1991, p. 271.
- ^ Herbert 1994, p. 18.
- ^ Page 1995, p. 124.
- ^ a b Page 1995, p. 127.
- ^ Branston 1957, p. 41; Stenton 1971, p. 97.
- ^ Stenton 1971, p. 97; Wilson 1992, p. 35.
- ^ Branston 1957. p. 41.
- ^ Wilson 1992, p. 36.
- ^ Branston 1957, p. 42; Stenton 1971, p. 97; Wilson 1992, p. 36.
- ^ Branston 1957, p. 42; Stenton 1971, p. 98; Wilson 1992, p. 36; Herbert 1994, p. 21.
- ^ Stenton 1971, p. 98.
- ^ Wilson 1992, pp. 115, 118–119.
- ^ Wilson 1992, pp. 116–117; Pestell 2012, pp. 79–80.
- ^ a b Pestell 2012, p. 80.
- ^ Pestell 2012, pp. 80–81.
- ^ Pestell 2012, p. 84.
- ^ Pestell 2012, p. 81.
- ^ Pluskowski 2011, p. 770.
- ^ Pluskowski 2011, pp. 770–771.
- ^ a b Blair 2011, p. 729.
- ^ Adams 2015, p. 19.
- ^ a b Ewing (2008:83)
- ^ Wilson 1992, p. 103.
- ^ Wilson 1992, p. 103–107.
- ^ Wilson 1992, pp. 108–112.
- ^ Wilson 1992, pp. 112–115.
- ^ Welch 2011, p. 863.
- ^ Fell 1995, p. 18.
- ^ Branston 1957, p. 27.
- ^ Kemble 1849.
- ^ Ackerman 1855. p. vii.
- ^ a b Doyle White 2014, p. 302.
- ^ Doyle White 2014, p. 303.
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{{cite book}}
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Historical texts
- Bede (c. 731). Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum (Ecclesiastical History of the English People).
Books
- Ackerman, John Yonge (1855). Remains of Pagan Saxondom. London: John Russel Smith.
- S2CID 4034706.
- Chaney, William A. (1970). The Cult of Kingship in Anglo-Saxon England: The Transition from Paganism to Christianity. California: University of California Press.
- Ewing, Thor (2008). Gods and Worshippers in the Viking and Germanic World. Tempus. ISBN 978-0-7524-3590-9.
- ISBN 1-898281-33-5.
- Hutton, Ronald (1996). The Stations of the Sun: A History of the Ritual Year in Britain. New York: Oxford University Press.
- Jones, Prudence; ISBN 0-415-09136-5.
- Macleod, Mindy; Mees, Bernard (2006). Runic Amulets and Magic Objects. Boydell Press. ISBN 1-84383-205-4.
- Kemble, John (1849). The Saxons in England Vol. I. London.
Academic articles
- Crawford, Sally (2004). "Votive Deposition, Religion and the Anglo-Saxon Furnished Burial Ritual". World Archaeology. 36 (1): 87–102. S2CID 162349304.
- Halsall, Guy (1989). "Anthropology and the Study of Pre-Conquest Warfare and Society: The Ritual War in Anglo-Saxon England". In Hawkes (ed.). Weapons and Warfare in Anglo-Saxon England.
- Wormald, Patrick (1983). "Bede, Bretwaldas and the Origins of the Gens Anglorum". In Wormald, Patrick (ed.). Ideal and Reality in Frankish and Anglo-Saxon Society. Oxford.
Further reading
- Bishop, Chris. ""ÞYRS, ENT, EOTEN, GIGANS" - ANGLO-SAXON ONTOLOGIES OF 'GIANT'." Neuphilologische Mitteilungen 107, no. 3 (2006): 259-70. doi:10.2307/43344231.
- Cameron, M. L. "Anglo-Saxon Medicine and Magic." Anglo-Saxon England 17 (1988): 191–215. www.jstor.org/stable/44510843.
- Grendon, Felix. "The Anglo-Saxon Charms." The Journal of American Folklore 22, no. 84 (1909): 105–237. doi:10.2307/534353.
- Hooke, Della. "Rivers, Wells and Springs in Anglo-Saxon England: Water in Sacred and Mystical Contexts." In Water and the Environment in the Anglo-Saxon World, edited by Hooke Della and Hyer Maren Clegg, by Dalwood Hal, Frederick Jill, Gardiner Mark, Reynolds Rebecca, Rippon Stephen, Watts Martin, and Wickham-Crowley Kelley M., 107–35. Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2017. www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt1ps31q2.11.
- Remly, Lynn L. "The Anglo-Saxon Gnomes as Sacred Poetry." Folklore 82, no. 2 (1971): 147–58. www.jstor.org/stable/1258773.
- Tornaghi, Paola. "ANGLO-SAXON CHARMS AND THE LANGUAGE OF MAGIC." Aevum 84, no. 2 (2010): 439–64. www.jstor.org/stable/20862333.
- Vaughan-Sterling, Judith A. "The Anglo-Saxon "Metrical Charms": Poetry as Ritual." The Journal of English and Germanic Philology 82, no. 2 (1983): 186–200. www.jstor.org/stable/27709147.