Edward I of England
Edward I | |
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Edward II | |
Born | 17/18 June 1239 Palace of Westminster, London, England |
Died | 7 July 1307 (aged 68) Burgh by Sands, Cumberland, England |
Burial | 27 October 1307 , London |
Spouses | |
Issue Detail |
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Henry III, King of England | |
Mother | Eleanor of Provence |
Edward I
Edward spent much of his reign reforming royal administration and
Edward's temperamental nature and height (6'2") made him an intimidating figure. He often instilled fear in his contemporaries, although he held the respect of his subjects for the way he embodied the medieval ideal of kingship as a soldier, an administrator and a man of faith. Modern historians are divided in their assessment of Edward; some have praised him for his contribution to the law and administration, but others have criticised his uncompromising attitude towards his nobility. Edward is credited with many accomplishments, including restoring royal authority after the reign of Henry III and establishing Parliament as a permanent institution, which allowed for a functional system for raising taxes and reforming the law through statutes. At the same time, he is also often condemned for his wars against Scotland and for expelling the Jews from England in 1290.
Early years, 1239–1263
Childhood and marriage
Edward was born at the
There were concerns about Edward's health as a child, and he fell ill in 1246, 1247, and 1251.[9] Nonetheless, he grew up to become a strong, athletic, and imposing man.[5] At 6 ft 2 in (188 cm) he towered over most of his contemporaries,[13][14] hence his epithet "Longshanks", meaning "long legs" or "long shins". The historian Michael Prestwich states that his "long arms gave him an advantage as a swordsman, long thighs one as a horseman. In youth, his curly hair was blond; in maturity it darkened, and in old age it turned white. The regularity of his features was marred by a drooping left eyelid ... His speech, despite a lisp, was said to be persuasive."[15]
In 1254, English fears of a
From 1254 to 1257, Edward was under the influence of his mother's relatives, known as the
Early ambitions
Edward showed independence in political matters as early as 1255, when he sided with the Soler family in Gascony in their conflict with the Colomb family.[25] This ran contrary to his father's policy of mediation between the local factions.[32] In May 1258, a group of magnates drew up a document for reform of the King's government – the so-called Provisions of Oxford – largely directed against the Lusignans. Edward stood by his political allies and strongly opposed the Provisions.[33] The reform movement succeeded in limiting the Lusignan influence, and Edward's attitude gradually changed. In March 1259, he entered into a formal alliance with one of the main reformers, Richard de Clare, 6th Earl of Gloucester and on 15 October announced that he supported the barons' goals, and their leader, the Earl of Leicester.[34]
The motive behind Edward's change of heart could have been purely pragmatic: the Earl of Leicester was in a good position to support his cause in Gascony.
Back in England, early in 1262, Edward fell out with some of his former Lusignan allies over financial matters. The next year, King Henry sent him on a campaign in Wales against the Welsh prince Llywelyn ap Gruffudd, but Edward's forces were besieged in northern Wales and achieved only limited results.[39] Around the same time, Leicester, who had been out of the country since 1261, returned to England and reignited the baronial reform movement.[40] As the King seemed ready to give in to the barons' demands, Edward began to take control of the situation. From his previously unpredictable and equivocating attitude, he changed to one of firm devotion to protection of his father's royal rights.[41] He reunited with some of the men he had alienated the year before – including Henry of Almain and John de Warenne, 6th Earl of Surrey – and retook Windsor Castle from the rebels.[42] Through the arbitration of King Louis IX of France an agreement was made between the two parties. This Mise of Amiens was largely favourable to the royalist side and would cause further conflict.[43]
Civil war and crusades, 1264–1273
Second Barons' War
The years 1264–1267 saw the conflict known as the Second Barons' War, in which baronial forces led by the Earl of Leicester fought against those who remained loyal to the King. Edward initiated the armed conflict by capturing the rebel-held city of Gloucester. When Robert de Ferrers, 6th Earl of Derby, came to the assistance of the baronial forces, Edward negotiated a truce with the Earl. Edward later broke the terms of the agreement.[44] He then captured Northampton from Simon de Montfort the Younger before embarking on a retaliatory campaign against Derby's lands.[45] The baronial and royalist forces met at the Battle of Lewes, on 14 May 1264. Edward, commanding the right wing, performed well, and soon defeated the London contingent of the Earl of Leicester's forces. Unwisely, he pursued the scattered enemy, and on his return found the rest of the royal army defeated.[46] By the Mise of Lewes, Edward and his cousin Henry of Almain were given up as hostages to Leicester.[47]
Edward remained in captivity until March 1265, and even after his release he was kept under strict surveillance.[48] In Hereford, he escaped on 28 May while out riding and joined up with Gilbert de Clare, 7th Earl of Gloucester, who had recently defected to the King's side.[49] The Earl of Leicester's support was now dwindling, and Edward retook Worcester and Gloucester with little effort.[50] Meanwhile, Leicester had made an alliance with Llywelyn and started moving east to join forces with his son Simon. Edward made a surprise attack at Kenilworth Castle, where the younger Montfort was quartered, before moving on to cut off the Earl of Leicester.[51] The two forces then met at the Battle of Evesham, on 4 August 1265.[52] The Earl of Leicester stood little chance against the superior royal forces, and after his defeat he was killed and mutilated on the field.[53]
Through such episodes as the deception of Derby at Gloucester, Edward acquired a reputation as untrustworthy. During the summer campaign he began to learn from his mistakes and gained the respect and admiration of contemporaries through actions such as showing clemency towards his enemies.
Crusade and accession
Edward pledged himself to undertake a crusade in an elaborate ceremony on 24 June 1268, with his brother
Originally, the Crusaders intended to relieve the beleaguered Christian stronghold of
The Christian situation in the
It was not until 24 September 1272 that Edward left Acre. Shortly after arriving in Sicily, he was met with the news that his father had died on 16 November.[78] Edward was deeply saddened by this news,[79] but rather than hurrying home at once, he made a leisurely journey northwards.[80] This was due partly to his still-poor health, but also to a lack of urgency.[81] The political situation in England was stable after the mid-century upheavals, and Edward was proclaimed king after his father's death, rather than at his own coronation, as had until then been customary.[82][i] In Edward's absence, the country was governed by a royal council, led by Robert Burnell.[83] Edward passed through Italy and France, visiting Pope Gregory X and paying homage to Philip III in Paris for his French domains.[84][80] Edward travelled by way of Savoy to receive homage from his uncle Count Philip I for castles in the Alps held by a treaty of 1246.[80]
Edward then journeyed to Gascony to order its affairs and put down a revolt headed by
Early reign, 1274–1296
Conquest of Wales
Llywelyn ap Gruffudd enjoyed an advantageous situation in the aftermath of the Barons' War. The 1267
In November 1276, Edward declared war.[95][96] Initial operations were launched under the captaincy of Mortimer, Edward's brother Edmund, Earl of Lancaster, and William de Beauchamp, 9th Earl of Warwick.[95][j] Support for Llywelyn was weak among his own countrymen.[97] In July 1277 Edward invaded with a force of 15,500, of whom 9,000 were Welshmen.[98] The campaign never came to a major battle, and Llywelyn soon realised he had no choice but to surrender.[98] By the Treaty of Aberconwy in November 1277, he was left only with the land of Gwynedd, though he was allowed to retain the title of Prince of Wales.[99]
When war broke out again in 1282, it was an entirely different undertaking. For the Welsh, this war was over national identity, enjoying wide support, provoked particularly by attempts to impose
By the 1284 Statute of Rhuddlan, the principality of Wales was incorporated into England and was given an administrative system like the English, with counties policed by sheriffs.[110] English law was introduced in criminal cases, though the Welsh were allowed to maintain their own customary laws in some cases of property disputes.[111] After 1277, and increasingly after 1283, Edward embarked on a project of English settlement of Wales, creating new towns like Flint, Aberystwyth and Rhuddlan.[112] Their new residents were English migrants, the local Welsh being banned from living inside them, and many were protected by extensive walls.[113][k]
An extensive project of castle-building was also initiated, under the direction of James of Saint George,[115] a prestigious architect whom Edward had met in Savoy on his return from the crusade.[116] These included the Beaumaris, Caernarfon, Conwy and Harlech castles, intended to act both as fortresses and royal palaces for the King.[117] His programme of castle building in Wales heralded the introduction of the widespread use of arrowslits in castle walls across Europe, drawing on Eastern architectural influences.[118] Also a product of the Crusades was the introduction of the concentric castle, and four of the eight castles Edward founded in Wales followed this design.[119] The castles drew on imagery associated with the Byzantine Empire and King Arthur in an attempt to build legitimacy for his new regime, and they made a clear statement about Edward's intention to rule Wales permanently.[120]
In 1284, King Edward had his son Edward (later
Diplomacy and war on the Continent
Edward never again went on crusade after his return to England in 1274, but he maintained an intention to do so, and in 1287 took a vow to go on another Crusade.
Edward had long been deeply involved in the affairs of his own Duchy of Gascony.[131] In 1278 he assigned an investigating commission to his trusted associates Otto de Grandson and the chancellor Robert Burnell, which caused the replacement of the seneschal Luke de Tany.[132] In 1286, Edward visited the region himself and stayed for almost three years.[133] On Easter Sunday 1287, Edward was standing in a tower when the floor collapsed. He fell 80 feet, broke his collarbone, and was confined to bed for several months. Several others died.[134] Soon after he regained his health, he ordered the local Jews expelled from Gascony,[135] seemingly as a "thank-offering" for his recovery.[136][n]
The perennial problem was the status of Gascony within the Kingdom of France, and Edward's role as the French king's vassal. On his diplomatic mission in 1286, Edward had paid homage to the new king, Philip IV, but in 1294 Philip declared Gascony forfeit when Edward refused to appear before him in Paris to discuss the recent conflict between English, Gascon, and French sailors that had resulted in several French ships being captured, along with the sacking of the French port of La Rochelle.[138]
Correspondence between Edward and the Mongol court of the east continued during this time.[139] Diplomatic channels between the two had begun during Edward's time on crusade, regarding a possible alliance to retake the Holy Land for Europe. Edward received Mongol envoys at his court in Gascony while there in 1287, and one of their leaders, Rabban Bar Sauma, recorded an extant account of the interaction.[139] Other embassies arrived in Europe in 1289 and 1290, the former relaying Ilkhan Abaqa's offer to join forces with the crusaders and supply them with horses.[140] Edward responded favourably, declaring his intent to embark on a journey to the east once he obtained papal approval. Although this would not materialise, the King's decision to send Geoffrey of Langley as his ambassador to the Mongols revealed that he was seriously considering the prospective Mongol alliance.[141]
Eleanor of Castile died on 28 November 1290.
Great Cause
The relationship between England and Scotland by the 1280s was one of relatively harmonious coexistence.
Even though as many as fourteen claimants put forward their claims to the title, the foremost competitors were John Balliol and Robert de Brus, 5th Lord of Annandale.[162] The Scottish magnates made a request to Edward to conduct the proceedings and administer the outcome, but not to arbitrate in the dispute. The actual decision would be made by 104 auditors – 40 appointed by Balliol, 40 by Brus and the remaining 24 selected by Edward from senior members of the Scottish political community.[163] At Birgham, with the prospect of a personal union between the two realms, the question of suzerainty had not been of great importance to Edward. Now he insisted that, if he were to settle the contest, he had to be fully recognised as Scotland's feudal overlord.[164] The Scots were reluctant to make such a concession, and replied that since the country had no king, no one had the authority to make this decision.[165] This problem was circumvented when the competitors agreed that the realm would be handed over to Edward until a rightful heir had been found.[166] After a lengthy hearing, a decision was made in favour of John Balliol on 17 November 1292.[167][q]
Even after Balliol's accession, Edward still continued to assert his authority over Scotland. Against the objections of the Scots, he agreed to hear appeals on cases ruled on by the court of guardians that had governed Scotland during the interregnum.
Government and law
Character as king
Edward had a reputation for a fierce and sometimes unpredictable temper,
Despite his harsh disposition, Edward's contemporaries considered him an able, even an ideal, king.
Edward took a keen interest in the
Administration and the law
Soon after assuming the throne, Edward set about restoring order and re-establishing royal authority after the troubled reign of his father.[190] To accomplish this, he immediately ordered an extensive change of administrative personnel. The most important of these was the designation of Robert Burnell as chancellor in 1274, a man who would remain in the post until 1292 as one of the King's closest associates.[191] The same year as Burnell's appointment, Edward replaced most local officials, such as the escheators and sheriffs.[192] This last measure was taken in preparation for an extensive inquest covering all of England, that would hear complaints about abuse of power by royal officers. The second purpose of the inquest was to establish what land and rights the Crown had lost during the reign of Henry III.[193]
The inquest produced a set of census documents called the
This caused great consternation among the aristocracy,
The 1290 statute of Quo warranto was only one part of a wider legislative reform, which was one of the most important contributions of Edward's reign.
Finances, the expulsion of Jews, and Parliament
Edward's reign saw an overhaul of the coinage system, which was in a poor state by 1279.
Edward's frequent military campaigns put a great financial strain on the nation.
Another source of political conflict was Edward's policy towards the
The final attack on the Jews in England came in the Edict of Expulsion in 1290, whereby Edward formally expelled all Jews from England.
Edward held Parliament on a regular basis throughout his reign.[246] In 1295, a significant change occurred. For this Parliament, as well as the secular and ecclesiastical lords, two knights from each county and two representatives from each borough were summoned.[247][248] The representation of commons in Parliament was nothing new; what was new was the authority under which these representatives were summoned. Whereas previously the commons had been expected simply to assent to decisions already made by the magnates, it was now proclaimed that they should meet with the full authority (plena potestas) of their communities, to give assent to decisions made in Parliament.[249] The King now had full backing for collecting lay subsidies from the entire population.[250] Whereas Henry III had only collected four of these in his reign, Edward collected nine.[251] This format eventually became the standard for later Parliaments, and historians have named the assembly the "Model Parliament",[252] a term first introduced by the English historian William Stubbs.[253]
Later reign, 1297–1307
Constitutional crisis
The incessant warfare of the 1290s put a great financial demand on Edward's subjects. Whereas the King had levied only three lay subsidies until 1294, four such taxes were granted in the years 1294–1297, raising over £200,000.
Edward
By God, Sir Earl, either go or hang
Roger Bigod
By that same oath, O king, I shall neither go nor hang
Chronicle of Walter of Guisborough[263]
Opposition from the laity took longer to surface. This resistance focused on two things: the King's right to demand military service and his right to levy taxes. At the Salisbury Parliament of February 1297, the
Edward's problems with the opposition did not end with the Scottish campaign. Over the following years he would be held to the promises he had made, in particular that of upholding the Charter of the Forest.
Return to Scotland
Edward believed that he had completed the conquest of Scotland when he left the country in 1296, but resistance soon emerged under the leadership of
The Scots appealed to Pope Boniface VIII to assert a papal claim of overlordship to Scotland in place of the English. His papal bull addressed to King Edward in these terms was firmly rejected on Edward's behalf by the Barons' Letter of 1301. The English managed to subdue the country by other means: in 1303, a peace agreement was reached between England and France, effectively breaking up the Franco-Scottish alliance.[284] Robert the Bruce, the grandson of the claimant to the crown in 1291, had sided with the English in the winter of 1301–02.[285] In 1304, most of the other nobles of the country had also pledged their allegiance to Edward, and the English also managed to re-take Stirling Castle.[286] A great propaganda victory was achieved in 1305 when Wallace was betrayed by Sir John de Menteith and turned over to the English, who had him taken to London where he was publicly executed.[287] With Scotland largely under English control, Edward installed Englishmen and collaborating Scots to govern the country.[288]
The situation changed again on 10 February 1306, when Robert the Bruce murdered his rival
Edward acted with unusual brutality against Bruce's family, allies, and supporters. His sister,
Death and burial
In February 1307, Bruce resumed his efforts and started gathering men, and in May he defeated Valence at the Battle of Loudoun Hill.[299] Edward, who had rallied somewhat, now moved north himself. He developed dysentery on the way, and his condition deteriorated. On 6 July he encamped at Burgh by Sands, just south of the Scottish border. When his servants came the next morning to lift him up so that he could eat, the King died in their arms.[300][301]
Several stories emerged about Edward's deathbed wishes; according to one tradition, he requested that his heart be carried to the Holy Land, along with an army to fight the infidels.
Edward I's body was brought south, lying in state at
Legacy
The first histories of Edward in the 16th and 17th centuries drew primarily on the works of the
The influential
Historians in the 20th and 21st centuries have conducted extensive research on Edward and his reign.[324] Most have concluded this was a highly significant period in English medieval history, some going further and describing Edward as one of the great medieval kings,[247] although most also agree that his final years were less successful than his early decades in power.[325][326][327] G. Templeman argued in his 1950 historiographical essay that "it is generally recognized that Edward I deserves a high place in the history of medieval England".[328] More recently, Michael Prestwich argued that "Edward was a formidable king; his reign, with both its successes and its disappointments, a great one," and he was "without doubt one of the greatest rulers of his time", and John Gillingham suggests that "no king of England had a greater impact on the peoples of Britain than Edward I" and that "modern historians of the English state ... have always recognized Edward I's reign as pivotal."[325][327] Fred Cazel similarly comments that "no-one can doubt the greatness of the reign".[329] Most recently, Andrew Spencer has agreed with Prestwich, arguing that Edward's reign "was indeed ... a great one", and Caroline Burt states that "Edward I was without a doubt one of the greatest kings to rule England".[330]
Three major academic narratives of Edward have been produced during this period.[331] F. M. Powicke's volumes, published in 1947 and 1953, forming the standard works on Edward for several decades, were largely positive in praising the achievements of his reign, and in particular his focus on justice and the law.[332] In 1988, Michael Prestwich produced an authoritative biography of the King, focusing on his political career, still portraying him in sympathetic terms, but highlighting some of the consequences of his failed policies.[333] Marc Morris's biography followed in 2008, drawing out more of the detail of Edward's personality, and generally taking a harsher view of his weaknesses and less pleasant characteristics, pointing out that modern analysts of Edward's reign denounce the King for his policies against the Jewish community in England.[334] Considerable academic debate has taken place around the character of Edward's kingship, his political skills, and in particular his management of his earls, and the degree to which this was collaborative or repressive in nature.[335]
There is a great difference between English and Scottish historiography on King Edward.[336] G. W. S. Barrow, in his biography of Robert the Bruce, accused Edward of ruthlessly exploiting the leaderless state of Scotland to obtain a feudal superiority over the kingdom followed by his determination to reduce it to nothing more than an English possession.[337] Modern commentators have conflicting opinions on whether Edward's conquest of Wales was warranted. Contemporary English historians were firmly in favour of the King's campaigns there. Morris takes the position that the poor condition of Wales would have allowed England to dominate it at some point or another, whether by direct conquest or through natural deterioration.[338]
Similarly, there is a much more negative evaluation of Edward in studies of Anglo-Jewish history. Barrie Dobson says that Edward I's actions towards the Jewish minority often appear to be the most relevant part of his reign for a modern audience,[339] while in 1992 Colin Richmond expressed dismay that Edward had not received a wider re-evaluation.[340] Paul Hyams sees his "sincere religious bigotry" as central to his actions against Jews,[341] Richmond sees him as a "pioneering antisemite", and Robert Stacey defines him as the first English monarch to operate a state policy of antisemitism.[342][aa] Robert Moore emphasises that antisemitism was developed by church leaders and acted on by figures including Edward, rather than being a facet of popular prejudice.[344] Studies of medieval antisemitism identify Henry III and Edward's reigns, along with the Expulsion, as developing a persistent English antisemitism, based on the idea of the English superseding the Jews as God's chosen people, and on England's uniqueness as a country free of Jews.[345]
Family
First marriage
By his first wife Eleanor of Castile, Edward had at least fourteen children, perhaps as many as sixteen. Of these, five daughters survived into adulthood, but only one son outlived his father, becoming King Edward II (r. 1307–1327).[143] Edward's children with Eleanor were:[346]
- Katherine (1261 or 1263–1264)[347]
- Joan (1265–1265)[347]
- John (1266–1271)[347]
- Henry (1268–1274)[347]
- Eleanor (1269–1298)[347]
- Unnamed daughter (1271–1271 or 1272)[347]
- Joan (1272–1307)[347]
- Alphonso (1273–1284)[347]
- Margaret (1275–1333)[347]
- Berengaria (1276–1277 or 1278)[347]
- Unnamed child (1278–1278)[347]
- Mary (1278–1332)[347]
- Elizabeth (1282–1316)[347]
- Edward II (1284–1327)[347]
Second marriage
By Margaret of France, Edward had two sons, both of whom lived to adulthood, and a daughter who died as a child. His progeny by Margaret of France were:[348]
A genealogy in the Hailes Abbey chronicle indicates that John Botetourt may have been Edward's illegitimate son, but the claim is unsubstantiated.[348][352]
Genealogical table
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See also
Notes
- ^ Regnal numbers were not commonly used in Edward's time; he was referred to simply as "King Edward" or "King Edward, son of King Henry".[1] It was only after the succession of first his son and then his grandson—both of whom bore the same name—that "Edward I" came into common usage.[2]
- ^ A medieval English mark was an accounting unit equivalent to two-thirds of a pound sterling.[19]
- John of England.[29]
- ^ The Dictum restored land to the disinherited rebels, in exchange for a fine decided by their level of involvement in the wars.[56]
- ^ The essential concession was that the disinherited would now be allowed to take possession of their lands before paying the fines.[57]
- ^ The May 1270 Parliament confirmed an ordinance drafted at the Hilary Parliament of January 1269 preventing Jewish moneylenders from creating rent charges on debtors' lands, which often led debtors to lose the land itself.[65]
- ^ The disease was either dysentery or typhus.[68]
- John de Vescy, and suggest that it was another of Edward's close friends, Otto de Grandson, who attempted to suck the poison from the wound.[76]
- ^ Though no written proof exists, it is assumed that this arrangement was agreed on before Edward's departure.[82]
- ^ Lancaster's post was held by Payne de Chaworth until April.[95]
- ^ Clauses in the town charters were also included stating that "Jews shall not sojourn in the borough at any time", both before and after the expulsion of the Jews in 1290.[114]
- ^ David Powel, a 16th-century clergyman, suggested that the baby was offered to the Welsh as a prince "that was borne in Wales and could speake never a word of English", but there is no evidence to support this widely reported account.[122]
- ^ This title became the traditional title of the heir apparent to the English throne. Prince Edward was not born heir apparent, but became so when his older brother Alphonso, Earl of Chester, died in 1284.[124]
- ^ It has generally been assumed the expulsion was an attempt to raise capital to secure Charles's release. However, Edward donated what income was made from property seizures to mendicant orders.[137]
- ^ Prestwich estimates the total cost to be around £400,000.[150]
- ^ The term is an 18th-century invention.[161]
- ^ Even though the principle of primogeniture did not necessarily apply to descent through female heirs, there is little doubt that Balliol's claim was the strongest one.[167]
- Gilbert de Clare, 6th Earl of Hertford, who was seen to have encroached ruthlessly on royal rights over the preceding years.[197]
- ^ Rokéah's figures make it clear that the vast majority of this windfall came from Jews, but it is not possible to be exact. Christians were also arrested and fined, especially over the longer period, but far fewer were executed.[232]
- ^ ninth of Ab, commemorating the fall of the Temple at Jerusalem and other disasters experienced by the Jewish people; it is unlikely to be a coincidence. The date by which the Jews had to leave was set as 1 November, All Saints' Day.[236]
- ^ For example, Eleanor of Castile gave the Canterbury synagogue to her tailor.[239]
- ^ For example, Philip II of France, John I, Duke of Brittany and Louis IX of France, had temporarily expelled Jews.
- ^ The tomb featured the Royal Crest. The association with the Eleanor crosses is likely to have been an attempt by Edward to associate her memory with opposition to the alleged criminality of the Jews, given her unpopular property dealings which had featured acquisition of lands through purchase of Jewish bonds.[245]
- ^ Winchelsey's consecration was held up by the protracted 1292–1294 papal election.[257]
- ^ A full text of the charter, with further information, can be found at: Jones, Graham. "The Charter of the Forest of King Henry III". St John's College, Oxford. Retrieved 17 July 2009.
- ^ The original report can be found in: Ayloffe, J. (1786). "An Account of the Body of King Edward the First, as it appeared on opening his Tomb in the year 1774". Archaeologia. iii: 386, 398–412.
- ^ Richmond notes that Edward was first not only to permanently expel the Jews, but also to attempt forced conversions, and to vindictively choose symbolic dates for his actions (see note on the expulsion date).[t] Richmond observes that the Nazis later made the same practice in choosing Jewish Holy Days to commit atrocities against the Jews.[343]
References
- ^ Morris 2009, pp. xv–xvi.
- ^ Carpenter 2007, pp. 865–891
- ^ Morris 2009, p. 22.
- ^ Morris 2009, p. 2.
- ^ a b c d e f Hamilton 2010, p. 51.
- ^ Morris 2009, pp. 3–4.
- ^ Jenks 1902, p. 74.
- ^ Burt 2013, p. 75; Carpenter 1985; Lloyd 1986; Powicke 1947.
- ^ a b Prestwich 1997, p. 6.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, pp. 27, 46, 69.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, pp. 5–6.
- ^ Chancellor 1981, p. 27.
- ^ a b Hamilton 2010, p. 58.
- ^ Carpenter 2004, p. 467.
- ^ Prestwich 2008; Chancellor 1981, p. 92.
- ^ Morris 2009, pp. 14–18; Chancellor 1981, p. 202.
- ^ Morris 2009, p. 20.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 10; Salzman 1968, p. 17; Jenks 1902, p. 91.
- ^ Harding 2002, p. xiv.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 316.
- ^ Carpenter 2004, p. 362.
- ^ Prestwich 2005, pp. 34–35.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, pp. 11–14.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, pp. 7–8.
- ^ a b c d Hamilton 2010, p. 52.
- ^ Prestwich 2005, p. 96.
- ^ Morris 2009, p. 7.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, pp. 22–23.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 21.
- ^ Prestwich 2005, p. 95.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 23.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, pp. 15–16.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, pp. 25–26.
- ^ Carpenter 1985.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, pp. 31–32.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, pp. 32–33.
- ^ Morris 2009, pp. 44–45.
- ^ Morris 2009, p. 48; Prestwich 1997, p. 34.
- ^ Powicke 1962, pp. 171–172; Morris 2009, p. 54.
- ^ Maddicott 1994, p. 225.
- ^ Powicke 1962, p. 178.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 41.
- ^ Prestwich 2005, p. 113.
- ^ Hamilton 2010, p. 53.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, pp. 42–43.
- ^ Sadler 2008, pp. 55–69.
- ^ Maddicott 1983, pp. 592–599.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, pp. 47–48; Hamilton 2010, p. 53.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, pp. 48–49.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, pp. 49–50.
- ^ Powicke 1962, pp. 201–202.
- ^ Chancellor 1981, p. 63.
- ^ Sadler 2008, pp. 105–109.
- ^ Morris 2009, pp. 75–76.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 55.
- ^ a b Prestwich 2005, p. 117.
- ^ a b Prestwich 2005, p. 121.
- ^ Jobson 2012, pp. 164–165.
- ^ Morris 2009, p. 76
- ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 63.
- ^ Morris 2009, pp. 83, 90–92.
- ^ a b Prestwich 1997, p. 71.
- ^ a b Prestwich 1997, p. 72.
- ^ Maddicott 1989, pp. 107–110.
- ^ Maddicott 2010, pp. 268–269.
- ^ Morris 2009, p. 92.
- ^ Riley-Smith 2005, p. 210.
- ^ Riley-Smith 2005, pp. 210–211.
- ^ a b c Hamilton 2010, p. 55.
- ^ Riley-Smith 2005, p. 211.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 75.
- ^ Morris 2009, p. 95.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 76.
- ^ Morris 2009, pp. 97–98.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 77.
- ^ a b Morris 2009, p. 101.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 78.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, pp. 78, 82.
- ^ Salzman 1968, p. 33.
- ^ a b c Hamilton 2010, p. 56.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 82.
- ^ a b Morris 2009, p. 104.
- ^ a b Carpenter 2004, p. 466.
- ^ Salzman 1968, pp. 34–35.
- ^ a b Hamilton 2010, pp. 56–57.
- ^ a b Hamilton 2010, p. 57.
- ^ Chancellor 1981, p. 86.
- ^ Powicke 1962, p. 226; Chancellor 1981, p. 88.
- ^ Hamilton 2010, pp. 57–58.
- ^ Carpenter 2004, p. 386; Morris 2009, p. 132.
- ^ Davies 2000, pp. 322–323.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 175.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, pp. 174–175.
- ^ Davies 2000, p. 327.
- ^ a b c Powicke 1962, p. 409.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 170
- ^ Prestwich 2005, p. 150.
- ^ a b Prestwich 2005, p. 151.
- ^ Powicke 1962, p. 413.
- ^ Davies 1984, pp. 51–69
- ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 188.
- ^ Davies 2000, p. 348.
- ^ Morris 2009, p. 180.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, pp. 191–192.
- ^ Davies 2000, p. 353.
- ^ Carpenter 2004, p. 510.
- ^ Hamilton 2010, p. 69.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, pp. 218–220.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, pp. 221–225, Hamilton 2010, p. 71.
- ^ Carpenter 2004, p. 511.
- ^ Davies 2000, p. 368.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 216.
- ^ Lilley 2010, pp. 104–106.
- ^ Hillaby & Hillaby 2013, p. 143
- ^ Hamilton 2010, p. 70.
- ^ Coldstream 2010, pp. 39–40; Chancellor 1981, p. 116.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 160; Brears 2010, p. 86.
- ^ Cathcart King 1988, p. 84.
- ^ Cathcart King 1988, p. 83; Friar 2003, p. 77.
- ^ Prestwich 2010, p. 6; Wheatley 2010, pp. 129, 136.
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 35–36; Haines 2003, p. 3.
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 36; Haines 2003, pp. 3–4; Chancellor 1981, p. 206.
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 85–87
- ^ Prestwich 1997, pp. 126–127.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, pp. 326–328.
- ^ a b Prestwich 1997, p. 333.
- ^ Runciman 1958, pp. 128–149, 236–237
- ^ Powicke 1962, pp. 252–253.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, pp. 323–325; Hamilton 2010, p. 72.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 329.
- ^ Hamilton 2010, p. 73.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 304.
- ^ Morris 2009, pp. 204–217.
- ^ Tolan 2023, p. 180.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 306.
- ^ Huscroft 2006, pp. 145–6, Tolan 2023, pp. 180–81, Morris 2009, pp. 223–4
- ^ Huscroft 2006, pp. 145–6, Tolan 2023, pp. 180–81, Morris 2009, p. 226
- ^ Morris 2009, pp. 265–270.
- ^ a b Prestwich 1997, p. 330.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, pp. 330–331.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 331.
- ^ Morris 2009, p. 229.
- ^ a b c Hamilton 2010, p. 62.
- ^ Chancellor 1981, pp. 203–204.
- ^ Raban 2000, p. 40.
- ^ Morris 2009, pp. 230–231.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, pp. 395–396.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, pp. 387–390.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 392.
- ^ a b Prestwich 1972, p. 172.
- ^ Hamilton 2010, p. 92.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 553.
- ^ Rodwell 2013, pp. n13, 77
- ^ Carpenter 2004, p. 518.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 357.
- ^ Barrow 1965, pp. 3–4.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 361.
- ^ Morris 2009, p. 235.
- ^ Barrow 1965, p. 42.
- ^ Morris 2009, p. 237.
- ^ a b Morris 2009, p. 253.
- ^ Prestwich 2005, p. 231.
- ^ Powicke 1962, p. 601.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, pp. 361–363.
- ^ Barrow 1965, p. 45.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 365.
- ^ a b Prestwich 1997, pp. 358, 367.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 370.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 371.
- ^ Barrow 1965, pp. 86–88.
- ^ Barrow 1965, pp. 88–91, 99.
- ^ Barrow 1965, pp. 99–100.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, pp. 471–473.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, pp. 473–474.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 376.
- ^ Hamilton 2010, p. 61.
- ^ Prestwich 2005, p. 177.
- ^ a b c Hamilton 2010, p. 60.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 552.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 24.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 559.
- ^ Prestwich 2003, pp. 37–38, 565.
- ^ Prestwich 2003, pp. 33–34.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, pp. 112–113; Hamilton 2010, p. 59.
- ^ Raban 2000, p. 140; Prestwich 2003, p. 34.
- ^ Chancellor 1981, p. 113.
- ^ Morris 2009, p. 192; Prestwich 1997, pp. 120–121.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, pp. 120–121; Loomis 1953, pp. 125–127.
- ^ Morris 2009, pp. 164–166; Prestwich 1997, pp. 121–122.
- ^ Morris 2009, pp. 116–117; Hamilton 2010, pp. 65–66.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 92.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 93.
- ^ Morris 2009, p. 115.
- ^ Jenks 1902, pp. 163–164.
- ^ Chancellor 1981, pp. 130–131.
- ^ Hamilton 2010, pp. 64–65.
- ^ a b Sutherland 1963, pp. 146–147.
- ^ Salzman 1968, pp. 204–205.
- ^ Chancellor 1981, pp. 138–139.
- ^ Carpenter 2004, p. 469.
- ^ Sutherland 1963, p. 14.
- ^ Powicke 1962, pp. 378–379.
- ^ Sutherland 1963, p. 188.
- ^ Sutherland 1963, p. 149.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 267.
- ^ Brand 2003, p. 362
- ^ Plucknett 1949, pp. 29–30.
- ^ Plucknett 1949, pp. 94–98.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 273.
- ^ Plucknett 1949, pp. 140–144.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, pp. 280–281; Chancellor 1981, p. 139.
- ^ Plucknett 1949, pp. 45, 102–104.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 293.
- ^ a b Prestwich 1997, p. 247.
- ^ a b Prestwich 1997, p. 246.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, pp. 246–247.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 248.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, p. plate 14.
- ^ Harriss 1975, p. 49.
- ^ Carpenter 2004, pp. 470–471.
- ^ Brown 1989, pp. 65–66.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, pp. 99–100.
- ^ Brown 1989, pp. 80–81.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 403.
- ^ Parsons 1995, p. 149-51
- ^ Stacey 1997, p. 78.
- ^ Tolan 2023, pp. 170–2
- ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 344.
- ^ Parsons 1995, p. 149-51,123, Hillaby & Hillaby 2013, p. 13, Morris 2009, p. 86, Tolan 2023, pp. 140, 170.
- ^ Powicke 1962, p. 322, Stacey 1997, pp. 96–7, Tolan 2023, p. 170.
- ^ Morris 2009, pp. 170–171, Rokéah 1988, pp. 91–92, 98.
- ^ Rokéah 1988, pp. 97–8
- ^ Morris 2009, p. 226, Tolan 2023, p. 172.
- ^ Chancellor 1981, p. 135, Richardson 1960, pp. 214–6, Stacey 1997, p. 93.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, pp. 344–345, Stacey 1997, p. 93.
- ^ Richmond 1992, pp. 44–45, Roth 1964, p. 85
- ^ Morris 2009, pp. 226–228, Roth 1964, p. 87.
- ^ Huscroft 2006, pp. 157–9
- ^ Huscroft 2006, pp. 157–9
- ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 345; Powicke 1962, p. 513.
- ^ Roth 1964, p. 90, Stacey 2001, Skinner 2003, p. 1, Huscroft 2006, p. 12
- ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 346, Morris 2009, p. 226, Roth 1964, p. 164-6.
- ^ Hillaby & Hillaby 2013, p. 138
- ^ Quote at Stacey 2001, p. 174. See also Stacey 2001, pp. 176–7, Stocker 1986, p. 115-6, Hillaby 1994, p. 94-98
- ^ Hillaby 1994, p. 94-98.
- ^ Powicke 1962, p. 342.
- ^ a b Krieger, Neill & Jantzen 1992, p. 251.
- ^ Brown 1989, p. 185.
- ^ Harriss 1975, pp. 41–42.
- ^ Brown 1989, pp. 70–71.
- ^ Brown 1989, p. 71.
- ^ Krieger, Neill & Jantzen 1992, p. 252.
- ^ Morris 2009, pp. 283–284.
- ^ Prestwich 1972, p. 179.
- ^ Harriss 1975, p. 57.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, pp. 403–404.
- ^ a b Powicke 1962, p. 671.
- ^ Powicke 1962, p. 674.
- ^ Powicke 1962, p. 675.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 417.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 430.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 562.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 416.
- ^ Prestwich 1972, p. 251.
- ^ Harriss 1975, p. 61.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 422.
- ^ Powicke 1962, p. 682.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 425.
- ^ Powicke 1962, p. 683.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 427.
- ^ Prestwich 2005, p. 170.
- ^ Hamilton 2010, p. 2
- ^ Prestwich 1997, pp. 525–526, 547–548.
- ^ Powicke 1962, p. 697.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, pp. 537–538.
- ^ Prestwich 2005, pp. 172–173.
- ^ Prestwich 2005, p. 175.
- ^ Barrow 1965, pp. 123–126.
- ^ Powicke 1962, pp. 688–689.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 479.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 565.
- ^ Watson 1998, pp. 92–93.
- ^ Prestwich 2005, p. 233.
- ^ Prestwich 2005, p. 497.
- ^ Prestwich 2005, p. 496.
- ^ Powicke 1962, pp. 709–711.
- ^ Watson 1998, p. 211.
- ^ Powicke 1962, pp. 711–713.
- ^ Hamilton 2010, p. 81.
- ^ Barrow 1965, pp. 206–207, 212–213.
- ^ Prestwich 2005, p. 506.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, pp. 506–507.
- ^ Barrow 1965, p. 216.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, pp. 507–508.
- ^ Salzman 1968, p. 173.
- ^ Cornell 2009, pp. 63–65.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, pp. 508–509.
- ^ Prestwich 2005, p. 239.
- ^ Barrow 1965, p. 244.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, pp. 556–557; Hamilton 2010, p. 86.
- ^ a b Jenks 1902, p. 303.
- ^ Hamilton 2010, p. 86.
- ^ Powicke 1962, p. 719.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 557.
- ^ Morris 2009, p. 377.
- ^ Barrow 1965, p. 246; Hamilton 2010, p. 99.
- ^ Prestwich 2005, p. 179.
- ^ a b Duffy 2003, p. 96.
- ^ Salzman 1968, p. 175.
- ^ Duffy 2003, pp. 96–98.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, pp. 566–567.
- ^ Hamilton 2010, p. 87.
- ^ Morris 2009, p. 378; Duffy 2003, p. 97.
- ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 566; Duffy 2003, p. 97.
- ^ a b Templeman 1950, pp. 16–18.
- ^ Morris 2009, pp. 364–365.
- ^ Templeman 1950, p. 17.
- ^ Templeman 1950, p. 18.
- ^ Templeman 1950, pp. 21–22.
- ^ Stubbs 1880; Templeman 1950, p. 22.
- ^ Burt 2013, p. 2.
- ^ Templeman 1950, pp. 25–26.
- ^ Templeman 1950, p. 25; Tout 1920, p. 190.
- ^ Burt 2013, p. 1.
- ^ a b Prestwich 1997, pp. 38, 567.
- ^ Templeman 1950, p. 16; Cazel 1991, p. 225; Spencer 2014, p. 265; Burt 2013, pp. 1–3.
- ^ a b Gillingham 2008
- ^ Templeman 1950, p. 16.
- ^ Cazel 1991, p. 225.
- ^ Spencer 2014, p. 265; Burt 2013, pp. 1–3.
- ^ Morris 2009, p. viii; Burt 2013, p. 1; Spencer 2014, p. 4.
- ^ Powicke 1947; Powicke 1962; Burt 2013, p. 2; Cazel 1991, p. 225.
- ^ Prestwich 1997; Denton 1989, p. 982; Cazel 1991, p. 225; Carpenter 2004, p. 566.
- ^ Morris 2009, p. 371; Burt 2013, p. 1; Goldsmith 2009.
- ^ McFarlane 1981, p. 267; Burt 2013, pp. 7–8.
- ^ Morris 2009, pp. 375–377.
- ^ Barrow 1965, p. 44.
- ^ Morris 2009, p. 372
- ^ Quoted in Richmond 1992, p. 43, see note 2.
- ^ Richmond 1992, p. 45,Stacey 1990, p. 303
- ^ Hyams 1974, p. 288
- ^ Richmond 1992, pp. 44–7, quote at p. 44; Stacey 2001, p. 177
- ^ Richmond 1992, p. 44
- ^ Moore 2006, pp. 113–4, 179, also Richmond 1992, pp. 55–6
- ^ Shapiro 1996, p. 42, Tomasch 2002, pp. 69–70, Richmond 1992, pp. 55–7, Despres 1998, p. 47, Glassman 1975 See chapters 1 and 2.
- ^ Parsons 1984, pp. 245–265
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n Prestwich 1997, p. 126.
- ^ a b Prestwich 1997, p. 131.
- ^ Waugh 2004b
- ^ Waugh 2004a.
- ^ Parsons 2008
- ^ Gorski 2009
- ^ Prestwich 2008, pp. 572–573.
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