Palestine and the United Nations
United Nations membership | |
---|---|
Represented by | State of Palestine |
Membership | Non-member Observer State |
Since | November 29, 2012 |
Permanent Representative | Riyad Mansour |
Issues relating to the State of Palestine and aspects of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict occupy continuous debates, resolutions, and resources at the United Nations. Since its founding in 1948, the United Nations Security Council, as of January 2010, has adopted 79 resolutions directly related to the Arab–Israeli conflict.[2][needs update]
The adoption on November 29, 1947, by the
History
1940s
Following World War II and the establishment of the United Nations, the
Within a few days, full scale
The same day, five Arab states
In the aftermath of the 1948 war, and conditional on Israel's acceptance and implementation of resolutions 181 and 194, the UN General Assembly voted, with the May 11, 1949
Following the failure at Lausanne to settle the problem of the
1950s
After the failure of early attempts at resolution, and until 1967, discussion of Israel and Palestine was not as prominent at the UN. Exceptions included border incidents like the Qibya massacre, the passage of Security Council Resolution 95 supporting Israel's position over Egypt's on usage of the Suez Canal, and most prominently the 1956 Suez Crisis.
1960s
After months of debate in the Security Council and General Assembly before, during and after the 1967 Six-Day War,[16] United Nations Security Council Resolution 242 was adopted. It became a universally accepted basis for Arab-Israeli and later, Israeli-Palestinian peace negotiations. In it, the Land for peace principle was spelled out. This resolution is one of the most discussed, both within and outside of the UN.[citation needed]
The Six-Day War generated a new wave of
In 1968, the Special Committee to Investigate Israeli Practices Affecting the Human Rights of the Palestinian People was created to investigate Jewish settlements on Palestinian territories. It generates yearly General Assembly resolutions and other documents.
1970s
The Israeli–Palestinian conflict gained prominence following the emergence of Palestinian armed groups, especially the Palestine Liberation Organization and the increased political strength of the Arab group as the main suppliers of petroleum to the Western world. At the UN, the Arab group also gained the support of the Eastern Bloc against Israel allied to the US.
In rapid succession, several events brought the Palestinian struggle to the forefront: the 1972 Olympic Munich massacre, the 1973 Yom Kippur War, the ensuing 1973 oil crisis and, in 1975, the beginning of the Lebanese Civil War.
The Geneva Conference of 1973 was an attempt to negotiate a solution to the Arab–Israeli conflict. No comprehensive agreement was reached, and attempts in later years to revive the Conference failed.
On November 13, 1974, Yasser Arafat became the first representative of an entity other than a member state to address the General Assembly. In 1975, the PLO was granted permanent observer status at the General Assembly.
Starting in 1974, Palestinian territories[vague] were named "Occupied Arab Territories" in UN documents. In 1982, the phrase "Occupied Palestinian Territories" became the usual name.[citation needed] This phrase was not used at the UN before 1967 when the same territories were under military occupation by Jordan and Egypt.[citation needed]
The Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People was created in 1975 and of the United Nations Division for Palestinian Rights in 1977. Also in 1977, the International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian People was first celebrated on November 29 the anniversary of resolution 181.
The 1979 Egypt–Israel peace treaty[17] was a landmark event. Egyptian president Anwar Sadat is credited for initiating the process, following the failure of the UN-mediated peace negotiations, notably the Geneva Conference. The secret negotiations at Camp David in 1978 between Sadat, Menachem Begin and Jimmy Carter, and the treaty itself essentially bypassed UN-approved channels. The Camp David Accords (but not the Treaty itself) touch on the issue of Palestinian statehood. Egypt, Israel, and Jordan were to agree on a way to establish elected self-governing authority in the West Bank and Gaza. Egypt and Israel were to find means to resolve the refugee problem.[18]
The General Assembly was critical of the accords. General Assembly Resolution 34/65 (1979) condemned "partial agreements and separate treaties". It said that the Camp David accords had "no validity insofar as they purport to determine the future of the Palestinian people and the Palestinian territories occupied by Israel since 1967". In protest, the General Assembly did not renew the peace-keeping force in the Sinai peninsula, the UNEF II,[19] despite requests by the US, Egypt, and Israel, as stipulated in the treaty. To honor the treaty despite the UN's refusal, the Multinational Force and Observers was created, which has always operated independently of the UN. Egypt was expelled from the Arab League for ten years.
1980s
The Palestinian National Council adopted in Algiers in 1988 the declaration of independence of the State of Palestine. The UN has not officially recognised this state but, by renaming the PLO observer as the Palestine observer,[20] can be seen as having done so unofficially. In July 1998, the General Assembly adopted resolution 52/250 conferring upon Palestine additional rights and privileges, including the right to participate in the general debate held at the start of each session of the General Assembly, the right of reply, the right to co-sponsor resolutions and the right to raise points of order on Palestinian and Middle East issues.
1990s
2000s
The year 2000 saw the failure of the Camp David peace negotiations and the beginning of the Second Intifada. In 2003, the Israeli West Bank barrier became another subject of criticism. It was declared illegal by both the General Assembly[21] and the International Court of Justice. The Court found that the portions of the wall beyond the Green Line and the associated regime that had been imposed on the Palestinian inhabitants are illegal. The Court cited illegal interference by the government of Israel with the Palestinian's national right to self-determination; and land confiscations, house demolitions, the creation of enclaves, and restrictions on movement and access to water, food, education, health care, work, and an adequate standard of living in violation of Israel's obligations under international law.[22] The UN Fact-Finding Mission and several UN Rapporteurs subsequently noted that in the movement and access policy there has been a violation of the right not to be discriminated against based on race or national origin.[23]
A series of terrorist attacks in March 2002 prompted Israel to conduct Operation Defensive Shield. The fiercest episode was the Battle of Jenin in the UNRWA administered refugee camp of Jenin, where 75 died (23 IDF soldiers, 38 armed and 14 unarmed Palestinians) and 10% of the camp's buildings destroyed. The UN sends a first visiting mission. A separate fact-finding mission was mandated by the Security Council but blocked by Israel, a move condemned in General Assembly resolution 10/10 (May 2002).[24] This mission was replaced by a report[25] which was widely commented in the media. Many observers noted that the UN dropped the accusations of the massacre made by Palestinians during and soon after the battle, and reproduced in annex 1 of the report.
The
On December 11, 2007, the General Assembly adopted a resolution on agricultural technology for development[27] sponsored by Israel.[28] The Arab group proposed a series of amendments referring to the Palestinian occupied territories, but these amendments were rejected. The Tunisian representative said: "The Arab Group was convinced that Israel was neither interested in agriculture nor the peace process."[29] This group demanded a vote on the resolution, an unusual demand for this kind of country-neutral resolution. "The representative of the United States (...) expressed disappointment with the request for a recorded vote because that could send a signal that there was no consensus on the issues at stake, which was not the case. The United States was saddened by the inappropriate injection into the agenda item of irrelevant political considerations, characterized by inflammatory remarks that devalued the importance of the United Nations agenda".[30] The resolution was approved by a recorded vote of 118 in favor of none against, with 29 abstentions. The abstentions were mainly from the Arab Group, with the notable exception of Pakistan which voted in favor.[31]
2010-2015
In February 2011, the United States
On January 31, 2012, the United Nations independent "International Fact-Finding Mission on Israeli Settlements in the Occupied Palestinian Territory" filed a report stating that
2015-2020 and recognition
By September 2012, with their application for full membership stalled due to the inability of Security Council members to 'make a unanimous recommendation', the Palestine Authority had decided to pursue an upgrade in status from "observer entity" to "non-member observer state". On November 27 it was announced that the appeal had been officially made, and would be put to a vote in the General Assembly on 29 November, where their status upgrade was expected to be supported by a majority of states. In addition to granting Palestine "non-member observer state status", the draft resolution "expresses the hope that the Security Council will consider favorably the application submitted on 23 September 2011 by the State of Palestine for admission to full membership in the United Nations, endorses the two-state solution based on the pre-1967 borders, and stresses the need for an immediate resumption of negotiations between the two parties."
On Thursday, 29 November 2012, In a 138–9 vote (with 41 abstaining) General Assembly resolution 67/19 adopted, upgrading Palestine to "non-member observer state" status in the United Nations.[39][40] The new status equates Palestine's with that of the Holy See. The change in status was described by The Independent as "de facto recognition of the sovereign state of Palestine".[41]
The vote was an important move for the
The UN has permitted Palestine to title its representative office to the UN as 'The Permanent Observer Mission of the State of Palestine to the United Nations',
As of 4 April 2024, 140 (72.5%) of the 193 member states of the United Nations, in addition to the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic, have recognised the State of Palestine as sovereign over both West Bank and the Gaza Strip. Many of the countries that do not recognize the State of Palestine nevertheless recognize the PLO as the 'representative of the Palestinian people'.[46]
The effort to secure full UN membership was renewed in 2024 during the Israel–Hamas war,[47] with the United Nations Security Council holding a vote on the topic in April.[48] The vote was 12 in favor, two abstentions, and one vote against, with the United States vetoing the measure.[49]
Resolution 2334 and quarterly reports
United Nations Security Council Resolution 2334 of 2016 "Requests the Secretary-General to report to the Council every three months on the implementation of the provisions of the present resolution;"[50][51] In the first of these reports, delivered verbally at a security council meeting on 24 March 2017, United Nations Special Coordinator for the Middle East Peace Process, Nickolay Mladenov, noted that Resolution 2334 called on Israel to take steps to cease all settlement activity in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, that "no such steps have been taken during the reporting period" and that instead, there had been a marked increase in statements, announcements and decisions related to construction and expansion.[52][53][54]
Annually recurring general assembly resolutions
Number | Resolution | Latest | Yes | No | Abstain |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
1 | A/RES/75/20, Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People | 2 December 2020 | 91 | 17 | 54 |
2 | A/RES/75/21, Division for Palestinian Rights of the Secretariat | 2 December 2020 | 82 | 25 | 53 |
3 | A/RES/75/22, Peaceful settlement of the question of Palestine | 2 December 2020 | 145 | 7 | 9 |
4 | A/RES/75/23, Special information programme on the question of Palestine of the Department of Global Communications of the Secretariat | 2 December 2020 | 142 | 8 | 11 |
5 | A/RES/75/93, Assistance to Palestine refugees | 10 December 2020 | 169 | 2 | 7 |
6 | A/RES/75/94, Operations of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East | 10 December 2020 | 162 | 4 | 9 |
7 | A/RES/75/95, Palestine refugees' properties and their revenues | 10 December 2020 | 160 | 5 | 12 |
8 | A/RES/75/96, Work of the Special Committee to Investigate Israeli Practices Affecting the Human Rights of the Palestinian People and Other Arabs of the Occupied Territories | 10 December 2020 | 76 | 14 | 83 |
9 | A/RES/75/97, Israeli settlements in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem, and the occupied Syrian Golan |
10 December 2020 | 150 | 7 | 17 |
10 | A/RES/75/98, Israeli practices affecting the human rights of the Palestinian people in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem | 10 December 2020 | 147 | 10 | 16 |
11 | + A/RES/75/126, Assistance to the Palestinian people | 11 December 2020 | *- | - | - |
12 | + A/RES/75/172, The right of the Palestinian people to self-determination | 16 December 2020 | 168 | 5 | 10 |
13 | + A/RES/75/236, Permanent sovereignty of the Palestinian people in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem, and of the Arab population in the occupied Syrian Golan over their natural resources | 21 December 2020 | 153 | 6 | 17 |
14 | ++ A/RES/74/84, Persons displaced as a result of the June 1967 and subsequent hostilities | 13 December 2019 | 162 | 6 | 9 |
15 | +++ A/RES/73/22, Jerusalem | 30 November 2018 | 148 | 11 | 14 |
16 | +++ A/RES/73/97, Applicability of the Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, of 12August 1949, to the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem, and the other occupied Arab territories | 7 December 2018 | 154 | 5 | 8 |
+ - Document links will work once the document has been published in the Official Document System. Details can meanwhile be found at the United Nations website.[56]
++ & +++ - 2019 & 2018 data. * - Passed by consensus. Voting records can be examined at the United Nations website.[57]
Issues
Emergency Special Sessions
Middle East issues were the subject of six of the General Assembly's ten
Regional Groups
The United Nations Regional Groups were created in 1961. From the onset, the majority of Arab countries within the Asia group blocked the entry of Israel in that group. Thus, for 39 years, Israel was one of the few countries without membership to a regional group and could not participate in most UN activities. On the other hand, Palestine was admitted as a full member of the Asia group on April 2, 1986.[note 1]
Terrorism
The
Acts of Palestinian political violence have been repeatedly condemned in press releases from the Secretary-General (e.g.,[64][65]). The text of General Assembly resolutions does not distinguish terrorism from military operations. For example, in resolution 61/25 (2006) titled "Peaceful Settlement of the Question of Palestine",
condemning all acts of violence and terror against civilians on both sides, including the suicide bombings, the extrajudicial executions and the excessive use of force
Several resolutions recognize the right of Palestinians to fight the Israeli occupation "by all available means". For example, the 2002 UNCHR resolution E/CN.4/2002/L.16 states:
Recalling particularly General Assembly resolution 37/43 of 3 December 1982 reaffirming the legitimacy of the struggle of peoples against foreign occupation by all available means, including armed struggle, (...) 1. Affirms the legitimate right of the Palestinian people to resist the Israeli occupation by all available means to free its land and be able to exercise its right of self-determination and that, by so doing, the Palestinian people is fulfilling its mission, one of the goals and purposes of the United Nations;[66]
Western countries who voted against this 2002 resolution claimed its language condones Palestinian terrorism:
Ms. Gervais-Virdicaire (Canada)(...) 3. The failure of the draft resolution to condemn all acts of terrorism, particularly in the context of recent suicide bombings targeting civilians, was a serious oversight that rendered it fundamentally unacceptable; there could be no justification for terrorist acts. (...) Ms. Glover (United Kingdom) (...) 16. Although her delegation agreed with many of the concerns expressed in the draft resolution, the text contained language which might be interpreted as endorsing violence and condoning terrorism.[67]
The resolution was nevertheless passed in its entirety.
Palestinian refugees
- In 2006,[68] the UNHCR assisted a total of 17.4 million "Persons of concern" around the world, including 350,000 Palestinians, with a budget of $1.45 billion or $83 per person. The UNHCR was staffed by 6,689.
- In 2006,[69] UNRWA assisted some 4.5 million Palestinian refugees with a regular budget of $639 million supplemented by $145 million for emergency programs, amounting to $174 per person. UNRWA was staffed by 28,000, most refugees themselves.
United States policy at the UN
UN diplomats have indicated that the United States would veto any unilateral attempt to declare a Palestinian state at the Security Council.[71] The U.S. has vetoed over forty condemnatory Security Council resolutions against Israel;[72] almost all U.S. vetoes cast since 1988 blocked resolutions against Israel, on the basis of their lack of condemnation of Palestinian terrorist groups, actions, and incitement. This policy, known as the Negroponte doctrine, has drawn both praise and criticism.[73][74]
Speaking to the
UN Human Rights Council
The
Miguel d'Escoto Brockmann, a former UNGA president, was elected to the UNHRC Advisory Committee in June 2010.[82]
In March 2012, UNHCR was criticized for facilitating an event featuring a
Fact-Finding mission on the 2008 Gaza War (Goldstone report)
A fact-finding mission on human rights violations during the 2008
Former UN High Commissioner for Human Rights and Ireland President Mary Robinson refused to head the mission because she "felt strongly that the Council's resolution was one-sided and did not permit a balanced approach to determine the situation on the ground."[85] On 3 April 2009, Richard Goldstone was named head of the mission. In a 16 July interview, he said: "at first I was not prepared to accept the invitation to head the mission". "It was essential," he continued, to expand the mandate to include "the sustained rocket attack on civilians in southern Israel, as well as other facts." He set this expansion of the mandate as a condition for chairing the mission.[86] The next day, he wrote in the New York Times "I accepted because the mandate of the mission was to look at all parties: Israel; Hamas, which controls Gaza; and other armed Palestinian groups."[87] The UNHRC press release announcing his nomination documents the changed focus of the mission.[88] Writing in The Spectator, commentator Melanie Phillips said that the resolution that created the mandate allowed no such change and questioned the validity and political motivations of the new mandate.[89]
Israel thought that the change of the mandate did not have much practical effect.[90]
Israel refused to cooperate with the Goldstone Mission and denied its entry to Israel, while Hamas and Palestinian National Authority supported and assisted the Mission.[91][92]
In January, months before the mission, Professor Christine Chinkin, one of the four mission members, signed a letter to the London Sunday Times, asserting that Israel's actions "amount to aggression, not self-defense" and that "the manner and scale of its operations in Gaza amount to an act of aggression and is contrary to international law".[93] She authored the final report.
Israel concluded that "it seemed clear beyond any doubt that the initiative was motivated by a political agenda and not a concern for human rights" and therefore refused to cooperate with it – in contrast to its policy to cooperate fully with most of the international inquiries into events in the Gaza Operation.[94]
The mission report was published on 15 September 2009.[95] As noted in the press release, the mission concluded "that serious violations of international human rights and humanitarian law were committed by Israel in the context of its military operations in Gaza from December 27, 2008, to January 18, 2009, and that Israel committed actions amounting to war crimes, and possibly crimes against humanity. The Mission also found that Palestinian armed groups had committed war crimes, as well as possibly crimes against humanity."[96]
According to Gal Beckerman, writing for The Forward, Goldstone explained that what he had headed was not an investigation, but a fact-finding mission. "If this was a court of law, there would have been nothing proven", Goldstone said, emphasizing that his conclusion that war crimes had been committed was always intended as conditional. However, Beckerman says that the report "is replete with bold and declarative legal conclusions seemingly at odds with the cautious and conditional explanations of its author."[97]
Reactions to the report's findings were varied. The report was not immediately ratified by a UNHRC resolution. This step was postponed to March 2010. About the U.S. pressure, UNHRC representative Harold Hongju Koh described the U.S. participation to the council as "an experiment" with the Goldstone report being the first test.[102]
The report was finally ratified by 14 October UNHRC resolution A/HRC/S-12/L.1.[103] Like the January 12 resolution but unlike the report, this ratification condemns Israel, not Hamas.[104] The "unbalanced focus" of the ratification was criticized by U.S. State Department spokesman Ian Kelly,[105] U.S. ambassador to the UNHRC Douglas Griffiths and Richard Goldstone himself.[106]
On 1 April 2011, Goldstone retracted his claim that it was Israeli government policy to deliberately target citizens, saying "If I had known then what I know now, the Goldstone Report would have been a different document".[107] On 14 April 2011 the three other co-authors of the United Nations Fact Finding Mission on the Gaza Conflict of 2008–2009, Hina Jilani, Christine Chinkin and Desmond Travers, released a joint statement criticizing Goldstone's recantation of this aspect of the report. They all agreed that the report was valid and that Israel and Hamas had failed to investigate alleged war crimes satisfactorily.[108][109]
Commission of inquiry on the 2014 Gaza conflict
On 23 July 2014, during the
Commission on the Status of Women
During its 51st session in 2007, the United Nations Commission on the Status of Women said that it
Reaffirms that the Israeli occupation remains a major obstacle for Palestinian women with regard to their advancement, self-reliance and integration in the development planning of their society[112]
A spokeswoman outlined Israel's position on the resolution:
As in previous years, this Commission has before it, once again, a resolution on the sole situation of Palestinian women. In monopolizing attention for Palestinian women and promoting uneven standards, the resolution turns a humanitarian issue into a political one. Hence, it damages the prospects for peace based on mutual respect and understanding.[113]
Special Rapporteur on the Right to Food
Jean Ziegler, the UN special rapporteur on the right to food, published in October 2003 a report[114] accusing Israel of starving Palestinian children. The Israeli ambassador to the UN demanded that the report be withdrawn and accused its author of abusing his office.[115]
UNESCO
UNESCO has adopted hundreds of decisions on the access of Palestinians to education. Palestine is the only territory with a yearly decision to this effect.[
In 2007, an emergency session of UNESCO was held to discuss Israeli archaeological excavations at the Mughrabi ascent in the Old City of Jerusalem. The session report said that the excavations were "a naked challenge by the Israeli occupation authorities" to the UN position on the status of Jerusalem.[116] Following a fact-finding mission, Israel was exonerated of blame by the executive board.[citation needed]
UNESCO never criticized repeated episodes of mechanized excavations within the Temple Mount ground by the Muslim Waqf, and is financing a museum[117] within the al-Aqsa Mosque compound (the Temple Mount).[citation needed] The museum closed for non-Muslims in 2000.
Arab discrimination against Palestinians
Many
The
Between May and September 2007, the
UNRWA perpetuating Palestinian refugee status
Several observers accuse the UN of promoting this discrimination by creating a special status for Palestinian refugees. A report by the International Federation for Human Rights stated:
Because the UNRWA's position consists of the prospect of a conflict resolution leading to the creation of an independent Palestinian State and to the return of the refugees on that territory, as a definitive solution, it tends to justify the Lebanese policies granting the Palestinian refugees only a minimal legal status. In other words, the Palestinian refugees' rights are limited to the right of residence as a condition of the application of UNRWA's humanitarian assistance.[129]
A 2007 op-ed by Nicole Brackman and Asaf Rominowsky stated:
UNRWA serves as a crucial tool of legitimacy for the Palestinian refugee issue — as long as the office is active, how could anyone question the Palestinian refugee problem? Thus an oxymoronic situation: Despite the Israeli disengagement from Gaza in 2005 and the creation in 1993 of a Palestinian Authority with jurisdiction over the Palestinian refugee camps in Gaza/West Bank, UNRWA remains the key social, medical, educational and professional service provider for Palestinians living in "refugee" camps. This runs contrary to every principle of normal territorial integrity and autonomy.[130]
A similar argument was made by commentators in
Direct involvement of UN personnel in the Israeli–Palestinian conflict
There have been occasional reports of UN personnel becoming caught up in hostilities.
On November 22, 2002, during a gun battle between the IDF and Islamic Jihad militants,
On May 11, 2004, Israel said that a UN ambulance had been used by Palestinian militants for their getaway following a military engagement in Southern Gaza,[135]
In 2004, Israel complained about comments made by Peter Hansen, head of UNRWA. Hansen had said that there were Hamas members on the UNRWA payroll and that he did not see that as a crime, they were not necessarily militants, and had to follow UN rules on staying neutral.[136][137][138]
In January 2009 during the
In March 2012, UN official Khulood Badawi, an Information and Media Coordinator for the United Nations
See also
- List of the UN resolutions concerning Palestine
- UN Watch
Notes
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- ^ "C. Palestinian human rights violations. 6. The mandate of the Special Rapporteur is concerned with violations of human rights and international humanitarian law that are a consequence of military occupation. Although military occupation is tolerated by international law it is not approved and must be brought to a speedy end. The mandate of the Special Rapporteur, therefore, requires him to report on human rights violations committed by the occupying Power and not by the occupied people. For this reason, this report, like previous reports, will not address the violation of the human rights of Israelis by Palestinians. Nor will it address the conflict between Fatah and Hamas, and the human rights violations that this conflict has engendered. Similarly, it will not consider the human rights record of the Palestinian Authority in the West Bank or of Hamas in Gaza. The Special Rapporteur is aware of the ongoing violations of human rights committed by Palestinians upon Palestinians and by Palestinians upon Israelis. He is deeply concerned and condemns such violations. However, they find no place in this report because the mandate requires that the report be limited to the consequences of the military occupation of the OPT by Israel." From p. 6 of A/HRC/7/17: Human rights situation in Palestine and other occupied Arab territories. Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967, John Dugard, January 21, 2008. "Ods Home Page" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on July 28, 2011. Retrieved 2011-03-03.
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After describing the Nazi horrors, [Falk] asked: "Is it an irresponsible overstatement to associate the treatment of Palestinians with this criminalized Nazi record of collective atrocity? I think not. The recent developments in Gaza are especially disturbing because they express so vividly a deliberate intention on the part of Israel and its allies to subject an entire human community to life-endangering conditions of utmost cruelty
- ^ Franks, Tim (April 8, 2008). "UN expert stands by Nazi comments". BBC.
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- ISBN 978-0-300-12258-9
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Further reading
- Khouri, Fred (1985). The Arab-Israeli Dilemma (3rd ed.). Syracuse University Press. ISBN 0-8156-2340-2.
- Lall, Arthur S. (1970). The UN and the Middle East Crisis, 1967. New York: Columbia University Press. ISBN 0-231-08635-0.
- Alfred E. Kellermann (1998). Israel among the Nations. The Hague, Netherlands: Kluwer Law International. ISBN 90-411-1142-5.
- Dore Gold (2004). Tower of Babble. New York: Three Rivers Press. ISBN 1-4000-5494-X.
- The Palestine Question: Documents Adopted by the United Nations and Other International Organisations and Conferences. Moscow: Progress Publishers. 1984.
- Kim, Soo Yeon and Bruce Russett, "The New Politics of Voting Alignments in the United Nations General Assembly", International Organization Vol. 50, No. 4 (Autumn, 1996), pp. 629–652 The New Politics of Voting Alignments in the United Nations General Assembly Archived September 28, 2018, at the Wayback Machine
- Gerald Steinberg; Anne Herzberg (2011). The Goldstone Report 'Reconsidered': A Critical Analysis. NGO Monitor/Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs. ISBN 978-9659179305.
External links
- Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights on Palestinian territories occupied since 1967, part of Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights
- Permanent Observer Mission of Palestine to the UN
- UNISPAL, the UN Information System on the Question of Palestine
- UN Division for Palestinian Rights
- UN Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People
- International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian People.
- The Question of Palestine & the United Nations, a booklet produced by the UN Department of Public Information.