Hurrian religion
The Hurrian religion was the polytheistic religion of the
Hurrian religion was one of the best attested influences of
Overview
Hurrians were among the inhabitants of parts of the
The term "Hurrian" as used today refers to the cultural
The available evidence of the culture of the Hurrians is similarly fragmentary, and does not offer information about all areas inhabited by them in all time periods.
The Hittite archives of Hattusa are considered to be one of the richest sources of information about Hurrian religion.[25] They consist of both texts written in Hurrian and Hurrian works translated into the Hittite language.[26] Some of them were copies of religious texts from Alalakh, Halab[27] or Kizzuwatna.[28] Several Hurrian ritual texts have also been found during the excavations of Ugarit.[29] There are also references to Hurrian deities in some Akkadian texts from that city.[29] The Amarna letters from king Tushratta of Mitanni and the treaty documents provide evidence about the Hurrian religion as practiced in the Mitanni state.[30] The archives of individual Syrian cities, like Mari, Emar and Alalakh, also contain Hurrian texts.[31] These from the first of these cities date to the reign of Zimri-Lim.[32] The evidence from eastern Hurrian centers is comparatively rare, and pantheons of cities such as Nuzi and Arrapha have to be reconstructed only based on administrative texts.[33] Documents from Nuzi allude to distinct customs such as ancestor worship[34] and maintaining sacred groves.[35] While especially in older scholarship the western and eastern Hurrian pantheons were often treated as separate, Marie-Claude Trémouille notes that the difference should not be exaggerated.[36]
Due to long periods of interchange between Hurrians and other Mesopotamian, Syrian and Anatolian societies it is often impossible to tell which features of Hurrian religion were exclusively Hurrian in origin and which developed through contact with other cultures.[37] As noted by Beate Pongratz-Leisten, transfer of deities likely easily occurred between people who shared a similar lifestyle, such as Hurrians and Mesopotamians, who both were settled urban societies at the time of their first contacts.[38] Religious vocabulary of the Hurrian language was heavily influenced by Akkadian.[39] For example, priests were known as šankunni, a loan from Akkadian šangû.[40] Another term borrowed from this language was entanni, referring to a class of priestesses, derived from entu, itself an Akkadian feminine form of the Sumerian loanword en, "lord."[41]
Gernot Wilhelm highlights that "undue importance has long been attached to the historical significance" of the presence of speakers of an early
Evidence from Urartu in most cases cannot be used in the study of Hurrian religion, as the connection between it and Bronze Age Hurrians is almost exclusively linguistic and does not extend to religious practice or pantheon.[48] For instance, the head of the Urartian pantheon, Ḫaldi, appears to be absent from Hurrian sources.[49]
Deities
Hurrians worshiped many deities of varied backgrounds, some of them natively Hurrian, while others adopted from other pantheons or formed through the process of
Like in other cultures of the Ancient Near East, Hurrian gods were imagined as anthropomorphic.[60] They had to be provided with nourishment, which they received in the form of offerings.[60] The myth of Ḫedammu attests that while in theory gods would be capable of laboring themselves to acquire food, it would jeopardize their position in the universe.[60] Gods were represented in the form of statues, often made of precious metals and stones.[61] Such figures typically held symbols which served as the attributes of the given deity.[61] They had to be clothed[61] and anointed, as evidenced by lists of oil offerings.[62] It was believed that if a deity's representation is not treated properly, it might enrage them and result in various repercussions.[63] Lunar and solar eclipses in particular were viewed as a sign of the displeasure of the corresponding deities.[64]
The head of the Hurrian pantheon was
The concept of sukkal, or divine vizier, well known from Mesopotamian theology, was also incorporated into Hurrian religion.[40] The word itself was loaned into Hurrian and was spelled šukkalli.[40] Much like in Mesopotamia, sukkals were the attendants of the major gods.[25] Known examples include Tašmišu and Tenu, sukkals of Teššub,[72] Undurumma, the sukkal of Šauška,[73] Izzummi, the sukkal of Ea (a Hurrian adaptation of Mesopotamian Isimud),[69] Lipparuma, the sukkal of Šimige, Mukišānu, the sukkal of Kumarbi,[74] and Tiyabenti[75] and Takitu, sukkals of Ḫepat.[76] The war god Ḫešui also had a sukkal, Ḫupuštukar,[77] as did the personified sea, whose sukkal was Impaluri.[78] A single text describes a ritual involving multiple sukkals at once, namely Ḫupuštukar, Izzumi, Undurumma, Tenu, Lipparuma and Mukišanu.[73]
It has been proposed that the general structure of the Hurrian pantheon was modeled either on its Mesopotamian or Syrian counterpart, with the former view being favored by Emmanuel Laroche and Wilfred G. Lambert, and the latter by Lluís Feliu[79] and Piotr Taracha.[55] The structure of individual local variant pantheons was not necessarily identical, for example in the east and in Hurrian texts from Ugarit Šauška was the highest ranked goddess, but in western locations that position could belong to Ḫepat instead.[29]
Lists and groupings of deities
Two lists of Hurrian deities following Mesopotamian models are known, one from
In the western Hurrian centers, gods were also arranged in lists known as kaluti.
A distinctive Hurrian practice, most likely of Syrian origin, was the worship of pairs of deities as if they were a unity.[97] Examples include the pairs Ninatta and Kulitta, Ishara and Allani, Hutena and Hutellura,[97] or Adamma and Kubaba.[98] Another possible dyad was the Kizzuwatnean "Goddess of the Night" and Pinikir,[99] a deity of Elamite origin originally worshiped in Susa[100] who most likely was incorporated into the Hurrian pantheon via a Mesopotamian intermediary, possibly as early as in the third millennium BCE.[55] According to Gary Beckman, based on linguistic evidence it is improbable that she was received directly from Elam.[101] Two manifestations of the same deity could be worshiped as a dyad too, for example two forms of Nupatik or Tiyabenti.[97]
Šarrēna
A special class of figures venerated by the Hurrians were so-called šarrēna.[39] This term is a combination of the Akkadian word šarri and a Hurrian plural suffix.[102] It is possible to translate it simply as "divinized kings."[39] Mary R. Bachvarova describes the šarrēna as "heroes from far away and long ago."[103] Like the names of gods, the names of šarrēna[104] and the term itself were preceded by the dingir sign, so-called "divine determinative," which was used to designate divine names in cuneiform.[103] The word designating the deified kings differed from that used to refer to then-contemporary earthly rulers, ewri.[40]
Examples of šarrēna include well known legendary Mesopotamian rulers (
Religious centers
The centers of Hurrian religious life were temples, known as purli or purulle.
The notion that specific gods could favor, and reside in, specific cities was present in Hurrian religion, and by extension is attested in Hittite rituals dedicated to Hurrian deities.[111] For example, Teššub was associated with Kumme,[22] Šauška with Nineveh,[20] Kušuḫ with Kuzina,[25][112] Nikkal with Ugarit,[25][97] Nabarbi with Taite,[113] and Ishara with Ebla.[114] While Kumarbi's connection with Urkesh is well documented, in the earliest sources the city was seemingly associated with Nergal.[66] It has also been proposed that his name in this case served as a logographic representation of Kumarbi or perhaps Aštabi, but this remains uncertain.[53] A secondary cult center of Kumarbi was Azuhinnu located east of the Tigris.[66]
Kumme, the main cult center of Teššub was also known as Kummum in
Šauška's association with Nineveh goes back at least to the
Kuzina, associated with the moon god, was most likely the Hurrian name of Harran.[127] This city was among the locations where the custom of giving temples ceremonial Sumerian names was observed, even though it was not located within the traditional sphere of influence of Mesopotamian states.[128] The oldest known records of the temple of the moon god located there do not provide it with one, but sources from the reign of Shalmaneser III, Ashurbanipal and Nabonidus confirm that it was known as Ehulhul, "house which gives joy."[129] A double temple dedicated to Kušuḫ and Teššub existed in Šuriniwe in the kingdom of Arrapha.[130]
The religious center of the kingdom of Kizzuwatna was the city of Kummanni.[131] Despite the similarity of names, it was not the same city as Kumme.[132] A Kizzuwatnean temple of Ishara was located on a mountain bearing her name.[133] Furthermore, at least two temples dedicated to Nupatik existed in this area.[25]
In the
Practice
At least some deities received daily offerings of bread or flour, as attested in Hattusa and Nuzi.[62] One well known type of Hurrian offerings was keldi, translated as "peace offering"[137] or "goodwill offering."[138] It is also assumed that many monthly or seasonal festivals were observed by Hurrians, but very few of them are well documented, one exception being the hišuwa festival from Kizzuwatna, possibly originally celebrated in Syria.[62] It was meant to guarantee good fortune for the royal couple.[139] Deities who received offering during it included "Teššub Manuzi," Lelluri, Allani, Ishara, two manifestations of Nupatik (pibithi - "of Pibid(a)" and zalmathi - "of Zalman(a)/Zalmat") and the Anatolian goddess Maliya.[139] Another Kizzuwatnean festival, which was dedicated to Ishara, took place in autumn.[140]
A Hurrian ritual calendar is attested in documents from Nuzi.[141] In the earliest sources from the third millennium BCE, when the city was known as Gasur, the local calendar was similar to these from Ebla, Mari, Abu Salabikh and Eshnunna, and the month names used at the time originate in Semitic languages.[142] However, after Hurrians settled in the city, they started to use one of their own, which in some cases could be combined with the old calendar, as evidenced by a document combining month names from both into a sequence.[141] The Hurrian month names in Nuzi were Impurtanni, Arkuzzi, Kurilli, Šeḫali ša dIM (the logogram stands for the name of the god Teššub, while šeḫali might mean "festival"), Šeḫali ša Nergal, Attanašwe, Šeḫlu (followed by a month whose name is not preserved), Ḫuru, Mitirunni (mitirunnu was a festival involving a parade of divine statues) and Ḫutalši.[143] Only the names of a few of the etymologically non-Hurrian months are preserved: Ḫiaru (second; the name refers to a festival also known from northern and western Mesopotamia), Ḫinzuru (third), Tamūzu (fourth), Ulūlu (sixth), Sabūtu (seventh, as indicated by the name), Kinūnu (ninth; the name refers to a festival focused on a ritual brazier), Ḫegalla, Qarrāti and Ḫamannu (position in the calendar unknown).[144] Some Hurrian month names, including a possible cognate of Attanašwe, Atanatim, are also known from Alalakh.[145]
It is possible that Attanašwe, "month of the fathers," was connected to the cult of deceased ancestors, which is well documented in Nuzi.[34] Families apparently owned figurines representing their spirits.[34] In the west, references to "gods of the fathers," enna attanewena, can be found,[146] but it is not clear if they refer to similar customs,[34] and it is possible this term instead referred to nebulously defined ancestors of deities.[147] Funerary rites and other burial practices are poorly represented in known sources.[148] It possible that the term karašk-, known from one of Tushratta's letters to the Egyptian pharaoh referred to a type of mausoleum meant to honor a deceased relative.[148] A single text from Ugarit alludes to the dead being led to their destination by Nupatik, seemingly acting as a psychopomp in this case.[149]
Ritual texts are commonly accompanied by instructions pertaining to music which was supposed to be performed during celebrations, both choral and instrumental.
Hurrian incantations are also well known, though they are often difficult to interpret, and many known examples are unprovenanced.
Theophoric names
The use of
Examples of Hurrian theophoric names include Ḫutip-Ukur ("
Cosmology
The myth Song of Ullikummi is one of the few Hurrian texts offering a view of this culture's cosmology.[171] It mentions that the separation of heaven and earth occurred in the distant past, at the beginning of time.[172] The tool used to accomplish this was a copper sickle,[173] referred to as the "former sickle."[174] It was believed that they were subsequently placed on the back of the giant Upelluri, who was already alive during their separation.[175] Volkert Haas assumed that Upelluri stood in the sea,[176] but according to Harry Hoffner he lived underground.[177]
The Hurrian term referring to the concept of a
Hurrians also believed in the underworld, which they referred to as the "Dark Earth" (timri eže).
In rituals, the underworld could be reached with the use of āpi (offering pits),[182] which had to be dug as part of preparation of a given ritual.[186] They could be used either to send the sources of impurity to the underworld, or to contact its divine inhabitants.[186] The name of one of the eastern Hurrian settlements, Apenašwe, was derived from the same word and likely means "place of the pits."[182]
Mythology
Hurrian myths are known mostly from Hittite translations and from poorly preserved fragments in their native language.[67] Colophons often refer to these compositions using the Sumerian logogram SÌR, "song."[187] It is possible that the myths were transferred to Hittite cities orally by Hurrian singers, who dictated them to scribes.[188]
Cycle of Kumarbi
The Kumarbi Cycle has been described as "unquestionably the best-known belletristic work discovered in the Hittite archives."[189] As noted by Gary Beckman, while the myths about Kumarbi are chiefly known from Hittite translations, their themes, such as conflict over kingship in heaven, reflect Hurrian, rather than Hittite, theology.[190] They are conventionally referred to as "cycle," but Alfonso Archi points out that this term might be inadequate, as evidently a large number of myths about the struggle between Teššub and Kumarbi existed, and while interconnected, they could all function on their own as well.[191] Anna Maria Polvani proposes that more than one "cycle" of myths focused on Kumarbi existed.[192] The myths usually understood as forming the Kumarbi Cycle are the Song of Kumarbi, Song of LAMMA, Song of Silver, Song of Ḫedammu and Song of Ullikummi.[193][194][191] Examples from outside this conventional grouping include Song of Ea and the Beast, a myth dealing with the primordial deity Eltara, and myths about struggle with the personified sea.[191]
Beings inhabiting the sea and the underworld are generally described as allied with Kumarbi and aid him in schemes meant to dethrone Teššub.[195] His allies include his father, the primordial god Alalu, the sea god Kiaše, his daughter Šertapšuruḫi, the sea monster Ḫedammu, and the stone giant Ullikummi.[177] The term tarpanalli, "substitute," is applied to many of the adversaries who challenge Teššub's rule directly on Kumarbi's behalf.[174] In most compositions, Kumarbi's plans are successfulat first, but in the end Teššub and his allies overcome each new adversary.[72] Among the weather god's allies are his siblings Šauška and Tašmišu, his wife Ḫepat, the sun god Šimige, the moon god Kušuḫ and Aštabi.[177] It has been pointed out that the factions seem to reflect the opposition between heaven and the underworld.[177]
Song of Kumarbi
The Song of Kumarbi begins with the narrator inviting various deities to listen to the tale, among them
Song of LAMMA
The beginning of the Song of LAMMA is lost, but the first preserved fragment describes a battle in which the participants are Teššub and his sister Šauška on one side and the eponymous god on the other.
Song of Silver
The Song of Silver focuses on a son of Kumarbi and a mortal woman, the eponymous Silver, whose name is not written with the divine determinative.[174] Due to growing up without a father, he is derided by his peers.[213] His mother eventually tells him that his father is Kumarbi, and that he can find him in Urkesh.[214] However, when he arrives there, it turns out that Kumarbi has temporarily left his dwelling.[214] It is uncertain what happens next, but most likely Silver temporarily became the king of the gods[214] and subsequently he "dragged the Sun and the Moon down from heaven."[174] Teššub and Tašmišu apparently discuss his violent acts, but the former doubts that they can defeat him because apparently even Kumarbi was unable to do it.[215] The ending of the narrative is not preserved,[216] but it is assumed that in every myth, the opponent of Teššub was eventually defeated.[217]
Song of Ḫedammu
The Song of Ḫedammu begins with the betrothal of Kumarbi and Šertapšuruḫi, the daughter of his ally, the sea god Kiaše.[217] They subsequently have a son together, the sea monster Ḫedammu.[218] He is described as destructive and voracious.[217] Šauška is the first to discover his rampage and informs Teššub about it.[217] Apparently a confrontation between gods occurs, but Ea breaks it up and reminds both sides of the conflict - the allies of Teššub and of Kumarbi - that the destruction caused by their battles negatively impacts their worshipers, and that they risk having to labor themselves to survive.[217] Kumarbi is apparently displeased about being admonished,[219] which according to Harry Hoffner might be the reason why in the Song of Ullikummi they are no longer allies.[217] Šauška subsequently forms a plan to defeat Ḫedammu on her own and enlists the help of her handmaidens Ninatta and Kulitta.[217] She seduces the monster with the help of a love potion, and apparently manages to bring him to the dry land.[220] The ending of the narrative is not preserved, but it is agreed that in the end Ḫedammu was defeated, like the other antagonists.[217]
Song of Ullikummi
In the Song of Ullikummi, Kumarbi creates a new adversary for Teššub yet again.
The initial confrontation between Teššub and Ullikummi apparently fails, and the gathered gods urge Aštabi to try to confront him.
In the Song of Ea and the Beast, the eponymous god learns about the destiny of Teššub from a mysterious animal.[233] The myth of Eltara describes a period of rule of the eponymous god, and additionally alludes to a conflict involving the mountains.[234] Eltara is described in similar terms as Alalu and Anu in the Song of Kumarbi.[235] It is assumed that his name is a combination of the name of the Ugaritic god El and the suffix -tara.[197]
Myths about the sea
Song of the Sea might have been another myth belonging to the Kumarbi cycle, though this remains uncertain.[236] A number of possible fragments are known, but the plot remains a mystery, though it has been established that both the sea and Kumarbi are involved.[237] Ian Rutherford speculates that this myth was either an account of a battle between Teššub and the sea, or, less likely, a flood myth or a tale about the origin of the sea.[236]
A further fragmentary Hurrian text which might be a part of the Song of the Sea[238] describes an event during which the sea demanded a tribute from the gods, while Kumarbi possibly urged the other deities to fulfill his demands.[239] Šauška was apparently tasked with bringing the tribute.[240][241]
Another myth which alludes to conflicts with sea[242] focuses on Šauška and the mountain god Pišaišapḫi, portrayed as a rapist.[243] To avoid punishment, he pleads that he can tell her about Teššub's battle with the sea and the rebellion of the mountain gods against him which followed it in return for overlooking his crime.[242]
Song of Release
The Song of Release is considered a well-studied myth.
Teššub apparently first contacts Megi and promises him that his city will receive his blessing if he agrees to release the slaves but will be destroyed if he does not.[248] The king relays this message to the senate, but the speaker, Zazalla, refuses to fulfill the request,[248] and apparently derisively asks if Teššub is himself poor if he makes such demands.[249] Megi, who is sympathetic to the request, has to tell Teššub that even though he would like to return the men of Igingalliš their freedom, the assembly of his city makes this impossible.[248] In another passage, Ishara most likely tries to avert the destruction of her city by negotiating with Teššub, though the details of her role are uncertain.[250]
A scene whose meaning and connection to the rest of the plot continue to be disputed in scholarship is the meeting between Allani and Teššub held in the underworld.[251] She prepares a banquet for him, and makes him sit next to the Former Gods, typically portrayed as his opponents.[251] This might have represented a reconciliation between the underworld and heaven, thought it has also been proposed that the scene was meant to mirror the beliefs about the entrance into the afterlife, with the Former Gods taking the role of deceased ancestors, or that Teššub was imprisoned in the underworld in a similar manner as Inanna in the well-known myth about her descent into the underworld.[252]
Other myths
Song of Hašarri ("Oil"[253]) focuses on Šauška and the eponymous being,[254] a personified[255] olive tree[254] who she protects from danger.[256]
A short myth describes how Takitu was sent by her mistress Ḫepat on a journey to Šimurrum.[257]
The tale of Kešši focuses on a human hero.[258] After marrying a woman named Šintalimeni he apparently forgets about paying proper reverence to the gods.[258] The narrative is poorly preserved, but it is known that it involves the hero's mother interpreting his dreams, as well as a hunt in the mountains, which was most likely the central plotline.[258]
A further genre of Hurrian works were fables which often involved gods but were primarily focused on presenting a moral.
Hurrian scribes sometimes directly adapted
Influence on other religions of the Ancient Near East
Hittite religion
Hurrian religion influenced
Many Hurrian myths are known from their Hittite translations, including the cycle of Kumarbi.[271] Copies in Hurrian and bilinguals are also known, though they are less common.[272] Most likely Hittite scribes worked with either oral or written originals of northern Mesopotamian, Syrian and southern Anatolian (Kizzuwatnean) origin.[273] While they retained the label of "songs," it cannot be established if they were necessarily performed in a religious context.[272] It has been pointed out that the Hittite interest in myths about Teššub was likely rooted in the structure of their native pantheon, also headed by a weather god, and on his role in royal ideology.[274]
Ugaritic religion
Hurrian religion is considered to be a major influence on
Mesopotamian religion
Tonia Sharlach argues that Mesopotamian documents show that kings from the Third Dynasty of Ur "respected Hurrians' religious or ritual expertise," as evidenced by the appointment of a Hurrian named Taḫiš-atal to the position of a court diviner during the reign of Amar-Sin.[283] Other sources also indicate that Hurrians were perceived as experts in magic in Mesopotamia, and many Hurrian incantations are present in Old Babylonian collections of such texts from both southern Mesopotamian cities and Mari.[153] Most of them are either related to potency or meant to prevent or counter the effects of an animal's bite.[153]
Some Hurrian deities were incorporated into the
Other proposals
The fragmentary text about Šauška bringing tribute to the sea god has been compared to an Egyptian myth about the goddess Astarte, recorded in the so-called "Astarte papyrus."[288] However, Noga Ayali-Darshan considers a direct connection between them implausible as in the latter composition the sea god is named Ym rather than Kiaše.[289] She proposes that Egyptians relied on a text written in a Western Semitic language, not necessarily identical with the Ugaritic Baal Cycle, which also describes a similar conflict.[289]
It has been suggested that the succession of primordial rulers of the gods described in the Song of Kumarbi was an influence on Hesiod's Theogony,[189] though according to Gary Beckman it is not impossible that both texts simply used similar topoi which belonged to what he deems a Mediterranean koine, a shared repertoire of cultural concepts.[189] However, he accepts that the birth of Teššub in the same myth was a template for the well known Greek myth about the birth of Athena from the skull of Zeus.[203]
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- ^ Beckman 1999, p. 30.
- ^ a b Taracha 2009, p. 138.
- ^ Haas 2015, p. 401.
- ^ a b Cohen 1993, p. 367.
- ^ Cohen 1993, p. 8.
- ^ Cohen 1993, pp. 368–370.
- ^ Cohen 1993, pp. 370–371.
- ^ Cohen 1993, p. 373.
- ^ a b Archi 2013, p. 16.
- ^ Archi 2013, p. 18.
- ^ a b Wilhelm 1989, p. 76.
- ^ Krebernik 2013, p. 201.
- ^ Wilhelm 1989, p. 65.
- ^ Wilhelm 1989, pp. 65–66.
- ^ Duchesne-Guillemin 1984, p. 14.
- ^ a b c Sharlach 2002, p. 113.
- ^ a b Wilhelm 1989, p. 69.
- ^ a b c d e f Wilhelm 1989, p. 70.
- ^ Taracha 2009, p. 85.
- ^ a b Schwemer 2022, p. 368.
- ^ Trémouille 2000, p. 119.
- ^ a b Wilhelm 1998, p. 121.
- ^ Schwemer 2001, pp. 445–446.
- ^ Trémouille 2000, p. 140.
- ^ Trémouille 2000, p. 129.
- ^ a b Sharlach 2002, p. 99.
- ^ Haas 2015, p. 318.
- ^ Wilhelm 1998, pp. 124–125.
- ^ Wilhelm 1998, p. 125.
- ^ Wilhelm 1998, p. 123.
- ^ Wilhelm 1998, p. 124.
- ^ Richter 2010, p. 510.
- ^ Richter 2010, p. 511.
- ^ Haas 2015, p. 136.
- ^ Wilhelm 1989, p. 61.
- ^ Haas 2015, p. 123.
- ^ a b c d e f Archi 2009, p. 214.
- ^ a b c d e Bachvarova 2013a, p. 175.
- ^ Haas 2015, p. 106.
- ^ a b c d Hoffner 1998, p. 41.
- ^ a b Taracha 2009, p. 86.
- ^ a b c d Wilhelm 2014a, p. 346.
- ^ Hoffner 1998, p. 67.
- ^ Taracha 2009, pp. 124–125.
- ^ a b c d Wilhelm 1989, p. 56.
- ^ Archi 1990, pp. 114–115.
- ^ Archi 1990, p. 120.
- ^ Wilhelm 1989, p. 74.
- ^ a b Wilhelm 1989, p. 75.
- ^ Trémouille 2000, p. 136.
- ^ Archi 2009, pp. 209–210.
- ^ a b c Beckman 2011, p. 25.
- ^ Beckman 2005, p. 313.
- ^ a b c Archi 2009, p. 211.
- ^ Polvani 2008, pp. 623–624.
- ^ Hoffner 1998, p. 40.
- ^ Polvani 2008, p. 620.
- ^ Schwemer 2008, pp. 5–6.
- ^ a b c Beckman 2011, p. 26.
- ^ a b Polvani 2008, p. 619.
- ^ Bachvarova 2013a, p. 155.
- ^ a b c Beckman 2011, p. 27.
- ^ a b Beckman 2011, p. 28.
- ^ Archi 2009, p. 212.
- ^ a b Beckman 2011, pp. 28–29.
- ^ a b Beckman 2011, p. 29.
- ^ Beckman 2011, p. 30.
- ^ a b Beckman 2011, p. 31.
- ^ a b Hoffner 1998, p. 45.
- ^ Hoffner 1998, p. 77.
- ^ a b c d Hoffner 1998, p. 46.
- ^ Archi 2009, p. 217.
- ^ Hoffner 1998, pp. 46–47.
- ^ Hoffner 1998, p. 47.
- ^ Archi 2009, p. 216.
- ^ Archi 2009, p. 215.
- ^ a b c Hoffner 1998, p. 49.
- ^ Hoffner 1998, pp. 49–50.
- ^ Hoffner 1998, p. 50.
- ^ a b c d e f g h Hoffner 1998, p. 51.
- ^ Hoffner 1998, pp. 50–51.
- ^ Hoffner 1998, pp. 52–53.
- ^ a b Hoffner 1998, p. 55.
- ^ Hoffner 1998, pp. 55–56.
- ^ Haas 2015, p. 309.
- ^ a b c d e f Hoffner 1998, p. 56.
- ^ a b Ayali-Darshan 2015, p. 96.
- ^ a b c Bachvarova 2013a, p. 173.
- ^ Hoffner 1998, p. 62.
- ^ Bachvarova 2013a, pp. 173–174.
- ^ Bachvarova 2013a, p. 174.
- ^ Hoffner 1998, pp. 62–63.
- ^ Hoffner 1998, p. 63.
- ^ Hoffner 1998, p. 64.
- ^ Hoffner 1998, p. 65.
- ^ Archi 2009, p. 213.
- ^ Archi 2009, pp. 213–214.
- ^ Polvani 2008, p. 618.
- ^ a b Rutherford 2001, p. 601.
- ^ Rutherford 2001, pp. 599–601.
- ^ Rutherford 2001, p. 605.
- ^ Rutherford 2001, p. 603.
- ^ Dijkstra 2012, p. 69.
- ^ Ayali-Darshan 2015, p. 30.
- ^ a b Rutherford 2001, p. 602.
- ^ Archi 2013, p. 14.
- ^ a b Wilhelm 2013a, p. 187.
- ^ von Dassow 2013, p. 127.
- ^ von Dassow 2013, p. 130.
- ^ von Dassow 2013, p. 128.
- ^ a b c von Dassow 2013, p. 134.
- ^ Wilhelm 2013a, p. 190.
- ^ Archi 2015, p. 21.
- ^ a b Wilhelm 2013a, p. 188.
- ^ Wilhelm 2013a, pp. 188–189.
- ^ Dijkstra 2014, p. 65.
- ^ a b Dijkstra 2014, p. 67.
- ^ Dijkstra 2014, p. 69.
- ^ Dijkstra 2014, p. 93.
- ^ Wilhelm 2013, pp. 417–418.
- ^ a b c d e f Wilhelm 1989, p. 62.
- ^ Taracha 2009, pp. 157–158.
- ^ Taracha 2009, p. 158.
- ^ a b Archi 2013a, p. 12.
- ^ a b Archi 2009, p. 210.
- ^ Beckman 2003, p. 52.
- ^ a b Beckman 2003, p. 48.
- ^ Archi 2004, p. 321.
- ^ Schwemer 2022, p. 385.
- ^ Wilhelm 1998, p. 122.
- ^ Taracha 2009, p. 82.
- ^ Schwemer 2022, p. 371.
- ^ Schwemer 2022, p. 373.
- ^ a b Taracha 2009, p. 92.
- ^ a b Schwemer 2022, p. 386.
- ^ Schwemer 2022, pp. 385–386.
- ^ Schwemer 2022, p. 387.
- ^ a b c Pardee 2002, p. 236.
- ^ Válek 2021, p. 49.
- ^ van Soldt 2016, p. 97.
- ^ a b van Soldt 2016, p. 102.
- ^ van Soldt 2016, p. 103.
- ^ van Soldt 2016, pp. 103–104.
- ^ Válek 2021, p. 52.
- ^ Válek 2021, pp. 49–50.
- ^ Sharlach 2002, pp. 111–112.
- ^ Sharlach 2002, p. 105.
- ^ Schwemer 2001, p. 409.
- ^ a b MacGinnis 2020, p. 109.
- ^ Schwemer 2007, p. 148.
- ^ Rutherford 2001, pp. 602–603.
- ^ a b Ayali-Darshan 2015, p. 37.
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