Sin (mythology)
Sin | |
---|---|
Equivalents | |
Hurrian equivalent | Kušuḫ |
Ugaritic equivalent | Yarikh |
Hittite and Luwian equivalent | Arma |
Hattian equivalent | Kašku |
Mandaean equivalent | Sin |
Sin (
The goddess
The main cult center of Sin was
Names
While it is agreed that the two primary names of the Mesopotamian
Nanna
The precise
In early Assyriological scholarship it was often assumed that the variant form Nannar was the standard one, but further research demonstrated that it does not predate the
It is uncertain if the theonym Nanum attested in a theophoric name from Umma is a derivative of Nanna, while Nanni worshiped in Mari and in the kingdom of Khana was a female deity instead and might be related to Nanaya rather than the moon god.[1]
Sin
In Akkadian the moon god was called Sin (Sîn) or Suen (Su’en).[1] The former is the standard reading of the name from the Old Babylonian period onward, while the latter was presumably the older uncontracted pronunciation.[14] The etymology of this name remains uncertain.[15] One of the inscriptions of Gudea from the third millennium BCE refers to Sin as a god "whose name nobody can explain", which might be an indication that his name was already unclear and a subject of scribal speculation during his reign.[16]
The name Sin was typically written in cuneiform as dEN.ZU, as possibly already attested in a text from the Uruk period, though oldest certain examples, such as entries in the god lists from
From the Old Babylonian period onward Sin's name could be represented by the logogram d30 (𒀭𒌍), derived from the cuneiform numeral 30, symbolically associated with him due to the number of days in the lunar month.[1] It was originally assumed that an even earlier example occurs in the writing of a personal name from the Ur III period, but subsequent research demonstrated that this was the result of erroneous collation.[20] In the first millennium BCE d30 became the most common writing.[21] For example, in the text corpus from Neo-Babylonian Uruk only a single text, a kudurru inscription of Ibni-Ishtar, uses dEN.ZU instead of d30.[22] Uncommonly dNANNA was used as a sumerogram meant to be read as Sin in Akkadian texts.[1]
Dilimbabbar
Next to Sin and Nanna, the best attested name of the moon god is dAŠ-im4-babbar (𒀭𒀸𒁽𒌓).[15] It was originally assumed that it should be read as Ašimbabbar, though it was subsequently proved that this depended on an erroneous collation,[23] and by 2016 the consensus view that Dilimbabbar is the correct reading emerged.[24][25] It was established based on the discovery of multiple passages providing phonetic syllabic spellings.[24] The name can be translated as "the shining one who walks alone".[26] This meaning was originally established based on the now abandoned reading of the name, but it is still considered a valid translation.[24] An alternate proposal relying on homophony of the element dilim and the logogram dilim2 (LIŠ) is to explain Dilimbabbar as "the shining bowl".[27] The term dilim2 was a loan from Akkadian tilimtu, "bowl".[28] Piotr Steinkeller notes that it is not impossible both proposals regarding the meaning of Dilimbabbar are correct, and that the scribes might have intentionally created puns depending on the well attested tradition of referring to the moon as a unique or solitary celestial body.[29]
Dilimbabbar is already attested in the Early Dynastic god list from Abu Salabikh.[15] The zami hymns from the same period link this title with the worship of the moon god in Urum (Tell Uqair).[30] It is not certain if at this point in time it was understood as a title of Sin or as the name of a distinct deity of analogous character.[31] Mark Glenn Hall notes that the absence of theophoric names invoking the moon god under this name from available sources might indicate that if Dilimbabbar was ever understood as a distinct deity this tradition disappeared very early on.[32] However, Manfred Krebernik and Jan Lisman point out that in the text TH 37 Dilimbabbar is addressed as a shepherd of Sin, which they argue might be a relic of an intermediate stage between the existence of two independent moon gods and their full conflation.[33]
For unknown reasons the name Dilimbabbar is absent from all the other known Early Dynastic sources, as well as these from the subsequent
The Akkadian epithet Namraṣit was considered analogous to Dilimbabbar, as attested in the god list An = Anum (tablet III, line 26).[35] It can be translated as "whose rise is luminous".[26] Steinkeller points out that it is not a direct translation of Dilimbabbar, as it effectively leaves out the element dilim.[24] Bendt Alster assumed that the equivalence was the result of late reinterpretation.[36]
Character
Sin was understood both as an anthropomorphic deity representing the moon, and as the astral body itself.
Next to his astral aspect, Sin's other main role has been described as that of a pastoral deity.[43] He was associated with cattle and with dairy products.[44] This link is reflected in his secondary names Abkar, "shining cow", and Ablulu, "the one who makes the cows abundant".[45] He could be addressed as a herdsman in astral context, with stars being poetically described as his herd.[46] In addition to cows, he could also be associated with sheep and with wild animals inhabiting steppes, especially ibexes and gazelles.[47]
Sin was perceived as a benign deity who could be petitioned for help.[6] He was responsible for guaranteeing abundance and growth, especially in Ur and Harran, which most likely reflects the well attested phenomenon of locally assigning such a role to tutelary deities of specific areas.[48] It was also believed that he could provide people with offspring, as evidenced by prayer in which he is asked for that by childless worshipers, both men and women.[49] He was also believed to aid pregnant women, both during the beginning of pregnancy and in labour.[50] This aspect of his character is highlighted in the incantation Cow of Sîn, which states that he would send a pair of lamassu goddesses to help mothers with difficult births.[51] The common epithet of Sin, "father" (a-a),[52] underlined his ability to cause growth and bring abundance.[48] However, it also reflected his role as a senior member of his pantheon, as well as his authority over deities regarded as his children or servants.[53] It has also been suggested that it metaphorically referred to him as the divine representation of the full moon, with texts instead describing him as a youthful god instead reflecting his role as the new moon.[6] Another epithet commonly applied to him was lugal ("king").[52] Presumably it constituted an implicit reference to his status as the tutelary god of Ur.[54] In the first millennium BCE, as the god of Harran he could be called Bēl-Ḫarrān (dEN.KASKAL), "lord of Harran".[55] This title appears particularly commonly in theophoric names.[56]
Sin could also function as a divine judge in the underworld,[57] as attested for example in the so-called First Elegy of the Pushkin Museum, in which a man named Ludingira hopes that he will proclaim a good verdict for his deceased father.[58] This role might have originally developed as a way to explain why the moon is not visible for a part of each month.[57] The composition in mention states that his judgment took place on the day of the disappearance of the moon (Sumerian u4-ná, Akkadian ūm bubbuli).[59] However, Dina Katz argues that in contrast with the frequent assignment of a similar role to Shamash, Sin was usually not associated with judgment of either the living or the dead.[60] References to both of them acting as judges are nonetheless known from Old Babylonian inscriptions.[61]
In Mesopotamian medicine
As the head of the pantheon
A number of sources attest the existence of a tradition in which Sin was regarded as the sole head of the
Examples of texts elevating Sin's rank are known from
Iconography
Despite Sin's popularity documented in textual sources, depictions of him are not common in
Like other Mesopotamian gods Sin was depicted as a mature, bearded man[82] dressed in a flounced robe.[83] In some cases he holds a mace or a stick, with the latter occurring particularly often, though these attributes were not exclusively associated with him and cannot be used to identify depictions of him.[78] A further object associated with him in art was a tripod, possibly a candelabrum, sometimes with a lunar crescent on top and with an unidentified sandal-like object hanging from it.[84]
In some cases, Sin could be portrayed rising from between two mountains, similarly to Shamash, and Dominique Collon has suggests that in some cases reassessment of works of art often presumed to represent the latter in this situation might be necessary due to this similarity.
Associations with other deities
Parents and siblings
Enlil and Ninlil were usually regarded as Sin's parents.[91] It has been argued that an Early Dynastic text from Abu Salabikh already refers to Enlil and Ninlil as his parents, though an alternate view is that he oldest certain evidence only goes back to the reign of Ur-Nammu of the Third Dynasty of Ur.[92] It has been argued that in this period he might have started to be viewed as a son of Enlil for political reasons.[93] The compilers of the god list An = Anum apparently did not acknowledge this tradition directly, as in contrast with Ninurta Sin does not appear in the section focused on Enlil and his family.[92] However, his status as his son is seemingly reflected in the epithets Dumununna, "son of the prince", and Dumugi, "noble son".[94] Sin is also kept separate from Enlil in the Old Babylonian forerunner of this text, which has been argued to be a reflection of an earlier tradition in which they were not viewed as son and father.[95] While references to Anu being the father of Sin are also known, they are most likely metaphorical, and do not represent a distinct tradition.[91]
In the myth Enlil and Ninlil Sin's brothers are Nergal, Ninazu and Enbilulu, though the latter two gods were commonly regarded as sons of different parents instead.[91] Enbilulu in particular is not attested as a son of Enlil and Ninlil in any other sources.[96] Based on their shared status as sons of Enlil Sin and Nergal were sometimes referred to as the "big twins", and in this context were identified with Lugal-irra and Meslamta-ea.[97] The connection between Lugal-Irra and Sin seemingly depended on the latter's occasional role as a judge in the underworld.[98] A single astronomical text equates the pair Sin and Nergal with Latarak and Lulal, but this attestation is unparalleled in other sources.[99]
Wife and children
Sin's wife was Ningal.[9] They are already attested as a couple in Early Dynastic sources,[100] and they were consistently paired with each other in all regions of Mesopotamia.[101] Derivatives of Ningal were associated with local moon gods in the Ugaritic, Hurrian and Hittite pantheons.[9] However, the old proposal that Hurrians, and by extension Hittites and inhabitants of Ugarit, received her from Harran is regarded as unproven, as she does not appear in association with this city in any sources from the second millennium BCE.[102] She is also absent from Luwian sources pertaining to the worship of Sin of Harran in the first millennium BCE.[103]
The best attested children of Sin were
Further relatively commonly attested children of Sin include the goddesses Amarazu and Amaraḫea, known from the god list An = Anum,
While references to
In a single Maqlû incantation, Manzat, the goddess of the rainbow, appears as the sister of Shamash, and by extension as daughter of his parents, Sin and Ningal.[125]
A tradition according to which Ninazu was a son of Sin is also known.[91] Frans Wiggermann proposes that the occasional association between these two gods might have reflected the dependence of Enegi, Ninazu’s cult city, on nearby Ur.[126]
In the first millennium BCE a tradition according to which Nuska was a son of Sin developed in Harran.[127] Manfred Krebernik suggests that it might have reflected Aramaic influence and that it resulted from a connection between Sin, Nuska and hitherto unknown deities worshiped by this group.[9]
While assertions that
Court
Sin's sukkal (attendant deity) was Alammuš.[9] He and Ningublaga were often associated with each other and could be even referred to as twin brothers.[129] Manfred Krebernik notes that this might indicate that he was also viewed as a son of the moon god.[9] However, no direct evidence supporting this notion has been identified, and therefore whether he was ever regarded as a child of Sin remains impossible to ascertain.[130] Alammuš also possessed his own attendant, Urugal.[131]
In the Old Babylonian forerunner of An = Anum, Nindara is listed among the deities belonging to the entourage of Sin.[42] This god was originally worshiped as the husband of Nanshe in the state of Lagash in the Early Dynastic period.[132] In An = Anum itself he and Sin are directly identified with each other (tablet III, line 65), and the lines following this statement list Nanshe and their children.[42] However, there is no evidence that this equation was responsible for the lack of references to Nindara in the Sealand archives, as Nanshe was not worshiped in association with Sin in this context.[133] Nin-MAR.KI, who was traditionally regarded as Nanshe's daughter, is also placed in the section of An = Anum dedicated to Sin, though according to Walther Sallaberger her presence there might reflect her well attested association with cattle, which she shared with the moon god.[134] Further members of his entourage include deities such as Nineigara, referred to his "lady of the treasury" (nin-èrim, Akkadian bēlet išitti) and "obedient housekeeper"(munus-agrig šu-dim4-ma, Akkadian abarakkatu saniqtu),[135] Nimintabba,[136] and Ninurima.[137] In medical texts, the demon Bennu, responsible for causing epilepsy, is described as his "deputy" (šanê) as well.[138]
In An = Anum
Other lunar deities
The Hurrian moon god, variously known as Kušuḫ, Umbu or Ušu,[91] was identified with Sin and his name was sometimes written logographically as dEN.ZU or d30.[139] It is possible that his character was influenced by exposure to Mesopotamian culture and the image of the moon god in it in particular.[140]
Equivalence between Sin and
In Hittite and Luwian sources the logographic writings d30 and dEN.ZU were used to render the name of the Anatolian moon god Arma.[146] As noted by Piotr Taracha , while d30 was also used to represent the name of the Hattian moon god Kašku in the corresponding version of the myth The Moon that Fell from Heaven, it is improbable that it designates him in cultic texts, as he was a deity of little relevance in Hattian and Hittite religion.[147]
In Emar, d30 might have been used as a logogram to represent the name of the local god Saggar, who in addition to fulfilling a lunar role was also the divine personification of the Sinjar Mountains.[148] Both he and Sin (Suinu) were worshiped in Ebla in the third millennium BCE, possibly with each representing a different lunar phase.[19] It has been suggested that the logogram dEN.ZU designated Saggar in this city, but according to Alfonso Archi this is unlikely.[149] Lunar character is sometimes also proposed for a further Eblaite deity, Hadabal (dNI-da-KUL), though Archi similarly disagrees with this view.[150] However, he does accept the possibility that the theophoric name of a king of Ibubu mentioned in an Eblaite text, Li-im-dEN.ZU, a different deity than Sin was meant.[149]
The logogram d30 was also used to render the name of the Elamite moon deity, possibly to be identified with Napir, though Manfred Krebernik notes that in one case the name Nannar appears to be attested in Elamite contex,[91] specifically in an inscription of Shilhak-Inshushinak.[3]
A bilingual Akkadian-Kassite lexical list indicates that the Kassite deity regarded as the counterpart of Sin was Ši-ḪU (reading of the second sign uncertain), well attested as an element of theophoric names, though he was more commonly equated with Marduk in similar sources.[91]
Worship
Sin was recognized as a major deity all across ancient Mesopotamia.
Ur
Early history
Kings from the Third Dynasty of Ur believed themselves to be appointed to their position by Sin.[162] His cult flourished during their reigns, as evidenced both by structures uncensored during excavations and by the numerous dedicatory inscriptions.[160] An inscription from this period refers to him as one of the major members of the pantheon, next to Enlil, Ninlil, Inanna, Enki, Nergal, Ninurta, Nuska, Ninshubur and the deified hero Gilgamesh, included in the enumeration due to importance due to his importance for the ruling house.[163] Ibbi-Sin at one point dedicated the image of a "red dog of Meluhha" to Sin.[164] According to the document describing this offering, the animal bore the evocative name "He bites!"[164]
The en priestesses
An important aspect of the lunar cult in Ur was the institution of the en priestess.[165] In Akkadian its holders were referred to as entum.[166] Their residence was known as Gipar, and while initially separate in the Old Babylonian period it was combined into a single complex with the temple of the moon god's wife, Ningal.[167] Not much is known about the duties of the en in the sphere of cult, though they apparently played a role in building and renovation activities.[168] They are chiefly documented in sources from between the Sargonic and early Old Babylonian periods.[166] They were typically daughters of kings.[165]
Enheduanna, the daughter of Sargon of Akkad, was a particularly famous en priestess.[151][169] She is also the earliest attested holder of this office, with available evidence including the so-called "disc of Enheduanna", seals of her servants, and literary compositions copied in later periods traditionally attributed to her.[170] It is it not certain if the office of en was only established at this point in time as an innovation, or if it developed from an earlier Early Dynastic title tied to the cult of the moon god.[171] Later en priestesses include Enmenanna , daughter of Sargon's grandson Naram-Sin of Akkad (named as "zirru priestess of the god Nanna, spouse of the god N[anna], entu priestess of the god Sin at Ur");[172] Enannepada, daughter of Ur-Baba of Lagash and the only holder of this office from the Second Dynasty of Lagash;[173] Ennirgalana , daughter of Ur-Nammu of Ur;[174] Ennirzianna , a contemporary and possibly daughter of Shulgi;[173] her successors Enuburzianna and Enmahgalana, the former also selected during the reign of Shulgi and the latter shortly after by Amar-Sin;[175] Enannatumma , daughter of Ishme-Dagan of Isin[176] who retained her position after his death and conquest of the city of Ur by Larsa; Enšakiag-Nanna, daughter of Sumuel of Larsa;[177] and her successor Enanedu , daughter of Kudur-Mabuk of Larsa and sister of Warad-Sin and Rim-Sîn I.[178] She was the last known holder of this office before its revival of in the Neo-Babylonian period.[179]
As attested for the first time during the reign of Amar-Sin, separate office of en of Nanna existed in nearby Karzida.[168] Only two of its holders are known, both of them active contemporarily with this king: Enagazianna and En-Nanna-Amar-Suen-kiagra.[180] Sparsely attested Enmegalanna, known only from a single reference to funerary offerings meant for her from the early Old Babylonian period, might have been a further en from Karzida, though it is ultimately unknown whether she resided there or in Ur.[181]
It is presumed that while prominent in the third and early second millennia BCE, the institution of en gradually declined and finally disappeared.[182]
Later evidence
Sources dealing with the worship of Sin in Ur after the
While Ur is not directly referenced in any of the texts agreed to come from the archives of the
With the exception of Kurigalzu I, rulers of the Kassite dynasty showed little interest in Ur.[189] During his reign the Edublamaḫ, "house, exalted door socket", originally a court of law dedicated to Sin build by Shu-Ilishu to commemorate the return of a statue of this god from Anshan, was rebuilt as a temple.[8]
Little is known about the worship of Sin in Ur during the reign of the
After the period of Sîn-balāssu-iqbi's activity sources pertaining to the worship of Sin in Ur only reappear during the reign of
Harran
Early history
In
Second millennium BCE
The oldest evidence for the worship of Sin in Harran might be an inscription of
The worship of Sin in Harran is not well documented through the rest of the second millennium BCE, though he does appear among the divine witnesses in a treaty between
First millennium BCE
The popularity of Sin of Harran grew in the Iron Age.[212] He became an important deity in the local pantheon of Tabal.[213] Even though Arma continued to be worshiped by the Luwian communities residing in Pamphylia, Cilicia, Caria and Lycia, among eastern Luwians he was entirely displaced by Sin of Harran as the moon god.[214] The latter is mentioned alongside deities such as Tarḫunz and Kubaba in an inscription of Himayata on a stela from Til Barsip.[215] He also appears alongside Kubaba in curse formulas in multiple inscriptions from Tabal.[213]
While no references to Sin of Harran occur in
Royal cult of Sin in Harran ceased after the fall of Assyria,
Harran retained importance as a religious site after the fall of the Neo-Babylonian Empire through the
Other areas
Nippur
Sin is already mentioned in an
Babylon and Borsippa
In
Sin was also worshiped in the immediate proximity of Babylon in Damru, as evidenced by his epithet bēl Damru, "lord of Damru".[240] A temple dedicated to him bearing the ceremonial name Egissubiduga, "house whose shade is pleasant", existed in this settlement.[241]
Evidence for the worship of Sin in nearby Borsippa is available from the Neo-Babylonian period and late sources, though he was likely present in this city earlier already.[242] In the Ezida temple complex, which was dedicated to Nabu (earlier Marduk, initially Tutu),[243] there existed a sanctuary dedicated to him known as Edimanna, "house, bond of heaven", as attested in an inscription of Nebuchadnezzar II commemorating its rebuilding and in a Neo-Babylonian administrative text.[158] It is possible his presence in the local pantheon reflected a connection between him and Nanaya.[244]
Uruk
In Uruk the worship of Sin is first documented in the Old Babylonian period, with an offering list using his Sumerian name and an administrative text the Akkadian one.[245] His temple in this city was known under the ceremonial name Edumununna, "house of the son of the prince".[246] In the Neo-Babylonian period he was most likely worshiped in this city in a small chapel, so-called ekurrātu.[247] Three manifestations of him received offerings, with Sin "of the courtyard" (ša kisalli) and "of heaven" (ša šamê) attested in addition to the standard form of this god.[22] However, the significance of these two more specific manifestations was minor.[248] In three cases, Sin and "Sin of heaven" appear in the same texts as two distinct deities.[249]
A reference to a sanctuary of Sin occurs in a text from the reign of Darius the Great as well.[250] He also continued to be venerated in Uruk in the Seleucid period, as indicated by references to him in both ritual and legal texts, as well as attested theophoric names invoking him.[251] He might have been one of the deities worshiped in the Bīt Rēš,[252] "head temple," a new temple complex dedicated to Anu and Antu which was built in this period.[253] According to Julia Krul, it can be assumed that his presence in the local pantheon of Uruk was also the reason behind the introduction of Ningal and Ningublaga to the city documented in late sources.[254]
Other Babylonian cities
While Sin was seemingly not actively worshiped in Early Dynastic Lagash, he appears among the deities invoked in an oath formula on the Stele of the Vultures, as well as in both Sumerian and Akkadian theophoric names identified in sources from this area, such as Amar-Suen and Puzur-Suen.[4] Later on Naram-Sin might have built a temple dedicated to him in nearby Girsu.[255]
In Urum Sin was worshiped in a temple known under the ceremonial name Eablua, "house of teeming cattle".[256] According to Andrew R. George the Edublamaḫ, "house, exalted door socket", which was built in this city by Nāqimum of the Mananā dynasty of Kish was also dedicated to him.[8]
Akshak was seemingly also regarded as a cult center of Sin, as evidenced by references to a sanga priest of this god residing there, as well as by the theophoric name dEN.ZU-LUGAL-Akšakki, "Sin in the king of Akshak".[30]
In Sippar Sin is well documented in sources from the Old Babylonian period, appearing there for the first time on a seal from the reign of the local king Immerum , a contemporary of Sumu-la-El of Babylon.[257] He had a temple in this city, Eidimanna, "house, bond of heaven".[258] However, no references to his cult occur in documents from later periods, and he is only attested again in this city during the reign of Nabonidus.[257] It is not certain if this ruler reintroduced him to the city, or if he only promoted the status of a minor cult which existed there all along but was not referenced directly in available sources.[259] Sin continued to be worshiped in Sippar under Persian rule as well.[260]
In Larsa Sin was worshiped in a temple shared with Ningal in the Old Babylonian period, but no references to him occur in sources from this city from later times.[261]
Sin and Ningal at some point replaced
The Diyala basin
Sin played an important role in the
Sin is also the most commonly occurring god in personal names known from tablets from the Chogha Gavaneh site in western Iran, which in the early second millennium BCE was an Akkadian settlement most likely connected to the kingdom of Eshnunna.[268]
Assyria
While in Babylonia sanctuaries dedicated to Sin were typically located in cities associated with deities regarded as his relatives, for example his father Enlil in the case of Nippur and his daughter Ishtar in Uruk and Babylon, in Assyria they occur mostly in settlements which served as this region's capitals at various points in time.[269] A double temple dedicated jointly to him and Shamash, the Eḫulḫuldirdirra, "house of surpassing joys", existed in Assur.[270] It is not clear if this rarely used ceremonial name was influenced by the better attested Eḫulḫul , referring to the temple in Harran.[271] It was rebuilt by Ashur-nirari I, Tukulti-Ninurta I and Ashurnasirpal II.[272] A similar joint temple existed in Nineveh, as indicated in documents from the reign of Esarhaddon, though its name is presently unknown.[273] Since yet another comparable double sanctuary was located in Dur-Sharrukin, it is possible that the topography of temples of Assur was used as a model for other cities which served as capitals at different points in the history of Assyria.[274]
In the
Mythology
Despite his religious importance, Sin only uncommonly appears in myths, especially when compared with his children
Nanna-Suen's Journey to Nibru
The composition Nanna-Suen’s journey to Nibru describes the moon god's journey to visit Enlil in his city, Nippur.[276] It is presumed that this composition reflected a festival well attested in literary texts during which a statue of the moon god was transported by boat from Ur to Nippur.[30] After a hymnic prologue praising Nippur, the narrative relays how Sin dispatches his servants to provide him with wood from various areas, including Ebla and Tummal, so that he can have a ship constructed to that end.[277] Once it is finished, he prepares various gifts for Enlil, including cattle, sheep, birds, fish and other animals.[278] He then embarks on his journey.[279] He makes five stops along the way, in each case being welcomed by a local goddess:[280] Ningirida in Enegi, Šerida in Larsa, Inanna in Uruk, Nin-unug in Shuruppak and Ninlil in Tummal, but despite their urging he does not share the cargo meant to be received by Enlil with any of them.[281] After reaching Nippur, he is welcomed by the divine doorkeeper Kalkal, and finally meets Enlil.[282] He requests a blessing for his city, Ur, which he receives in the closing lines of the composition.[283]
The Labbu myth
Sin plays a prominent role in the Labbu myth.[263] This composition is known only from a single poorly preserved copy from the library of Ashurbanipal.[284] Due to the prominence of Sin and the presence of Tishpak it is possible that it originated in the kingdom of Eshnunna.[285] Wilfred G. Lambert estimated that it was originally composed at some point between 1800 BCE and 800 BCE.[263] Frans Wiggermann favors dating its composition to earlier than 1755 BCE.[286] It deals with the conflict between gods and the eponymous monster.[287] At the sight of Labbu Sin obscures his face with a cloak,[288] which is presumed to reflect a lunar eclipse.[284] Later he advises Tishpak, who has apparently been selected to battle the monster.[289] He is thus responsible for coordinating the slaying of Labbu.[263]
Inanna's Descent
In Inanna's Descent Ninshubur, the sukkal (attendant deity) of the eponymous goddess, is tasked with petitioning Nanna, as well as Enlil and Enki,[290] in order to prevent her mistress from dying in the underworld.[291] Ninshubur later enters the Ekišnugal to plead with him as instructed, but Nanna refuses to help her.[292] It is presumed that his presence in this myth reflects his well attested role as Inanna's father.[293]
Dina Katz argues that a direct parallel to this passage can be found in the myth Gilgamesh, Enkidu and the Netherworld and on this basis suggests an intertextual relation between these two compositions.[294] She assumes Inanna's Descent was older and influenced Gilgamesh, Enkidu and the Netherworld, with the opposite possibility being less likely.[295] However, Alhena Gadotti disagrees with Katz's proposal and argues that evidence for a connection between the two texts is lacking, and the passages are not directly parallel as Gilgamesh, Enkidu and the Netherworld notably does not feature Nanna.[293] However, she does point out a similar sequence is present in the composition preserved on tablet XII of the Epic of Gilgamesh.[296]
Epic of Gilgamesh
In the "Standard Babylonian" edition of the Epic of Gilgamesh some of the grave goods meant to deceased Enkidu are said to be dedicated to Sin,[297] in this passage referred to as Namraṣit.[298] According to Andrew R. George this might reflect the belief that he accompanied the dead when not visible in the sky.[299] A poorly preserved passage in the subsequent section of the epic, which deals with Gilgamesh wandering in the wilderness and mourning Enkidu,[300] might describe the hero killing two lions and dedicating them to Sin in a temple dedicated to him, perhaps after being reassured by the moon god in a dream.[301]
Sin is also mentioned on Tablet XII of the standard edition of the epic,[296] an Akkadian adaptation of Gilgamesh, Enkidu and the Netherworld, which forms a separate narrative.[302] When Enkidu is imprisoned in the underworld, Gilgamesh begs Sin, Enlil and Ea to help him recover his companion, but the first two of these gods refuse.[303]
An unusual variant of the Epic of Gilgamesh replaces the names of the eponymous protagonist and Enkidu with logograms usually used to represent Sin and Ea, d30 and d40.
Other compositions
The Lament for Sumer and Ur, which was inspired by the fall of the Third Dynasty of Ur, describes the impact of a cataclysm which befalls Sin's cult center on him.[309] He asks Enlil to reverse the judgment of the divine assembly which resulted in it, but his request is initially denied.[310] He therefore leaves the city alongside Ningal.[311] He eventually approaches Enlil to request help again, this time receiving a guarantee Ur will be rebuilt.[312] Eventually he and Ningal return to the city.[313]
In the
Later influence
Sources postdating the reign of Antigonus I Monophthalmus do not contain much information about the fate of the cult of Sin in Harran, and it remains uncertain how it developed in the last centuries BCE and first two centuries CE, though the official visit of Caracalla in 217 confirms that the city retained a degree of importance.[228] Herodian asserts that this emperor aimed to visit a temple of Selene.[208] However, today it is agreed that both this account and Ammianus Marcellinus' reference to Luna as the deity worshiped in Harran, as well as a number of other Greek, Latin and later Arabic sources asserting that a moon goddess being the central deity of this city, are incorrect.[321] The anonymous author of Historia Augusta is a notable exception, correctly referring to the deity of Harran as a male figure, "Lunus".[322]
In Arabic sources the inhabitants of Harran were described as pagan "Sabians"[323] but there are too few reliable accounts of their beliefs to determine to what degree they were a continuation of the cult of Sin known from earlier periods.[324] It has been pointed out that many rituals and deities from late accounts of Harranian religion do not appear to have clear forerunners in earlier sources.[325] Michael Blömer has suggested that the reports of the survival of "pagan" traditions in Harran might have been exaggerated to disparage the city and contrast it with its political rival, Edessa.[326] Medieval sources assert that the fortress located in Harran was originally a Sabian temple, but it is not known if this claim is rooted in historical truth, and furthermore it cannot be ascertained if this hypothetical house of worship was identical with the ancient temple of Sin.[208] The latter was most likely demolished shortly after the visit of Egeria in the city,[326] dated to 383.[327] Local religious traditions of Harran survived the Muslim conquest of the city in 640 and continued to flourish in the subsequent centuries, until it was destroyed by Mongols in 1260.[10] However, while it is agreed that a part of the local population was neither Christian nor Muslim, according to Blömer it should be called into question if their practice reflected the ancient worship of Sin in any meaningful capacity.[328] He notes that unreliable testimonies might have been prioritized in their evaluation due to "the allure of portraying the enigmatic Sabians of medieval Ḫarrān as worshippers of Sîn and the last pagans".[329] He points out inscriptions from the Byzantine period indicate that churches of multiple Christian denominations existed in the city,[330] and suggests already by the time of the Muslim conquest most of its inhabitants were Christians, much like in Edessa or Amida.[329]
References to Sin are also known from
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External links
- Narratives featuring Nanna-Suen in the Electronic Text Corpus of Sumerian Literature
- Hymns addressed to Nanna in the Electronic Text Corpus of Sumerian Literature