Carlos Menem
Vice President |
| |
---|---|---|
Preceded by | Governor of La Rioja | |
In office 10 December 1983 – 8 July 1989 | ||
Vice Governor | Alberto Gregorio Cavero | |
Preceded by | Guillermo Jorge Piastrellini (de facto) | |
Succeeded by | Alberto Gregorio Cavero | |
In office 25 May 1973 – 24 March 1976 | ||
Vice Governor | Libardo Sánchez | |
Preceded by | Julio Raúl Luchesi (de facto) | |
Succeeded by | Osvaldo Héctor Pérez Battaglia (de facto) | |
Personal details | ||
Born | Carlos Saúl Menem 2 July 1930 Anillaco, La Rioja, Argentina | |
Died | 14 February 2021 Buenos Aires, Argentina | (aged 90)|
Resting place | San Justo Islamic Cemetery | |
Political party | Justicialist | |
Other political affiliations |
| |
Spouses | ||
Children | 4, including Zulemita | |
Relatives | Eduardo Menem (brother) | |
Signature | ||
Carlos Saúl Menem (Spanish pronunciation:
Born in
Menem supported the
He was investigated on various criminal and corruption charges, including illegal arms trafficking (he was sentenced to seven years in prison), embezzlement of public funds (he was sentenced to 4+1⁄2 years to prison), extortion and bribery (in both of which he was declared innocent). His position as senator earned him immunity from incarceration.[3][4]
Menem ran for the presidency again in 2003, but faced with a likely defeat in a ballotage against Néstor Kirchner, he chose to pull out, effectively handing the presidency to Kirchner. He was elected senator for La Rioja in 2005. By the time he died in 2021 at age 90, he was the oldest living former Argentine president.[b] He is regarded as a polarizing figure in Argentina, mostly due to corruption and economic mismanagement throughout his presidency.
Early life and education
Carlos Saúl Menem was born on 2 July 1930 in
After President Juan Perón's overthrow in 1955, Menem was briefly incarcerated. He later joined the successor to the Peronist Party, the Justicialist Party (Partido Justicialista) (PJ). He was elected president of its La Rioja Province chapter in 1973. In that capacity, he was included in the flight to Spain that brought Perón back to Argentina after his long exile.[6] According to the Peronist politician Juan Manuel Abal Medina, Menem played no special part in the event.[7]
Governor of La Rioja
1st term (1973–1976) and arrest
Menem was elected governor of La Rioja in 1973 when the
2nd and 3rd terms (1983–1989)
Military rule ended in 1983, and the Radical Raúl Alfonsín was elected president. Menem ran for governor again and was elected by a clear margin. The province benefited from tax regulations established by the military, which allowed increased industrial growth. His party gained control of the provincial legislature, and he was re-elected in 1987 with 63% of the vote. The Partido Justicialista at the time was divided into two factions, the conservatives that still supported the political doctrines of Juan and Isabel Perón, and those who proposed a renovation of the party. The internal disputes ceased in 1987. Menem, with his prominent victory in his district, was one of the leading figures of the party and disputed its leadership.[5]
Presidential elections
The elections were held on 14 May 1989. Menem won by a wide margin, and became the president-elect of Argentina. He was scheduled to take office on 10 December, but inflation levels took a turn for the worse, growing into hyperinflation, causing public riots.[14] The outgoing president Alfonsín resigned and transferred power to Menem five months early, on 8 July. Menem's accession marked the first time since Hipólito Yrigoyen took office in 1916 that an incumbent president peacefully transferred power to an elected successor from the opposition.[15]
Presidency
"Carlos Menem's first presidency marked the end of a period fraught with uncertainties, during which successive de facto or constitutional national administrations had failed in trying to order the economy, curb monetary emission, and dismantle the powerful armed state apparatus in the 1940s during the presidency of Juan Perón and further enlarged by his successors. Menem drastically corrected, with accurate intuition and a firm pulse, the mistaken tendency to include among the functions of the State a number of business, industrial and commercial activities that had nothing to do with its essential mission. The results of its economic policy were reflected in an anticipated entry into the globalized world that was built after the fall of the Berlin Wall, in a rapid modernization of the country's productive infrastructure, and stability, which is the basis of long-term growth. Unfortunately, Menem's reformist drive collapsed when his second government began. His program of structural transformation of the country was interrupted and many strategic changes that were essential for the reforms of the previous period to produce the expected results were not executed."
Editorial of the newspaper
Economic policy
Hyperinflation forced Menem to abandon party orthodoxy in favour of a fiscally conservative, market-oriented economic policy.[17] At the time, most economists thought that the ideal solution was the Washington Consensus; i.e. reduce expenditures below the amount of money earned by the state, and open international commerce to free trade. Alfonsín had proposed similar reforms in the past, alongside some limited privatization of state-owned enterprises; those projects were resisted by the Partido Justicialistal opposition party, whose internal factions were actually benefiting from the prevailing protectionist policies.[citation needed]
The magnitude of the crisis, however, convinced most politicians to change their minds. Menem, fearing that the crisis might force him to resign as well, embraced the Washington Consensus and rejected the traditional policies of Peronism.[citation needed]
The president invited several
Congress passed the
The first measure of the new minister of economy,
His fourth minister of economy,
The money from privatizations allowed Argentina to repurchase many of the Brady Bonds issued during the crisis.[24] The privatizations of electricity, water, and gas services were more successful than previous ones. YPF, the national oil refinery, was partially privatized as well, with the state keeping a good portion of its shares. The project to privatize the pension funds was resisted in Congress and was approved as a mixed system that allowed both public and private options for workers. The national state also signed a fiscal pact with the provinces, so that they reduced their local deficits as well; Buenos Aires Province was aided with a fund that gave the governor a million pesos daily.[25]
Although the Convertibility plan had positive consequences in the short term, it caused problems that surfaced later. Large numbers of employees of privatized state enterprises were fired, and unemployment grew to over 10%. Big compensation payments prevented an immediate public reaction. Free trade and the expensive costs in dollars forced private companies to reduce the number of workers as well, or risk bankruptcy. Unions were unable to resist the changes. People with low incomes, such as retirees and state workers, suffered under tax increases while their wages remained frozen. Some provinces, such as Santiago del Estero, Jujuy, and San Juan, endured violent riots as well. To compensate for these issues, the government started a number of social welfare programs and restored protectionist policies over some sectors of the economy. It was difficult for Argentine companies to export, and easy imports damaged most national producers. The national budget soon slid into a deficit.[27]
Cavallo soon began the second wave of privatizations, this time targeting the national postal service, the Correo Argentino, and the country's nuclear power plants. He also limited the amount of money released to the provinces. He still had the full support of Menem, despite growing opposition within the Justicialist Party.[citation needed]
The Mexican
The growing discontent over unemployment and the scandals caused by the privatization of the postal service led to Cavallo's removal as a minister, and his replacement by Roque Fernández.[30] Fernández maintained Cavallo's fiscal austerity; he increased the price of fuels, sold the remaining state shares of YPF to Repsol, fired state employees, and raised the value-added tax to 21%. New labor law was met with resistance, both by Peronists, opposition parties, and unions, and could not be approved by Congress.[citation needed]
The 1997 Asian financial crisis and the 1998 Russian financial crisis also affected the country with consequences that lasted longer than the Tequila Crisis and started a depression.[30]
Domestic policy
Menem began his presidency assuming a non-confrontational approach, appointing people from the conservative opposition and business people to his cabinet.[20] To prevent successful legal cases against pro-market economic reforms, the Supreme Court's numbers were increased from five to nine judges; the new judges ruled in support of Menem and usually had the majority.[19][31] Other institutions that restrained or limited executive power were controlled as well. When Congress resisted some of his proposals, he used the Necessity and Urgency Decree as an alternative to sending bills to it. He even considered it feasible to dissolve Congress and rule by decree, but this step was never implemented.[32] In addition, he developed a bon vivant lifestyle, taking advantage of his authority. For instance, he made a journey from Buenos Aires to Pinamar driving a Ferrari 348 TB (often misreported as a Ferrari Testarossa) in less than two hours, violating speed limits.[33][34] He divorced his wife Zulema Yoma and expanded the Quinta de Olivos presidential residence with a golf course, a small zoo, servants, a barber, and even a buffoon.[35]
The swiftgate scandal broke out in December 1990, as American investors were damaged by a case of corruption, and asked for assistance from the United States' Ambassador Terence Todman. Most of the ministers resigned as a result of it.[21] Cavallo was reassigned as minister of economy, and his successful economic plan turned him into a prominent figure in Menem's cabinet. Cavallo brought a number of independent economists to the cabinet, and Menem supported him by replacing Peronist politicians.[36] Both teams complemented each other. Both Menem and Cavallo tried to be recognized as the designer of the convertibility plan.[37]
Despite the internal opposition of Fernando de la Rúa, Alfonsín got his party to approve the pact. He reasoned that Menem would be supported by the eventual referendum, that many legislators would turn to his side, and he would eventually be able to amend the constitution reinforcing presidential power rather than limiting it. Still, as both sides feared a betrayal, all the contents of the pact were included as a single proposal, not allowing the Constituent Assembly to discuss each one separately. The Broad Front, a new political party composed of former Peronists, led by Carlos Álvarez, grew in the elections for the Constituent Assembly.[41] Both the Partido Justicialista and the UCR respected the pact, which was completely approved. Duhalde made a similar amendment to the constitution of Buenos Aires province, in order to be re-elected in 1995. Menem won the elections with more than 50% of the vote, followed by José Octavio Bordón and Carlos Álvarez. The UCR finished third in the elections for the first time.[42]
Growing unemployment increased popular resistance against Menem after his re-election. There were several riots and demonstrations in the provinces, unions opposed the economic policies, and the opposing parties organized the first
Foreign policy
During Menem's presidency, Argentina aligned with the United States, and had special relations with the country.[44] Menem had good relations with U.S. president George H. W. Bush, and his successor Bill Clinton from 1993 on.[45]
The country left the Non-Aligned Movement, and the Cóndor missile program was discontinued. Argentina supported all the international positions of the U.S., and sent forces to the Gulf War, and the peace keeping efforts during the War in Bosnia and after the Kosovo War.[46]
The country was accepted as a major non-NATO ally, but not as a full member.[47]
Menem's government re-established relations with the United Kingdom, suspended since the Falklands War, after Margaret Thatcher left office in 1990. The discussions on the Falkland Islands sovereignty dispute were temporarily given a lower priority, and the focus shifted to discussions of fishing rights.[46]
In 1991 Menem became the first head of state of Argentina to make a
In 1998, Menem visited Russia, and met with Russian president Boris Yeltsin, where Menem expressed his anticommunist sentiments and congratulated Yeltsin for "defeating communism" in Russia.[49]
Chile
Menem also settled all remaining
Previously and contrary to other Peronist authorities, Menem voted for the
Armed forces
Argentina was still divided by the aftermath of the Dirty War (the dirty war ended in 1983, Menem's presidency began in 1989). Menem proposed an agenda of national reconciliation. First, he arranged the repatriation of the body of Juan Manuel de Rosas, a controversial 19th century governor, and proposed to reconcile his legacy with those of Bartolomé Mitre and Domingo Faustino Sarmiento, who also fought in the Argentine Civil Wars. Menem intended to use the reconciliation of these historical Argentine figures as a metaphor for the reconciliation of the Dirty War. However, although the repatriation and acceptance of Rosas was a success, the acceptance of the military regime was not.[52]
The military leaders of the National Reorganization Process, convicted in the 1985 Trial of the Juntas, received presidential pardons, despite popular opposition to them. This was an old request of the Carapintadas in previous years. However, Menem did not apply their proposed changes to the military. The colonel, Mohamed Alí Seineldín, who was also pardoned, started a new mutiny, killing two military men. Unlike the mutinies that took place during the presidency of Alfonsín, the military fully obeyed Menem's orders for a forceful repression. Seineldín was utterly defeated, and sentenced to life imprisonment. This was the last military mutiny in Argentina.[53]
The president effected drastic cuts to the military budget, and privatized military factories. Menem appointed Lt. Gen. Martín Balza, who had performed well during the repression of Seineldín's mutiny, as the Army's General Chief of Staff (head of the military hierarchy). The death of a conscript soldier in 1994, victim of abuses by his superiors, led to the abolition of conscription in the country. The following year, Balza voiced the first institutional self-criticism of the armed forces during the Dirty War, saying that obedience did not justify the actions committed in those years.[54]
Terrorist attacks
The Israeli embassy suffered a
The
On 15 March 1995, Menem's son
Post-presidency
Menem ran in 2003 and won the greatest number of votes, 24%, in the first round of the 27 April 2003 presidential election; but votes were split among numerous parties. Under the 1994 amendment, a presidential candidate can win outright by winning 45% of the vote, or 40% if the margin of victory is 10 or more percentage points. This set the stage for Argentina's first-ever ballotage between Menem and second-place finisher, and fellow Peronist, Néstor Kirchner, who had received 22%. It was scheduled for 18 May. However, by that time, Menem had become very unpopular. Polls predicted that he faced almost certain defeat by Kirchner in the runoff. Most polls showed Kirchner taking at least 60 percent of the vote, and at least one poll showed Menem losing by as many as 50 points.[67][68] To avoid a humiliating defeat, Menem withdrew his candidacy on 14 May, effectively handing the presidency to Kirchner.[69]
Menem ran for
Corruption charges
On 7 June 2001, Menem was arrested over a
In August 2008, the BBC reported that Menem was under investigation for his role in the 1995 Río Tercero explosion, which is alleged to have been part of the weapons scandal involving Croatia and Ecuador.[4] Following an Appeals Court ruling that found Menem guilty of aggravated smuggling, he was sentenced to seven years in prison on 13 June 2013, for his role in illegally smuggling weapons to Ecuador and Croatia; his position as senator earned him immunity from incarceration, and his advanced age (82) afforded him the possibility of house arrest. His minister of defence during the weapons sales, Oscar Camilión, was concurrently sentenced to 5+1⁄2 years.[3] Menem was scheduled to attend a trial on the matter in which he was charged with "indirect responsibility", on 24 February 2021; but died ten days before that.[79]
In December 2008, the German multinational Siemens agreed to pay an $800 million fine to the United States government, and approximately €700 million to the German government, to settle allegations of bribery.[80] The settlement revealed that Menem had received about US$2 million in bribes from Siemens in exchange for awarding the national ID card and passport production contract to Siemens; Menem denied the charges but nonetheless agreed to pay a fine.[81]
On 1 December 2015, Menem was also found guilty of embezzlement, and sentenced to 4+1⁄2 years to prison. Domingo Cavallo, his economy minister, and Raúl Granillo Ocampo, Menem's former minister of justice, also received prison sentences of more than three years for participating in the scheme, and were ordered to repay hundreds of thousands of pesos' worth of illegal bonuses.[82]
Illness and death
On 13 June 2020, Menem was hospitalized due to a severe case of pneumonia and placed in intensive care;[83] he tested negative for COVID-19[84] and was discharged on 29 June 2020, three days before his 90th birthday.[85][86] On 15 December 2020, he was hospitalized again at the Los Arcos Sanatorium due to a urinary infection.[87][88][89] On 24 December 2020, Menem was induced into coma after a kidney failure.[90][91]
He died on 14 February 2021 at the Sanatorio Los Arcos in Buenos Aires from complications of urinary tract infection.[92][93] The national government issued three days of national mourning, and had a public funeral at the Palace of the Argentine National Congress. It was attended by several politicians, including the president Alberto Fernández, and by hundreds of people.[94] He was buried at the San Justo Islamic cemetery the following day, next to his son.[95] His daughter, Zulemita, confirmed that he had died as a Catholic, but he would be buried according to Muslim rites in the Islamic Cemetery to be with his family.[96]
Although former presidents are meant to have a bust at the Hall of Busts of the Casa Rosada eight years after they leave office, by the time of his death Menem never received that honor. Casa Rosada does have a bust of Menem donated by artist Fernando Pugliese, but never disclosed it. President Alberto Fernández told Zulemita Menem that the intention was to make a ceremony once Menem recovered from his illness but Menem's death disrupted the plans.[97]
Style and legacy
In the early days, Menem sported an image similar to the old
Contrary to Peronist tradition, Menem did not prepare huge rallies in the Plaza de Mayo to address the people from the balcony of the Casa Rosada. Instead, he took full advantage of mass media, such as television.[99]
Menem's administration was exalted by libertarians Javier Milei and Diego Giacomini in the late 2010s,[100] after being strongly criticized during and by Kirchnerism. Some liberal economists such as José Luis Espert and Alberto Benegas Lynch have also taken a critical approach towards Menem's presidency.[101]
His lasting legacy was a record so notorious as to shut off rational discussion about economic policy in Latin America for a generation. He and his Argentina were indelibly branded as "
Washington consensus". By extension, liberalism and a capitalist economy were damned.— The Economist, February 20, 2021[102]
Honours
Foreign honours
- Croatia:
- Grand Cross of the Grand Order of King Tomislav
- Egypt:
- Collar of the Order of the Nile
- Jamaica:
- First Class of the Order of Jamaica
- Lithuania:
- Grand Cross of the Order of Vytautas the Great
- Italy:
- Knight Grand Cross with Collar Order of Merit of the Italian Republic (1992)
- Malaysia:
- Honorary Recipient of the Order of the Crown of the Realm (1991)[103]
- Panama:
- Collar of the Order of Manuel Amador Guerrero
- Peru:
- Collar of the Order of the Sun of Peru
- Poland:
- Grand Cross of the Order of Merit of the Republic of Poland
- Spain:
- Collar of the Order of Isabella the Catholic
- South Africa:
- Grand Cross of the Order of Good Hope
- Hungary:
- Grand Cross with Chain of the Order of Merit of the Republic of Hungary (1997)[104]
- Tunisia:
- Grand Cordon of the Order of the Republic of Tunisia(1997)
- Uruguay:
- United Kingdom:
- Honorary Knight Grand Cross of the Order of St Michael and St George (1998)[106]
Notes
- ^ Until 1994, the Argentine Constitution required that the President of the Nation be a Catholic.
- ^ The rest of former living Presidents of Argentina at the time of his death were Isabel Perón, Adolfo Rodríguez Saá, Eduardo Duhalde, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner and Mauricio Macri, all younger than him. Alberto Fernández, president of Argentina at the time of his death, was also younger than him.
References
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- )
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El médico de Swiss Medical ... no tenía dudas de que se trataba de una muerte violenta...
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23 hs – Llega la ambulancia de Swiss Medical y constantan la muerte.
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- ^ Romero, p. 298
- ^ "Javier Milei: "Menem fue el mejor presidente de toda la historia"". Infobae. 4 August 2020. Retrieved 28 September 2020.
- ^ Rey, Pedro B. (6 June 2004). "Alberto Benegas Lynch: "Menem fue un modelo de antiliberalismo"". La Nación. Retrieved 28 September 2020.
- ^ "Carlos Menem, a conservative caudillo, tarnished liberalism". The Economist. 20 February 2021. Retrieved 4 March 2021.
- ^ "Senarai Penuh Penerima Darjah Kebesaran, Bintang dan Pingat Persekutuan Tahun 1991" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 23 November 2018. Retrieved 6 June 2016.
- ^ "Image of PRESIDENTS MANEM AND GONCZ DURING DECORATING CEREMONY, 1997-04-07 (photo)". www.bridgemanimages.com. Retrieved 9 March 2024.
- ^ "Resolución N° 1137/994". www.impo.com.uy. Retrieved 26 November 2020.
- ^ Staff (25 June 2020). "La medalla de honor británica considerada racista". El Comercio Perú (in Spanish). Retrieved 14 February 2021.
Entre ellos, están el expresidente peruano Alberto Fujimori (1998); el expresidente de Argentina Carlos Menem (1998); el expresidente de México Ernesto Zedillo (1998)
Bibliography
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- Giraudy, Agustina (2015). Democrats and Autocrats: Pathways of Subnational Undemocratic Regime continuity within democratic countries. United Kingdom: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-870686-1.
- Johnson, Lyman (2004). Death, dismemberment, and memory: body politics in Latin America. United States: University of New Mexico Press. ISBN 0-8263-3200-5.
- Levine, Anete (2015). Landscapes of Memory and Impunity: The Aftermath of the AMIA Bombing in Jewish Argentina. United States: Brill. ISBN 978-90-04-29749-4.
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