Arab Agricultural Revolution
The Arab Agricultural Revolution was the transformation in
The revolution was first described by the historian Antonio Garcia Maceira in 1876.
Medieval history
Islamic agronomy
The first Arabic book on
The eleventh century agronomist Ibn Bassal of Toledo described 177 species in his Dīwān al-filāha (The Court of Agriculture). Ibn Bassal had travelled widely across the Islamic world, returning with a detailed knowledge of agronomy. His practical and systematic book both gives detailed descriptions of useful plants including leaf and root vegetables, herbs, spices and trees, and explains how to propagate and care for them.[10]
The twelfth century agronomist
Medieval Islamic agronomists including Ibn Bassal and Abū l-Khayr described agricultural and horticultural techniques including how to propagate the olive and the date palm, crop rotation of flax with wheat or barley, and companion planting of grape and olive.[9] These books demonstrate the importance of agriculture both as a traditional practice and as a scholarly science.[9] In al-Andalus, there is evidence that the almanacs and manuals of agronomy helped to catalyse change, causing scholars to seek out new kinds of vegetable and fruit, and to carry out experiments in botany; in turn, these helped to improve actual practice in the region's agriculture.[12] During the 11th century Abbadid dynasty in Seville, the sultan took a personal interest in fruit production, discovering from a peasant the method he had used to grow some exceptionally large melons—pinching off all but ten of the buds, and using wooden props to hold the stems off the ground.[12]
Islamic animal husbandry
Islamic irrigation
During the period, irrigated cultivation developed due to the growing use of
The Islamic period in the
The
Early accounts of Islamic Spain
Medieval Andalusian historians such as
Scholarly debate
In 1876, the historian Antonia Garcia Maceira argued that where the Romans and then the Goths who farmed in Spain made little effort to improve their crops or to import species from other regions, under "the Arabs", there was an agricultural "revolution" in al-Andalus caused "by implementing the knowledge that they acquired through observation during their peregrinations,[c] and the result was extensive agricultural settlement."[1]
In 1974, the historian Andrew Watson published a paper
In 1997, the historian of science Howard R. Turner wrote that Islamic study of soil, climate, seasons and ecology "promoted a remarkably advanced horticulture and agriculture. The resulting knowledge, transmitted to Europe after the eleventh century, helped to improve farming techniques, widen the variety of crops, and increase yields on the continent's farmlands. In addition, an enormous variety of crops was introduced to the West from or through Muslim lands".[32]
In 2006, James E. McClellan III and Harold Dorn stated in their book Science and Technology in World History that Islam had depended as much on its farmers as its soldiers, and that the farmers had helped to create a "scientific civilisation": "in what amounted to an agricultural revolution they adapted new and more diversified food crops to the Mediterranean ecosystem: rice, sugar cane, cotton, melons, citrus fruits, and other products. With rebuilt and enlarged systems of irrigation, Islamic farming extended the growing season and increased productivity."[33] They stated further that the importance of these efforts was indicated by the "uninterrupted series" of books on agriculture and irrigation; another indication was provided by the many books on particular animals of importance to Islamic farming and government, including horses and bees. They ascribed the population growth, urbanisation, social stratification, centralisation of politics and state-controlled scholarship to the improvement in agricultural productivity.[33]
By 2008, the
In 2011, the Arabist
Early scepticism
Watson's work was met with some early scepticism, such as from the historian Jeremy Johns in 1984. Johns argued that Watson's selection of 18 plants was "peculiar", since the banana, coconut, mango and shaddock were unimportant in the Islamic region at the time, detracting from the discussion of the staple crops. Johns further noted that the evidence of diffusion of crops was imperfect, that Watson made "too many minor slips and larger errors" such as getting dates wrong or claiming that a 1439 document was Norman, and had failed to make best use of the evidence that was available, such as of the decline of classical agriculture, or even to mention the changing geomorphology. Johns however concluded that "The hypothesis of an 'Abbasid agricultural revolution is challenging and may well prove useful".[35][36]
The historian
Diffusion not revolution
In 2009, the historian Michael Decker
Revolution driven by social institutions
The main trade of [Seville] is in [olive] oils which are exported to the east and the west by land and sea. These oils come from a district called al-Sharaf which extends for 40 milles and which is entirely planted with olives and figs. It reaches from Seville as far as Niébla, having a width of more than 12 milles. It comprises, it is said, eight thousand thriving villages, with a great number of baths and fine houses.—Muhammad al-Idrisi, 12th century[24] |
D. Fairchild Ruggles rejected the view that the medieval Arab historians had been wrong to claim that agriculture had been revolutionised, and that it had instead simply been restored to a state like that before the collapse of the Roman Empire. She argued that while the medieval Arab historians may not have had a reliable picture of agricultural knowledge before their time, they were telling the truth about a dramatic change to the landscape of Islamic Spain. A whole new "system of crop rotation, fertilization, transplanting, grafting, and irrigation" was swiftly and systematically put into place under a new legal framework of land ownership and tenancy. In her view, therefore, there was indeed an agricultural revolution in al-Andalus, but it consisted principally of new social institutions rather than of new agronomic techniques.[1] Ruggles stated that this "dramatic economic, scientific, and social transformation" began in al-Andalus and had spread throughout the Islamic Mediterranean by the 10th century.[12]
Historiography
Looking back over 40 years of scholarship since Watson's theory, the historian of land use Paolo Squatriti
Notes
- ^ The Arab Agricultural Revolution[2] has also variously been called the Medieval Green Revolution,[3][4] the Muslim Agricultural Revolution,[5] the Islamic Agricultural Revolution[6] and the Islamic Green Revolution.[7]
- sakiais the more usual name.
- ^ However "mythical"[1] the idea of the wandering Arab, Ibn Bassal was indeed widely travelled and wrote from his own observations.[10]
- ^ In Paolo Squatriti's view, Watson's thesis also recalled the Belgian economic historian Henri Pirenne's 1939 view of the way that a seventh century Islamic maritime power in the Mediterranean had prevented Europe from trading there.[8]
- .
- ^ The website 'Alcazar of the Christian Monarchs' explains: "The most plausible hypothesis points to an Almoravid construction from 1136-1137. The structure was later reused in the Almohad period to supply the lower part of the Alcazaba with water. The watermill was operational up until the end of the fifteenth century, when, according to tradition, Queen Isabella the Catholic ordered it to be taken down because the noise it produced prevented her from sleeping."[40]
- ^ Decker wrote "Nothing has been written, however that attacks the central pillar of Watson's thesis, namely the 'basket' of plants that is inextricably linked to all other elements of his analysis. This work will therefore assess the place and importance of four crops of the 'Islamic Agricultural Revolution' for which there is considerable pre-Islamic evidence in the Mediterranean world."[41]
- ^ Squatriti is known for works on medieval land use such as Landscape and Change in Early Medieval Italy, Cambridge University Press, 2013.
References
- ^ a b c d e Ruggles 2000, pp. 31–32.
- ^ a b c d Watson 1974, pp. 8–35.
- ^ Watson 1981.
- ^ Glick 1977, pp. 644–650.
- ^ Idrisi 2005.
- ^ a b Decker 2009.
- ^ Burke 2009, p. 174.
- ^ a b c d Squatriti 2014, pp. 1205–1220.
- ^ a b c Ruggles 2008, pp. 32–35.
- ^ a b "Ibn Baṣṣāl: Dīwān al-filāḥa / Kitāb al-qaṣd wa'l-bayān". The Filaha Texts Project: The Arabic Books of Husbandry. Retrieved 11 April 2017.
- ^ "Ibn al-'Awwām | Kitāb al-filāḥa". The Filāḥa Texts Project. Retrieved 8 December 2019.
- ^ a b c Ruggles 2008, p. 36.
- ^ a b Davis 2008, pp. 991–1010.
- ^ Mazoyer & Roudart 2006, p. 147.
- ^ Glick 1996.
- ^ Lucas 2006, p. 65.
- ^ a b c Rapoport & Shahar 2012, pp. 1–31.
- ^ Jayyusi 1994, pp. 974–986.
- ^ a b Glick 1977, pp. 644–50.
- ^ a b Ruggles 2007.
- ^ Bolens 1972.
- ^ Lévi-Provençal 2012.
- ^ Meri 2006, p. 96.
- ^ a b "Description of Aljarafe, Al-Andalus, in the mid-12th century, by the geographer Abū Abd Allāh Muḥammad al-Idrīsi". The Filaha Texts Project | The Arabic Books of Husbandry. Retrieved 6 February 2018.
- ^ Scales 1993, p. 3.
- ^ a b c Decter 2007, pp. 20–21, 35.
- ^ Decter 2007, p. 35.
- ^ Schildgen 2016, p. 84.
- ^ Ruggles 2000, pp. 15–34.
- ^ a b Decker 2009, pp. 187–188.
- ^ Watson 2008.
- ^ Turner 1997, p. 173.
- ^ a b McClellan & Dorn 2006, p. 102.
- ^ Lewicka 2011, pp. 72–74.
- ^ Johns 1984, pp. 343–344.
- ^ Cahen 1986, p. 217.
- ^ Ashtor 1976, pp. 58–63.
- ^ Campopiano 2012, pp. 1–37.
- ^ Brebbia 2017, p. 341.
- ^ a b "Albolafia". Alcazar of the Christian Monarchs. 2011. Retrieved 28 December 2017.
- ^ a b c d Decker 2009, p. 191.
- ^ Decker 2009, p. 187.
- ^ Decker 2009, p. 205.
- ^ Decker 2009, p. 190.
- ^ Oleson 2000, pp. 183–216.
- ^ Wikander 2000, pp. 371–400.
Sources
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- Brebbia, C. A. (2017). "Tajo, Jarama, and Guadalquivir rivers (Spain): court and city—recreational and industrial aspects of the rivers' course". Water and Society IV. WIT Press. pp. 335–346. ISBN 978-1-78466-185-4.
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- Decter, Jonathan P. (2007). Iberian Jewish Literature: Between al-Andalus and Christian Europe. Indiana University Press. ISBN 978-0-253-11695-6.
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- Glick, Thomas (1996). Irrigation and Hydraulic Technology: Medieval Spain and its Legacy. Varorium. ISBN 978-0-860-78540-8.
- Idrisi, Zohor (June 2005), The Muslim Agricultural Revolution and its influence on Europe (PDF), Foundation for Science Technology and Civilisation
- Jayyusi, Salma (1994). The legacy of Muslim Spain. Leiden: Brill. ISBN 978-90-04-09954-8.
- Johns, J. (1984). "A Green Revolution?". Journal of African History. 25 (3): 343–368. S2CID 155524750.
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- Mazoyer, Marcel; Roudart, Laurence (2006). A History of World Agriculture: From the Neolithic Age to the Current Crisis. ISBN 9781583671214.
- McClellan, James E.; Dorn, Harold (2006). Science and Technology in World History (2nd ed.). Johns Hopkins University Press. p. 102. ISBN 978-0-8018-8360-6.
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- ISBN 90-04-11123-9.
- Rapoport, Yossef; Shahar, Ido (2012). "Irrigation in the Medieval Islamic Fayyum: Local Control in a Large-Scale Hydraulic System". Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient. 55 (1): 1–31. .
- ISBN 0-271-04272-9.
- Ruggles, D. Fairchild (2007). "The Great Mosque of Cordoba: Fruited Trees and Ablution Fountains" (Podcast and summary). Doha: Hamad Bin Khalifa Symposium on Islamic Art.
- ISBN 978-0812240252.
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- ISBN 90-04-11123-9.
External links
- Introduction, The Filāḥa Texts Project
- Crop Diffusion in the Early Islamic World