Castles in Great Britain and Ireland
Castles have played an important military, economic and social role in
Castles continued to grow in military sophistication and comfort during the 12th century, leading to a sharp increase in the complexity and length of sieges in England. While in Ireland and Wales castle architecture continued to follow that of England, after the death of Alexander III the trend in Scotland moved away from the construction of larger castles towards the use of smaller tower houses. The tower house style would also be adopted in the north of England and Ireland in later years. In North Wales Edward I built a sequence of militarily powerful castles after the destruction of the last Welsh polities in the 1270s. By the 14th century castles were combining defences with luxurious, sophisticated living arrangements and heavily landscaped gardens and parks.
Many royal and baronial castles were left to decline, so that by the 15th century only a few were maintained for defensive purposes. A small number of castles in England and Scotland were developed into Renaissance Era palaces that hosted lavish feasts and celebrations amid their elaborate architecture. Such structures were, however, beyond the means of all but royalty and the richest of the late-medieval barons. Although gunpowder weapons were used to defend castles from the late 14th century onwards it became clear during the 16th century that, provided artillery could be transported and brought to bear on a besieged castle, gunpowder weapons could also play an important attack role. The defences of coastal castles around the British Isles were improved to deal with this threat, but investment in their upkeep once again declined at the end of the 16th century. Nevertheless, in the widespread civil and religious conflicts across the British Isles during the 1640s and 1650s, castles played a key role in England. Modern defences were quickly built alongside existing medieval fortifications and, in many cases, castles successfully withstood more than one siege. In Ireland the introduction of heavy siege artillery by Oliver Cromwell in 1649 brought a rapid end to the utility of castles in the war, while in Scotland the popular tower houses proved unsuitable for defending against civil war artillery – although major castles such as Edinburgh put up strong resistance. At the end of the war many castles were slighted to prevent future use.
Military use of castles rapidly decreased over subsequent years, although some were adapted for use by garrisons in Scotland and key border locations for many years to come, including during the Second World War. Other castles were used as county
Norman Invasion
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Earlier castles and fortifications
The English word "castle" derives from the Latin word castellum and is used to refer to the private fortified residence of a lord or noble.[1] The term tends not to be used for buildings earlier than the 11th century,[2] but such defensive structures are known to have existed before the Norman conquest. A lack of archaeological evidence for timber buildings has tended to disguise the extent of castle-building throughout Europe prior to 1066,[3] and many of the early wooden castles were built on the site of earlier fortifications.[4][5]
Before the arrival of the Normans the Anglo-Saxons had built burhs, fortified structures with their origins in 9th-century Wessex.[6] Most of these, especially in urban areas, were large enough to be best described as fortified townships rather than private dwellings and are therefore not usually classed as castles.[7] Rural burhs were smaller and usually consisted of a wooden hall with a wall enclosing various domestic buildings along with an entrance tower called a burh-geat, which was apparently used for ceremonial purposes.[8] Although rural burhs were relatively secure their role was primarily ceremonial and they too are not normally classed as castles.[9]
The presence of castles in Britain and Ireland dates primarily from the
Invasion
The second and third waves of castle building were led by the major magnates, and then by the more junior knights on their new estates.[16] The apportionment of the conquered lands by the king influenced where these castles were built. In a few key locations the king gave his followers compact groups of estates including the six rapes of Sussex and the three earldoms of Chester, Shrewsbury and Hereford; intended to protect the line of communication with Normandy and the Welsh border respectively.[20] In these areas a baron's castles were clustered relatively tightly together, but in most of England the nobles' estates, and therefore their castles, were more widely dispersed.[21] As the Normans pushed on into South Wales they advanced up the valleys building castles as they went and often using the larger castles of the neighbouring earldoms as a base.[22]
As a result, castle building by the Norman nobility across England and the Marches lacked a grand strategic plan, reflecting local circumstances such as military factors and the layout of existing estates and church lands.
Not all of the castles were occupied simultaneously. Some were built during the invasions and then abandoned while other new castles were constructed elsewhere, especially along the western borders. Recent estimates suggest that between 500 and 600 castles were occupied at any one time in the post-conquest period.[29]
Architecture
There was a large degree of variation in the size and exact shape of the castles built in England and Wales after the invasion.
The White Tower in London and the keep of Colchester Castle were the only stone castles to be built in England immediately after the conquest, both with the characteristic square Norman keep.[35] Both these castles were built in the Romanesque style and were intended to impress as well as provide military protection.[35] In Wales the first wave of the Norman castles were again made of wood, in a mixture of motte-and-bailey and ringwork designs, with the exception of the stone built Chepstow Castle.[36] Chepstow too was heavily influenced by Romanesque design, reusing numerous materials from the nearby Venta Silurum to produce what historian Robert Liddiard has termed "a play upon images from Antiquity".[37]
The size of these castles varied depending on the geography of the site, the decisions of the builder and the available resources.
12th century
Developments in castle design
From the early 12th century onwards the Normans began to build new castles in stone and convert existing timber designs.[42] This was initially a slow process, picking up speed towards the second half of the century.[42] Traditionally this transition was believed to have been driven by the more crude nature of wooden fortifications, the limited life of timber in wooden castles and its vulnerability to fire; recent archaeological studies have however shown that many wooden castles were as robust and as complex as their stone equivalents.[43] Some wooden castles were not converted into stone for many years and instead expanded in wood, such as at Hen Domen.[44]
Several early stone keeps had been built after the conquest, with somewhere between ten and fifteen in existence by 1100, and more followed in the 12th century until around 100 had been built by 1216.[45][nb 3] Typically these were four sided designs with the corners reinforced by pilaster buttresses.[47] Keeps were up to four storeys high, with the entrance on the first storey to prevent the door from being easily broken down.[47] The strength of the design typically came from the thickness of the walls: usually made of rag-stone, as in the case of Dover Castle, these walls could be up to 24 feet (7.3 metres) thick.[48] The larger keeps were subdivided by an internal wall while the smaller versions, such as that at Goodrich, had a single, slightly cramped chamber on each floor.[49] Stone keeps required skilled craftsmen to build them; unlike unfree labour or serfs, these men had to be paid and stone keeps were therefore expensive.[50] They were also relatively slow to erect – a keep's walls could usually only be raised by a maximum of 12 feet (3.7 metres) a year, the keep at Scarborough was typical in taking ten years to build.[50]
Norman stone keeps played both a military and a political role. Most of the keeps were physically extremely robust and, while they were not designed as an intended location for the final defence of a castle, they were often placed near weak points in the walls to provide supporting fire.[51] Many keeps made compromises to purely military utility:[52] Norwich Castle included elaborate blind arcading on the outside of the building, in a Roman style, and appears to had a ceremonial entrance route;[53] The interior of the keep at Hedingham could have hosted impressive ceremonies and events, but contained numerous flaws from a military perspective.[54] Similarly there has been extensive debate over the role of Orford Castle whose expensive, three-cornered design most closely echoes imperial Byzantine palaces and may have been intended by Henry II to be more symbolic than military in nature.[55][nb 4]
Another improvement from the 12th century onwards was the creation of shell keeps, involving replacing the wooden keep on the motte with a circular stone wall.[57] Buildings could be built around the inside of the shell, producing a small inner courtyard.[57] Restormel Castle is a classic example of this development with a perfectly circular wall and a square entrance tower while the later Launceston Castle, although more ovoid than circular, is another good example of the design and one of the most formidable castles of the period.[58] Round castles were unusually popular throughout Cornwall and Devon.[59] Although the circular design held military advantages, these only really mattered in the 13th century onwards; the origins of 12th-century circular design were the circular design of the mottes; indeed, some designs were less than circular in order to accommodate irregular mottes, such as that at Windsor Castle.[60]
Economy and society
English castles during the period were divided into those royal castles owned by the king, and baronial castles controlled by the Anglo-Norman lords. According to chronicler
A number of royal castles were linked to forests and other key resources. Royal forests in the early medieval period were subject to special royal jurisdiction; forest law was, as historian Robert Huscroft describes it, "harsh and arbitrary, a matter purely for the King's will" and forests were expected to supply the king with hunting grounds, raw materials, goods and money.[64] Forests were typically tied to castles, both to assist with the enforcement of the law and to store the goods being extracted from the local economy: Peveril Castle was linked to the Peak Forest and the local lead mining there;[65] St Briavels was tied to the Forest of Dean; and Knaresborough, Rockingham and Pickering to their eponymous forests respectively.[66] In the south-west, where the Crown oversaw the lead mining industry, castles such as Restormel played an important role running the local stannery courts.[67]
Baronial castles were of varying size and sophistication; some were classed as a caput, or the key stronghold of a given lord, and were usually larger and better fortified than the norm and usually held the local baronial honorial courts.[68] The king continued to exercise the right to occupy and use any castle in the kingdom in response to external threats, in those cases he would staff the occupied castles with his own men; the king also retained the right to authorise the construction of new castles through the issuing of licenses to crenellate.[69] It was possible for bishops to build or control castles, such as the important Devizes Castle linked to the Bishop of Salisbury, although this practice was challenged on occasion.[70] In the 12th century the practice of castle-guards emerged in England and Wales, under which lands were assigned to local lords on condition that the recipient provided a certain number of knights or sergeants for the defence of a named castle.[71] In some cases, such as at Dover, this arrangement became quite sophisticated with particular castle towers being named after particular families owing castle-guard duty.[72]
The links between castles and the surrounding lands and estates was particularly important during this period. Many castles, both royal and baronial, had
The Anarchy
Both sides responded to the challenge of the conflict by building many new castles, sometimes as sets of strategic fortifications. In the south-west Matilda's supporters built a range of castles to protect the territory, usually
Matilda's son Henry II assumed the throne at the end of the war and immediately announced his intention to eliminate the adulterine castles that had sprung up during the war, but it is unclear how successful this effort was.[86] Robert of Torigny recorded that 375 were destroyed, without giving the details behind the figure; recent studies of selected regions have suggested that fewer castles were probably destroyed than once thought and that many may simply have been abandoned at the end of the conflict.[87] Certainly many of the new castles were transitory in nature: Archaeologist Oliver Creighton observes that 56 per cent of those castles known to have been built during Stephen's reign have "entirely vanished".[88]
The spread of castles in Scotland, Wales and Ireland
Castles in Scotland emerged as a consequence of the centralising of royal authority in the 12th century.
The Norman expansion into Wales slowed in the 12th century, but remained an ongoing threat to the remaining native rulers. In response the Welsh princes and lords began to build their own castles, usually in wood.[96] There are indications that this may have begun from 1111 onwards under Prince Cadwgan ap Bleddyn with the first documentary evidence of a native Welsh castle being at Cymmer in 1116.[97] These timber castles, including Tomen y Rhodwydd, Tomen y Faerdre and Gaer Penrhôs, were of equivalent quality to the Norman fortifications in the area and it can prove difficult to distinguish the builders of some sites from the archaeological evidence alone.[96] At the end of the 12th century the Welsh rulers began to build castles in stone, primarily in the principality of North Wales.[97]
Ireland remained ruled by native kings into the 12th century, largely without the use of castles. There was a history of Irish fortifications called
The Norman invasion of Ireland began between 1166 and 1171, under first Richard de Clare and then Henry II of England, with the occupation of southern and eastern Ireland by a number of Anglo-Norman barons.[100] The rapid Norman success depended on key economic and military advantages, with castles enabling them to control the newly conquered territories.[101] The new lords rapidly built castles to protect their possessions, many of these were motte-and-bailey constructions; in Louth at least 23 of these were built.[102] It remains uncertain how many ringwork castles were built in Ireland by the Anglo-Normans.[103] Other castles, such as Trim and Carrickfergus, were built in stone as the caput centres for major barons.[104] Analysis of these stone castles suggests that building in stone was not simply a military decision; indeed, several of the castles contain serious defensive flaws.[105] Instead the designs, including their focus on large stone keeps, were intended both to increase the prestige of the baronial owners and to provide adequate space for the administrative apparatus of the new territories.[106] Unlike in Wales the indigenous Irish lords do not appear to have constructed their own castles in any significant number during the period.[107][nb 5]
13th–14th centuries
Military developments
Castle design in Britain continued to change towards the end of the 12th century.[109] After Henry II mottes ceased to be built in most of England, although they continued to be erected in Wales and along the Marches.[110] Square keeps remained common across much of England in contrast to the circular keeps increasingly prevailing in France; in the Marches, however, circular keep designs became more popular.[111] Castles began to take on a more regular, enclosed shape, ideally quadrilateral or at least polygonal in design, especially in the more prosperous south.[109] Flanking towers, initially square and latterly curved, were introduced along the walls and gatehouses began to grow in size and complexity, with portcullises being introduced for the first time.[109] Castles such as Dover and the Tower of London were expanded in a concentric design in what Cathcart King has labelled the early development of "scientific fortification".[112]
The developments spread to Anglo-Norman possessions in Ireland where this English style of castles dominated throughout the 13th century, although the deteriorating Irish economy of the 14th century brought this wave of building to an end.[113] In Scotland Alexander II and Alexander III undertook a number of castle building projects in the modern style, although Alexander III's early death sparked conflict in Scotland and English intervention under Edward I in 1296. In the ensuing wars of Scottish Independence castle building in Scotland altered path, turning away from building larger, more conventional castles with curtain walls.[114] The Scots instead adopted the policy of slighting, or deliberately destroying, castles captured in Scotland from the English to prevent their re-use in subsequent invasions – most of the new Scottish castles built by nobles were of the tower house design; the few larger castles built in Scotland were typically royal castles, built on the command of Scottish kings.[115]
Some of these changes were driven by developments in military technology. Before 1190 mining was used rarely and the siege engines of the time were largely incapable of damaging the thicker castle walls.[60] The introduction of the trebuchet began to change this situation; it was able to throw much heavier balls, with remarkable accuracy, and reconstructed devices have been shown to be able to knock holes in walls.[116] Trebuchets were first recorded in England in 1217, and were probably used the year before as well. Richard I used them in his sieges during the Third Crusade and appears to have started to alter his castle designs to accommodate the new technology on his return to Europe.[117] The trebuchet seems to have encouraged the shift towards round and polygonal towers and curved walls.[118] In addition to having fewer or no dead zones, and being easier to defend against mining, these castle designs were also much less easy to attack with trebuchets as the curved surfaces could deflect some of the force of the shot.[118]
Castles saw an increasing use of
One result of this was that English castle sieges grew in complexity and scale. During the
Economy and society
A number of royal castles, from the 12th century onwards, formed an essential network of royal storehouses in the 13th century for a wide range of goods including food, drink, weapons, armour and raw materials.[131] Castles such as Southampton, Winchester, Bristol and the Tower of London were used to import, store and distribute royal wines.[131] The English royal castles also became used as gaols – the Assize of Clarendon in 1166 insisted that royal sheriffs establish their own gaols and, in the coming years, county gaols were placed in all the shrieval royal castles.[132] Conditions in these gaols were poor and claims of poor treatment and starvation were common; Northampton Castle appears to have seen some of the worst abuses.[132]
The development of the baronial castles in England were affected by the economic changes during the period.[133] During the 13th and 14th centuries the average incomes of the English barons increased but wealth became concentrated in the hands of a smaller number of individuals, with a greater discrepancy in incomes.[133] At the same time the costs of maintaining and staffing a modern castle were increasing.[134] The result was that although there were around 400 castles in England in 1216, the number of castles continued to diminish over the coming years; even the wealthier barons were inclined to let some castles slide into disuse and to focus their resources on the remaining stock.[135] The castle-guard system faded into abeyance in England, being replaced by financial rents, although it continued in the Welsh Marches well into the 13th century and saw some limited use during Edward I's occupation of Scotland in the early 14th century.[136]
The remaining English castles became increasingly comfortable. Their interiors were often painted and decorated with
By the late 13th century some castles were built within carefully "designed landscapes", sometimes drawing a distinction between an inner core of a herber, a small enclosed garden complete with orchards and small ponds, and an outer region with larger ponds and high status buildings such as "religious buildings, rabbit warrens, mills and settlements", potentially set within a park.
Welsh castles
During the 13th century the native Welsh princes built a number of stone castles.[97] The size of these varied considerably from smaller fortifications, such as Dinas Emrys in Snowdonia, to more substantial castles like Dinefwr and the largest, Castell y Bere.[97] Native Welsh castles typically maximised the defensive benefits of high, mountainous sites, often being built in an irregular shape to fit a rocky peak.[144] Most had deep ditches cut out of the rock to protect the main castle.[97] The Welsh castles were usually built with a relatively short keep, used as living accommodation for princes and nobility, and with distinctive 'apsidal' D-shaped towers along the walls.[145][146] In comparison to Norman castles the gatehouses were much weaker in design, with almost no use of portcullises or spiral staircases, and the stonework of the outer walls was also generally inferior to Norman built castles.[147] The later native Welsh castles, built in the 1260s, more closely resemble Norman designs; including round towers and, in the case of Criccieth and Dinas Brân, twin-towered gatehouse defences.[145]
Edward I's castles in Wales
In 1277 Edward I launched a final invasion of the remaining native Welsh strongholds in North Wales, intending to establish his rule over the region on a permanent basis. As part of this occupation he instructed his leading nobles to construct eight new castles across the region; Aberystwyth and Builth in mid-Wales and Beaumaris, Conwy, Caernarfon, Flint, Harlech and Rhuddlan Castle in North Wales.[148] Historian R. Allen Brown has described these as "amongst the finest achievements of medieval military architecture [in England and Wales]".[148] The castles varied in design but were typically characterised by powerful mural towers along the castle walls, with multiple, over-lapping firing points and large and extremely well defended barbicans.[149] The castles were intended to be used by the king when in the region and included extensive high-status accommodation.[150] Edward also established various new English towns, and in several cases the new castles were designed to be used alongside the fortified town walls as part of an integrated defence.[148] Historian Richard Morris has suggested that "the impression is firmly given of an elite group of men-of-war, long-standing comrades in arms of the king, indulging in an orgy of military architectural expression on an almost unlimited budget".[151]
James of Saint George, a famous architect and engineer from Savoy, was probably responsible for the bulk of the construction work across the region.[152] The castles were extremely costly to build and required labourers, masons, carpenters, diggers, and building resources to be gathered by local sheriffs from across England, mustered at Chester and Bristol, before being sent on to North Wales in the spring, returning home each winter.[153] The number of workers involved placed a significant drain on the country's national labour force.[154] The total financial cost cannot be calculated with certainty, but estimates suggest that Edward's castle building programme cost at least £80,000 – four times the total royal expenditure on castles between 1154 and 1189.[155]
The Edwardian castles also made strong symbolic statements about the nature of the new occupation. For example, Caernarvon was decorated with carved eagles, equipped with polygonal towers and expensive banded masonry, all designed to imitate the
Palace-fortresses
In the middle of the 13th century Henry III began to redesign his favourite castles, including Winchester and Windsor, building larger halls, grander chapels, installing glass windows and decorating the palaces with painted walls and furniture.[159] This marked the beginning of a trend towards the development of grand castles designed for elaborate, elite living. Life in earlier keeps had been focused around a single great hall, with privacy for the owner's family provided by using an upper floor for their own living accommodation. By the 14th century nobles were travelling less, bringing much larger households with them when they did travel and entertaining visitors with equally large retinues.[160] Castles such as Goodrich were redesigned in the 1320s to provide greater residential privacy and comfort for the ruling family, while retaining strong defensive features and a capacity to hold over 130 residents at the castle.[161] The design influenced subsequent conversions at Berkeley and by the time that Bolton Castle was being built, in the 1380s, it was designed to hold up to eight different noble households, each with their own facilities.[162] Royal castles such as Beaumaris, although designed with defence in mind, were designed to hold up to eleven different households at any one time.[163]
Kings and the most wealthy lords could afford to redesign castles to produce palace-fortresses.
In the south of England private castles were being built by newly emerging, wealthy families; like the work at Windsor, these castles drew on the architectural themes of earlier martial designs, but were not intended to form a serious defence against attack.[168] These new castles were heavily influenced by French designs, involving a rectangular or semi-rectangular castle with corner towers, gatehouses and moat; the walls effectively enclosing a comfortable courtyard plan not dissimilar to that of an unfortified manor.[169] Bodiam Castle built in the 1380s possessed a moat, towers and gunports but, rather than being a genuine military fortification, the castle was primarily intended to be admired by visitors and used as a luxurious dwelling – the chivalric architecture implicitly invoking comparisons with Edward I's great castle at Beaumaris.[170]
In the north of England improvements in the security of the Scottish border, and the rise of major noble families such as the Percies and the Nevilles, encouraged a surge in castle building at the end of the 14th century.[171] Palace-fortresses such as Raby, Bolton and Warkworth Castle took the quadrangular castle styles of the south and combined them with exceptionally large key towers or keeps to form a distinctive northern style.[172] Built by major noble houses these castles were typically even more opulent than those built by the nouveau riche of the south.[173] They marked what historian Anthony Emery has described as a "second peak of castle building in England and Wales", after the Edwardian designs at the end of the 14th century.[174]
Introduction of gunpowder
Early gunpowder weapons were introduced to England from the 1320s onwards and began to appear in Scotland by the 1330s.[175] By the 1340s the English Crown was regularly spending money on them and the new technology began to be installed in English castles by the 1360s and 1370s, and in Scottish castles by the 1380s.[175] Cannons were made in various sizes, from smaller hand cannons to larger guns firing stone balls of up to 7.6 inches (19 cm).[176] Medium-sized weapons weighing around 20 kg each were more useful for the defence of castles, although Richard II eventually established 600 pound (272 kilo) guns at the Tower of London and the 15,366 pound (6,970 kilo) heavy Mons Meg bombard was installed at Edinburgh Castle.[177]
Early cannons had only a limited range and were unreliable; in addition early stone cannonballs were relatively ineffective when fired at stone castle walls.[178] As a result, early cannon proved most useful for defence, particularly against infantry assaults or to fire at the crews of enemy trebuchets.[179] Indeed, early cannons could be quite dangerous to their own soldiers; James II of Scotland was killed besieging Roxburgh Castle in 1460 when one of his cannons, called "Lion", exploded next to him.[180] The expense of early cannons meant that they were primarily a weapon deployed by royalty rather than the nobility.[181]
Cannons in English castles were initially deployed along the south coast where the Channel ports, essential for English trade and military operations in Europe, were increasingly threatened by
15th–16th centuries
Decline of English castles
By the 15th century very few castles were well maintained by their owners. Many royal castles were receiving insufficient investment to allow them to be maintained – roofs leaked, stone work crumbled, lead or wood was stolen.[185] The Crown was increasingly selective about which royal castles it maintained, with others left to decay.[186] By the 15th century only Windsor, Leeds, Rockingham and Moor End were kept up as comfortable accommodation; Nottingham and York formed the backbone for royal authority in the north, and Chester, Gloucester and Bristol forming the equivalents in the west.[186] Even major fortifications such as the castles of North Wales and the border castles of Carlisle, Bamburgh and Newcastle upon Tyne saw funding and maintenance reduced.[187] Many royal castles continued to have a role as the county gaol, with the gatehouse frequently being used as the principal facility.[188]
The ranks of the baronage continued to reduce in the 15th century, producing a smaller elite of wealthier lords but reducing the comparative wealth of the majority.[189] and many baronial castles fell into similar decline.[187] John Leland's 16th-century accounts of English castles are replete with descriptions of castles being "sore decayed", their defences "in ruine" or, where the walls might still be in good repair, the "logginges within" were "decayed".[190] English castles did not play a decisive role during the Wars of the Roses, fought between 1455 and 1485, which were primarily in the form of pitched battles between the rival factions of the Lancastrians and the Yorkists.[191]
Renaissance palaces
The 15th and 16th centuries saw a small number of British castles develop into still grander structures, often drawing on the
Royal builders in Scotland led the way in adopting further European Renaissance styles in castle design.
These changes also included shifts in social and cultural beliefs.
Although the size of noble households shrank slightly during the 16th century, the number of guests at the largest castle events continued to grow.
Tower houses
Tower houses were a common feature of British and Irish castle building in the late medieval period: over 3,000 were constructed in Ireland, around 800 in Scotland and over 250 in England.[209] A tower house would typically be a tall, square, stone-built, crenelated building; Scottish and Ulster tower houses were often also surrounded by a barmkyn or bawn, a walled courtyard designed to hold valuable animals securely, but not necessarily intended for serious defence.[210] Many of the gateways in these buildings were guarded with yetts, grill-like doors made out of metal bars.[211] Smaller versions of tower houses in northern England and southern Scotland were known as Peel towers, or pele houses, and were built along both sides of the border regions.[212] In Scotland a number were built in Scottish towns.[213] It was originally argued that Irish tower houses were based on the Scottish design, but the pattern of development of such castles in Ireland does not support this hypothesis.[214]
The defences of tower houses were primarily aimed to provide protection against smaller raiding parties and were not intended to put up significant opposition to an organised military assault, leading historian Stuart Reid to characterise them as "defensible rather than defensive".[215] Gunports for heavier guns were built into some Scottish tower houses by the 16th century but it was more common to use lighter gunpowder weapons, such as muskets, to defend Scottish tower houses.[216] Unlike Scotland, Irish tower houses were only defended with relatively light handguns and frequently reused older arrow-loops, rather than more modern designs, to save money.[217]
Analysis of the construction of tower houses has focused on two key driving forces. The first is that the construction of these castles appears to have been linked to periods of instability and insecurity in the areas concerned.[218] In Scotland James IV's forfeiture of the Lordship of the Isles in 1494 led to an immediate burst of castle building across the region and, over the longer term, an increased degree of clan warfare, while the subsequent wars with England in the 1540s added to the level of insecurity over the rest of the century.[219] Irish tower houses were built from the end of the 14th century onward as the countryside disintegrated into the unstable control of a large number of small lordships and Henry VI promoted their construction with financial rewards in a bid to improve security.[220] English tower houses were built along the frontier with Scotland in a dangerous and insecure period.[221] Secondly, and paradoxically, appears to have been the periods of relative prosperity.[218] Contemporary historian William Camden observed of the northern English and the Scots, "there is not a man amongst them of a better sort that hath not his little tower or pile", and many tower houses seem to have been built as much as status symbols as defensive structures.[222] Along the English-Scottish borders the construction pattern follows the relative prosperity of the different side: the English lords built tower houses primarily in the early 15th century, when northern England was particularly prosperous, while their Scottish equivalents built them in late 15th and early 16th centuries, boom periods in the economy of Scotland.[223] In Ireland the growth of tower houses during the 15th century mirrors the rise of cattle herding and the resulting wealth that this brought to many of the lesser lords in Ireland.[223]
Further development of gunpowder artillery
Cannons continued to be improved during the 15th and 16th centuries.[224] Castle loopholes were adapted to allow cannons and other firearms to be used in a defensive role, but offensively gunpowder weapons still remained relatively unreliable.[225] England had lagged behind Europe in adapting to this new form of warfare; Dartmouth and Kingswear Castles, built in the 1490s to defend the River Dart, and Bayard's Cover, designed in 1510 to defend Dartmouth harbour itself, were amongst the few English castles designed in the continental style during the period, and even these lagged behind the cutting edge of European design.[226] Scottish castles were more advanced in this regard, partially as a result of the stronger French architectural influences.[227] Ravenscraig Castle in Scotland, for example, was an early attempt in the 1460s to deploy a combination of "letter box" gun-ports and low-curved stone towers for artillery weapons.[228] These letter box gun-ports, common in mainland Europe, rapidly spread across Scotland but were rarely used in England during the 15th century.[227] Scotland also led the way in adopting the new caponier design for castle ditches, as constructed at Craignethan Castle.[227]
These coastal defences marked a shift away from castles, which were both military fortifications and domestic buildings, towards
Nonetheless, improved gunpowder artillery played a part in the reconquest of Ireland in the 1530s, where the successful English siege of Maynooth Castle in 1530 demonstrated the power of the new siege guns.[217] There were still relatively few guns in Ireland however and, during the Nine Years' War at the end of the century, the Irish were proved relatively unskilled in siege warfare with artillery used mainly by the English.[239] In both Ireland and Scotland the challenge was how to transport artillery pieces to castle sieges; the poor state of Scottish roads required expensive trains of pack horses, which only the king could afford, and in Ireland the river network had to be frequently used to transport the weapons inland.[240] In these circumstances older castles could frequently remain viable defensive features, although the siege of Cahir Castle in 1599 and the attack on Dunyvaig Castle on Islay in 1614 proved that if artillery could be brought to bear, previously impregnable castle walls might fall relatively quickly.[241]
17th century
Wars of the Three Kingdoms
In 1603
In 1642 the
Sieges became a prominent part of the war with over 300 occurring during the period, many of them involving castles.[249] Indeed, as Robert Liddiard suggests, the "military role of some castles in the seventeenth century is out of all proportion to their medieval histories".[255] Artillery formed an essential part of these sieges, with the "characteristic military action" according to military historian Stephen Bull, being "an attack on a fortified strongpoint" supported by artillery.[256][nb 7] The ratio of artillery pieces to defenders varied considerably in sieges, but in all cases there were more guns than in previous conflicts; up to one artillery piece for every nine defenders was not unknown in extreme cases, such as near Pendennis Castle.[257] The growth in the number and size of siege artillery favoured those who had the resources to purchase and deploy these weapons.[258] Artillery had improved by the 1640s but was still not always decisive, as the lighter cannon of the period found it hard to penetrate earth and timber bulwarks and defences – demonstrated in the siege of Corfe.[259] Mortars, able to lob fire over the taller walls, proved particularly effective against castles – in particular those more compact ones with smaller courtyards and open areas, such as at Stirling Castle.[260]
The heavy artillery introduced in England eventually spread to the rest of the British Isles. Although up to a thousand Irish soldiers who had served in Europe returned during the war, bringing with them experience of siege warfare from the Thirty Years' War in Europe, it was the arrival of Oliver Cromwell's train of siege guns in 1649 that transformed the conflict, and the fate of local castles.[261] None of the Irish castles could withstand these Parliamentary weapons and most quickly surrendered.[217] In 1650 Cromwell invaded Scotland and again his heavily artillery proved decisive.[262]
The Restoration
The English Civil War resulted in Parliament issuing orders to slight or damage many castles, particularly in prominent royal regions. This was particularly in the period of 1646 to 1651, with a peak in 1647.[263] Around 150 fortifications were slighted in this period, including 38 town walls and a great many castles.[264] Slighting was quite expensive and took some considerable effort to carry out, so damage was usually done in the most cost-effective fashion with only selected walls being destroyed.[265] In some cases the damage was almost total, such as Wallingford Castle or Pontefract Castle which had been involved in three major sieges and in this case at the request of the townsfolk who wished to avoid further conflict.[266]
By the time that
Many castles still retained a defensive role. Castles in England, such as Chepstow and York Castle, were repaired and garrisoned by the king.[270] As military technologies progressed the costs of upgrading older castles could be prohibitive – the estimated £30,000 required for the potential conversion of York in 1682, approximately £4,050,000 in 2009 terms, gives a scale of the potential costs.[271][272] Castles played a minimal role in the Glorious Revolution of 1688, although some fortifications such as Dover Castle were attacked by mobs unhappy with the religious beliefs of their Catholic governors, and the sieges of King John's Castle in Limerick formed part of the endgame to the war in Ireland.[273] In the north of Britain security problems persisted in Scotland. Cromwellian forces had built a number of new modern forts and barracks, but the royal castles of Edinburgh, Dumbarton and Stirling, along with Dunstaffnage, Dunollie and Ruthven Castle, also continued in use as practical fortifications.[274] Tower houses were being built until the 1640s; after the Restoration the fortified tower house fell out of fashion, but the weak state of the Scottish economy was such that while many larger properties were simply abandoned, the more modest castles continued to be used and adapted as houses, rather than rebuilt.[275] In Ireland tower houses and castles remained in use until after the Glorious Revolution, when events led to a dramatic shift in land ownership and a boom in the building of Palladian country houses; in many cases using timbers stripped from the older, abandoned generation of castles and tower houses.[276]
18th century
Military and governmental use
Some castles in Britain and Ireland continued to have modest military utility into the 18th century. Until 1745 a sequence of
Many castles remained in use as county gaols, run by gaolers as effectively private businesses; frequently this involved the gatehouse being maintained as the main prison building, as at Cambridge, Bridgnorth, Lancaster, Newcastle and St Briavels.[283] During the 1770s the prison reformer John Howard conducted his famous survey of prisons and gaols, culminating in his 1777 work The State of the Prisons.[284] This documented the poor quality of these castle facilities; prisoners in Norwich Castle lived in a dungeon, with the floor frequently covered by an inch of water; Oxford was "close and offensive"; Worcester was so subject to jail fever that the castle surgeon would not enter the prison; Gloucester was "wretched in the extreme".[285] Howard's work caused a shift in public opinion against the use of these older castle facilities as gaols.[284]
Social and cultural use
By the middle of the century medieval ruined castles had become fashionable once again. They were considered an interesting counterpoint to the now conventional Palladian classical architecture, and a way of giving a degree of medieval allure to their new owners.
At the same time castles were becoming tourist attractions for the first time. By the 1740s Windsor Castle had become an early tourist attraction; wealthier visitors who could afford to pay the castle keeper could enter, see curiosities such as the castle's narwhal horn, and by the 1750s buy the first guidebooks.[289] The first guidebook to Kenilworth Castle followed in 1777 with many later editions following in the coming decades.[290] By the 1780s and 1790s visitors were beginning to progress as far as Chepstow, where an attractive female guide escorted tourists around the ruins as part of the popular Wye Tour.[291] In Scotland Blair Castle became a popular attraction on account of its landscaped gardens, as did Stirling Castle with its romantic connections.[292] Caernarfon in North Wales appealed to many visitors, especially artists.[293] Irish castles proved less popular, partially because contemporary tourists regarded the country as being somewhat backward and the ruins therefore failed to provide the necessary romantic contrast with modern life.[294]
The appreciation of castles developed as the century progressed. During the 1770s and 1780s the concept of the picturesque ruin was popularised by the English clergyman William Gilpin. Gilpin published several works on his journeys through Britain, expounding the concept of the "correctly picturesque" landscape.[295] Such a landscape, Gilpin argued, usually required a building such as a castle or other ruin to add "consequence" to the natural picture.[296] Paintings in this style usually portrayed castles as indistinct, faintly coloured objects in the distance; in writing, the picturesque account eschewed detail in favour of bold first impressions on the sense.[297] The ruins of Goodrich particularly appealed to Gilpin and his followers; Conwy was, however, too well preserved and uninteresting.[298] By contrast the artistic work of antiquarians James Bentham and James Essex at the end of the century, while stopping short of being genuine archaeology, was detailed and precise enough to provide a substantial base of architectural fine detail on medieval castle features and enabled the work of architects such as Wyatt.[299]
19th century
Military and governmental use
The military utility of the remaining castles in Britain and Ireland continued to diminish. Some castles became regimental depots, including Carlisle Castle and Chester Castle.[281] Carrickfergus Castle was re-equipped with gunports in order to provide coastal defences at the end of the Napoleonic period.[300] Political instability was a major issue during the early 19th century and the popularity of the Chartist movement led to proposals to refortify the Tower of London in the event of civil unrest.[301] In Ireland Dublin Castle played an increasing role in Ireland as Fenian pressures for independence grew during the century.[citation needed]
The operation of local prisons in locations such as castles had been criticised, since John Howard's work in the 1770s, and pressure for reform continued to grow in the 1850s and 1860s.
Social and cultural use
Many castles saw increased visitors by tourists, helped by better transport links and the growth of the railways. The armouries at the Tower of London opened for tourists in 1828 with 40,000 visitors in their first year; by 1858 the numbers had grown to over 100,000 a year.[307] Attractions such as Warwick Castle received 6,000 visitors during 1825 to 1826, many of them travelling from the growing industrial towns in the nearby Midlands, while Victorian tourists recorded being charged six-pence to wander around the ruins of Goodrich Castle.[308] The spread of the railway system across Wales and the Marches strongly influenced the flow of tourists to the region's castles.[309] In Scotland tourist tours became increasingly popular during the 19th century, usually starting at Edinburgh complete with Edinburgh Castle, and then spending up to two weeks further north, taking advantage of the expanding rail and steamer network.[310] Blair Castle remained popular, but additional castles joined the circuit – Cawdor Castle became popular once the railway line reached north to Fort William.[311]
Purchasing and reading guidebooks became an increasingly important part of visiting castles; by the 1820s visitors could buy an early
One response to this popularity was in commissioning the construction of replica castles.[315] These were particularly popular at beginning of the 19th century, and again later in the Victorian period.[315] Design manuals were published offering details of how to recreate the appearance of an original Gothic castles in a new build, leading to a flurry of work, such as Eastnor in 1815, the fake Norman castle of Penrhyn between 1827 and 1837 and the imitation Edwardian castle of Goodrich Court in 1828.[316] The later Victorians built the Welsh Castell Coch in the 1880s as a fantasy Gothic construction and the last such replica, Castle Drogo, was built as late as 1911.[317]
Another response was to improve existing castles, bringing their often chaotic historic features into line with a more integrated architectural aesthetic in a style often termed
With this pace of change concerns had begun to grow by the middle of the century about the threat to medieval buildings in Britain, and in 1877 William Morris established the Society for the Protection of Ancient Buildings.[323] One result of public pressure was the passing of the Ancient Monuments Protection Act 1882, but the provisions of the act focused on unoccupied prehistoric structures and medieval buildings such as castles were exempted from it leaving no legal protection.[324]
20th–21st century
1900–1945
During the first half of the century several castles were maintained, or brought back into military use. During the
The strong cultural interest in British castles persisted in the 20th century. In some cases this had destructive consequences as wealthy collectors bought and removed architectural features and other historical artefacts from castles for their own collections, a practice that produced significant official concern.
Around the beginning of the century there were a number of major restoration projects on British castles. Before the outbreak of the First World War work was undertaken at
1945–21st century
After the Second World War picturesque ruins of castles became unfashionable. The conservation preference was to restore castles so as to produce what Oliver Creighton and Robert Higham have described as a "meticulously cared for fabric, neat lawns and [a] highly regulated, visitor-friendly environment", although the reconstruction or reproduction of the original appearance of castles was discouraged.[338] As a result, the stonework and walls of today's castles, used as tourist attractions, are usually in much better condition than would have been the case in the medieval period.[339] Preserving the broader landscapes of the past also rose in importance, reflected in the decision by the UNESCO World Heritage Site programme to internationally recognise several British castles including Beaumaris, Caernarfon, Conwy, Harlech, Durham and the Tower of London as deserving of special international cultural significance in the 1980s.[340]
The single largest group of English castles are now those owned by
Castles remain highly popular attractions: in 2018 nearly 2.9 million people visited the Tower of London, 2.1 million visited Edinburgh Castle, 466,000 visited Leeds Castle and 365,000 visited Dover Castle.[345] Ireland, which for many years had not exploited the tourist potential of its castle heritage, began to encourage more tourists in the 1960s and 1970s and Irish castles are now a core part of the Irish tourist industry.[346] British and Irish castles are today also closely linked to the international film industry, with tourist visits to castles now often involving not simply a visit to a historic site, but also a visit to the location of a popular film.[347]
The management and handling of Britain's historic castles has at times been contentious. Castles in the late 20th and early 21st century are usually considered part of the heritage industry, in which historic sites and events are commercially presented as visitor attractions.[348] Some academics, such as David Lowenthal, have critiqued the way in which these histories are constantly culturally and socially reconstructed and condemned the "commercial debasement" of sites such as the Tower of London.[349] The challenge of how to manage these historic properties has often required very practical decisions. At one end of the spectrum owners and architects have had to deal with the practical challenges of repairing smaller decaying castles used as private houses, such as that at Picton Castle where damp proved a considerable problem.[350] At the other end of the scale the fire at Windsor Castle in 1992 opened up a national debate about how the burnt-out castle wing should be replaced, the degree to which modern designs should be introduced and who should pay the £37 million costs (£50.2 million in 2009 terms).[272][351] At Kenilworth the speculative and commercial reconstruction of the castle gardens in an Elizabethan style led to a vigorous academic debate over the interpretation of archaeological and historical evidence.[352] Trends in conservation have altered and, in contrast to the prevailing post-war approach to conservation, recent work at castles such as Wigmore, acquired by English Heritage in 1995, has attempted to minimise the degree of intervention to the site.[338]
Historiography
The earliest histories of British and Irish castles were recorded, albeit in a somewhat fragmented fashion, by
The study of castles by historians and archaeologists developed considerably during the 20th century. The early-20th-century historian and archaeologist Ella Armitage published a ground-breaking book in 1912, arguing convincingly that British castles were in fact a Norman introduction, while historian Alexander Thompson also published in the same year, charting the course of the military development of English castles through the Middle Ages.[355] The Victoria County History of England began to document the country's castles on an unprecedented scale, providing an additional resource for historical analysis.[356]
After the Second World War the historical analysis of British castles was dominated by Arnold Taylor, R. Allen Brown and D. J. Cathcart King.[357] These academics made use of a growing amount of archaeological evidence, as the 1940s saw an increasing number of excavations of motte and bailey castles, and the number of castle excavations as a whole went on to double during the 1960s.[358] With an increasing number of castle sites under threat in urban areas, a public scandal in 1972 surrounding the development of the Baynard's Castle site in London contributed to reforms and a re-prioritisation of funding for rescue archaeology.[359] Despite this the number of castle excavations fell between 1974 and 1984, with the archaeological work focusing on conducting excavations on a greater number of small-scale, but fewer large-scale sites.[360] The study of British castles remained primarily focused on analysing their military role, however, drawing on the evolutionary model of improvements suggested by Thompson earlier in the century.[361]
In the 1990s a wide-reaching reassessment of the interpretation of British castles took place. A vigorous academic discussion over the history and meanings behind Bodiam Castle began a debate, which concluded that many features of castles previously seen as primarily military in nature were in fact constructed for reasons of status and political power.[362] As historian Robert Liddiard has described it, the older paradigm of "Norman militarism" as the driving force behind the formation of Britain's castles was replaced by a model of "peaceable power".[363] The next twenty years was characterised by an increasing number of major publications on castle studies, examining the social and political aspects of the fortifications, as well as their role in the historical landscape.[364] Although not unchallenged, this "revisionist" perspective remains the dominant theme in the academic literature today.[364]
Notes
- ^ The construction of English castles in the 1050s depends primarily on one specific medieval documentary source, and there is considerable debate over the reliability of this and the consequent dating of these castles.[11]
- ^ Changes in river patterns have meant that many of these inland locations are no longer ports in the 21st century.
- ^ The word "keep" can be open to criticism. In the medieval period, keeps were referred to as a dungeon, from the French donjon, or in Latin as turris, turris castri or magna turris – a tower, or a castle tower, or a great tower. The word "keep" becomes used from the 16th century onwards. The ambiguity over the contemporary terminology has made analysis of the historical value and use of keeps somewhat problematic.[46]
- ^ The academic argument over the nature of 12th-century keeps occurs around several issues. The earlier analyses of Norman keeps had focused on their military design, and historians such as Cathcart King had proposed a chronology in which square keeps gave way to circular fortifications, with some intervening designs such as at Orford. Historians such as Robert Liddiard have argued strongly that weaknesses in the design of these keeps, combined with their symbolic features, indicates that they had a less military, and more political role. Richard Hulme and Peter Purton have argued that while Norman keeps may well have had an important political and symbolic role, until the development of the trebuchet the military weaknesses identified by Liddiard were not significant.[56]
- ^ There has been some debate over the absence of indigenous Irish castle building. Irish castle specialist Tom McNeill has noted that it would appear very strange if the indigenous Irish lords had not adopted castle technology during their long struggle with the Anglo-Norman nobility, but there is no significant archaeological or historical evidence to show such construction.[108]
- ^ Both the mark and the pound sterling were accountancy terms in this period; a mark was worth around two-thirds of a pound.
- ^ Historian Stephen Bull has highlighted that earlier histories of the English Civil War underplayed the importance of artillery, focusing more on the pitched battles fought in the conflict; recent academic work has captured the significance and effectiveness of artillery in the conflict.[257]
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- ^ Liddiard (2005), p. 17; Brown (1962), p. 18.
- ^ Creighton and Higham, p. 6.
- ^ a b Liddiard (2005), p. 37.
- ^ Brown (1962), p. 22; Liddiard (2005), p. 37.
- ^ Brown (1962), p. 21.
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- ^ Creighton (2005), p. 93.
- ^ Simpson and Webster, p. 225.
- ^ Tabraham (2005), pp. 10 and 22.
- ^ Carpenter, p. 182.
- ^ Simpson and Webster, p. 225; Tabraham (2005), p. 11.
- ^ Simpson and Webster, p. 231.
- ^ Tabraham (2005), p. 16.
- ^ Hull, p. xxiv.
- ^ a b Pettifer (2000), p. xiv.
- ^ a b c d e King (1991), p. 130.
- ^ McNeill, pp. 8–9.
- ^ McNeill, pp. 10 and 14; citing Graham 1988.
- ^ McNeill, p. 17.
- ^ Carpenter, pp. 220–21.
- ^ Carpenter, p. 221.
- ^ McNeill, pp. 60–61.
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- ^ King (1991), p. 94.
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- ^ King (1991), p. 84.
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- ^ Pounds, p. 110.
- ^ a b Tabraham, p. 76.
- ^ Turner (2009), pp. 192–193; Liddiard (2005), p. 85.
- ^ Brown (1962), pp. 160–103.
- ^ Hull and Whitehorne, p. 32; Morris 2010, p. 40; Pounds, p. 121; Prestwich, p. 56.
- ^ Liddiard (2005), p. 85.
- ^ Stell, pp. 277–278.
- ^ Tabraham, p. 56.
- ^ Tabraham, pp. 58–59.
- ^ a b Pounds (1994), p. 101.
- ^ a b Pounds (1994), p. 99.
- ^ a b Pounds (1994), pp. 147–148.
- ^ Pounds (1994), p. 148.
- ^ Pounds (1994), pp. 104 and 149; Hulme, p. 213.
- ^ Prestwich, p. 194.
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- ^ Pounds (1994), p. 100.
- ^ Pounds (1994), p. 251.
- ^ Hearne, pp. 19, 27 and 29.
- ^ Pounds, p. 249.
- ^ Pounds (1994), p. 271; Johnson (2002), p. 111.
- ^ Pounds (1994), p. 271.
- ^ Creighton and Higham, p. 54.
- ^ Dunbar, pp. 69–70.
- ^ Glendinning, MacInnes and MacKechnie, pp. 6 and 9.
- ^ a b Glendinning, MacInnes and MacKechnie, pp. 9–10; Dunbar, pp. 34 and 36.
- ^ Glendinning, MacInnes and MacKechnie, p. 16.
- ^ Dunbar, p. 36.
- ^ Johnson (2002), pp. 133–134.
- ^ a b Johnson (2002), p. 155.
- ^ Johnson (2002), p. 122.
- ^ Johnson (2002), p. 123.
- ^ Johnson (2000), p. 226; Stokstad, p. 80.
- ^ Johnson (2002), p. 132.
- ^ Liddiard (2005), p. 62; Emery (2006), p. 188.
- ^ Hull and Whitehorne, p. 32; Morris (2010), p. 47; Johnson (2000), p. 266.
- ^ Glendinning, MacInnes and MacKechnie, p. 26; Rowse, p. 66.
- ^ Emery (1996), p. 26.
- ^ Toy (1985), p. 224; Reid, p. 33.
- ^ Toy (1985), p. 198.
- ^ Toy (1985), p. 225.
- ^ Reid, p. 21.
- ^ Barry, p. 223.
- ^ Reid, pp. 12 and 46.
- ^ McNeill, p. 228; Reid, p. 29.
- ^ a b c McNeill, p. 228.
- ^ a b Tabraham, p. 77.
- ^ Whyte and Whyte, p. 76; Glendinning, MacInnes and MacKechnie, p. 6.
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- ^ Pounds (1994), p. 287.
- ^ Duffy, p. 141; Glendinning, MacInnes and MacKechnie, p. 21.
- ^ a b McNeill, p. 226.
- ^ Toy (1985), p. 230.
- ^ Toy (1985), p. 231.
- ^ Harrington (2007), p. 9; Eltis, p. 120; Harrington (2007), p. 9.
- ^ a b c King (1991), p. 172.
- ^ Harrington (2007), p. 9.
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- ^ Toy (1985), p. 231; Lowry, p. 15.
- ^ Eltis, p. 120.
- ^ Toy (1985), pp. 232–233.
- ^ Toy (1985), p. 232; Lowry, p. 17.
- ^ Harrington (2007), p. 15.
- ^ Duffy, p. 4.
- ^ King, p. 175.
- ^ a b Duffy, p. 141.
- ^ Lenihan, pp. 351–352.
- ^ Lenihan, p. 352.
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- ^ McNeill, p. 228; Stell, p. 283.
- ^ Dunnar, p.vii; Glendinning, MacInnes and MacKechnie, p. 38.
- ^ Twyford, p. 44; Butler, p. 20; Emery (2006), p. 292.
- ^ Brown (1962), p. 197.
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- ^ Bull, p. 82; Gomme and Maguire, pp. 69–72.
- ^ Harrington (2003), pp. 11–12.
- ^ a b Harrington (2003), p. 4.
- ^ Timbs and Gunn, p. 170; Musty, p. 4.; Rowse, p. 84.
- ^ Bull, p. 86.
- ^ Bull, p. 86; Oxford Archaeology Archived 23 February 2014 at the Wayback Machine, accessed 12 September 2010.
- ^ Bull, p. 86; Lowry, p. 24; Creighton and Higham, p. 62.
- ^ Bull, p. 95.
- ^ Liddiard (2005), p. 95.
- ^ Bull, p. xxii; Hutton and Reeves, cited Lenihan, p. 352.
- ^ a b Bull, p.xxii.
- ^ Lenihan, p. 351.
- ^ Lowry, p. 24; Toy (1975), p. 231; Harrington (2003), p. 5.
- ^ Bull, p. 107; Duffy, p. 159.
- ^ McNeill, p. 228; Lenihan, p. 353.
- ^ Tabraham and Grove, p. 15.
- ^ Rakoczy (2007), pp. 46–47.
- ^ Coulson (2003), pp. 31–32.
- ^ Bull, p. 134.
- ^ Hull (2009), p. 75.
- ^ Thurley, p. 214
- ^ Brindle and Kerr, p. 50.
- ^ Nicolson, pp. 128–129; Rowse, p. 95.
- ^ Clarke, p. 261; Turner (2006), p. 24.
- ^ Butler, p. 20.
- ^ a b Financial comparison based on RPI; using the Measuring Worth website. Accessed 15 March 2011.
- ^ Hayton, pp. 28–29; Williams (1984), p. 254.
- ^ Whyte and Whyte, p. 76; Tabraham and Grove, p. 18.
- ^ Whyte and Whyte, p. 77; Reid, p. 57.
- ^ McNeill, p. 229.
- ^ Whyte and Whyte, p. 76.
- ^ Lowry, pp. 37 and 45.
- ^ Lowry pp. 37 and 45; Reid, p. 7.
- ^ Reid, p. 57.
- ^ a b Lowry, p. 45.
- ^ Bartlett, p. 179 and 249.
- ^ Pounds (1994), p. 100; Harding, Hines, Ireland and Rawlings, p. 114; Curnow and Johnson, p. 95.
- ^ a b Harding, Hines, Ireland and Rawlings, p. 114.
- ^ Brown (1823), pp. 125, 128, 281 and 419.
- ^ Gerrard, p. 16; Creighton (2005), p. 85.
- ^ a b c Creighton (2005), p. 85.
- ^ Gerrard, p. 16; Creighton (2005), pp. 85–86.
- ^ Tite, p. 110; Robinson, p. 60.
- ^ Morris, p. 51.
- ^ Turner (2006), p. 25; Andrews, p. 89.
- ^ Grenier, pp. 19 and 152.
- ^ Andrews, p. 131.
- ^ a b Williams (2008), p. 37.
- ^ Malgrave, p. 60.
- ^ Andrews, p. 90.
- ^ Andrews, pp. 78–79.
- ^ Fielding, p. 62; Andrews, p. 125.
- ^ Gerrard, p. 29.
- ^ Lowry, p. 39.
- ^ Impey and Parnell, p. 81.
- ^ Wiener, p. 108.
- ^ Rajak, p. 14.
- ^ Wiener, p. 108; Cooper, p. 196; Fox, pp. 47–48.
- ^ McConville, p. 505.
- ^ Bailey, p. 80; McConville, pp. 194 and 197.
- ^ Gerrard, p. 31.
- ^ Goodrich, p. 523; Hassard, p. 145; Gerrard, p. 31.
- ^ Bruce, p. 104.
- ^ Grenier, pp. 69–70.
- ^ Grenier, p. 73.
- ^ Grenier, p. 152; Jones, p. 290
- ^ Gerrard, p. 30.
- ^ Grenier, p. 82.
- ^ a b c Gerrard, p. 32.
- ^ Gerrard, p. 32; Harris, p. 123.
- ^ Creighton and Higham, pp. 63–65.
- ^ a b Jones, p. 4.
- ^ Whyte and Whyte, pp. 98–99.
- ^ O'Dwyer, p. 26.
- ^ a b West, p. 116.
- ^ Robinson, p. 121.
- ^ a b Mynors, p. 8.
- ^ Gerrard, p. 30; Mynors, p. 8.
- ^ Cottrell, pp. 16–20.
- ^ Executions at The Tower Of London Archived 24 July 2014 at the Wayback Machine, Historic Royal Palaces. Accessed 31 July 2010; Impey and Parnell, p. 123.
- ^ Tabraham (2004), p. 63; Shawcross, p. 487.
- ^ Lowry, p. 45; Creighton and Higham, p. 62; Reid, pp. 56–57.
- ^ Lowry, p. 23; Creighton and Higham, p. 62.
- ^ Lowry, p. 45; Creighton and Higham, p. 62; Reid, p. 57.
- ^ Gerrard, p. 76.
- ^ Gerrard, pp. 76–77.
- ^ Gerrard, p. 77; Mynors, p. 9.
- ^ Zuelow, p. 140.
- ^ Gerrard, p. 66; Creighton and Higham, p. 64; Turner (2006) p. 25.
- ^ Creighton and Higham, p. 64; Gerrard, p. 66.
- ^ Creighton and Higham, pp. 65–66; Turner (2006), pp. 25–26.
- ^ a b Creighton and Higham, p. 65.
- ^ Pounds (1994), p. 126.
- ^ Creighton and Higham, p. 64.
- ^ Pettifer (2002), p. xxi; Delafons, pp. 137–140.
- ^ Pettifer (2002), p. xxi.
- ^ House of Commons Public Accounts Committee, p. 3.
- ^ Zuelow, pp. 142 and 205.
- ^ "Visits Made in 2018 to Visitor Attractions in Membership with ALVA". Association of Leading Visitor Attractions. Retrieved 17 December 2019.
- ^ Zuelow, pp. 142–146.
- ^ Ryan, p. 118.
- ^ Gilmour, p. 82.
- ^ Lowenthal (1985), p. 278; Lowenthal (1996), p. 101, cited Gilmour, p. 83.
- ^ Insall, p. 52.
- ^ Robinson, p. 145; Nicolson, p. 71.
- ^ Greene and Moore, p. 298.
- ^ Creighton and Higham, p. 8.
- ^ Liddiard (2005), p. 3; Creighton and Highan, p. 8; Clark (1884); Parker (1882).
- ^ Liddiard (2005), p. 3; Armitage (1912); Thompson (1912).
- ^ Gerrard, p. 78.
- ^ Liddiard (2005), p. 5.
- ^ Gerrard, p. 109.
- ^ Gerrard, p. 134.
- ^ Gerrard, p. 146.
- ^ Liddiard (2005), pp. 5–6.
- ^ Liddiard (2005), pp. 7–11.
- ^ Liddiard (2003b), p. 9.
- ^ a b Liddiard (2005), pp. 10–11.
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Further reading
- Dempsey, Karen; Gilchrist, Roberta; Ashbee, Jeremy; Sagrott, Stefan; Stones, Samantha (2019), "Beyond the martial façade: gender, heritage and medieval castles", International Journal of Heritage Studies,
- Goodall, John (2011), The English Castle, New Haven: Yale University Press.
- Higham, Robert; Barker Philip A. (1992), Timber Castles, London: Batsford.
- Marshall, Pamela (2002), "The ceremonial Function of the Donjon in the Twelfth Century", Château Gaillard. Etudes de castellologie médiévale, 20: 141–151.
- McNeill, Tom (1997), Castles in Ireland: Feudal Power in a Gaelic World, London: Routledge.
- Speight, Sarah (2000), "Castle warfare in the Gesta Stephani", Château Gaillard. Etudes de castellologie médiévale, 19: 269–274.
- Sweetman, P. David (1999), The medieval castles of Ireland, Woodbridge: The Boydell Press.
- Thorstad, Audrey (2019), The Culture of Castles in Tudor England and Wales, Woodbridge: Boydell & Brewer.
- Wheatley, Abigail (2004), The Idea of the Castle in Medieval England, York: York Medieval Press.
External links
- Cadw Archived 28 September 2013 at the Wayback Machine
- English Heritage
- The National Trust
- The National Trust for Scotland
- An Taisce, the National Trust for Ireland
- The Castle Studies Group
- A photo record of Castles in England, Scotland, Wales and Ireland