Islamic socialism
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Islamic socialism is a
Muslim socialist leaders believe in the derivation of legitimacy from the public, and wish to implement a government based on social welfare and the concept of zakat. In practice, this has been seen through guaranteed incomes, pensions, and welfare. These practical applications of the idea of Islamic socialism have a history going back to Muhammad and the first few Caliphates, to modern political parties founded in the 1970s.
Islamic socialists often use the Qur'an to defend their positions. For instance, in Pakistan, the verses "Man is entitled only to what is due to his effort" and "the land belongs to God" have been used to argue in favor of Islamic Socialism, and as an argument against the accretion of wealth through the manipulation of capital.[2] A Turkish Islamic socialist organisation, Anti-Capitalist Muslims, openly challenged right-wing Muslims to read the Qur'an and "try to disprove the fact that it is leftist".[3]
History
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Islam |
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Early Islam
Soviet Union
According to Sami A. Hanna and
Soviet decision makers recognized that revolutionary activity along the
Iran
The Iranian intellectual
Influential figures such as Jalal Al-e-Ahmad and Ali Shariati have also been described as Muslim socialists.
British India
In South Asia, the
Pakistan
Islamic socialism was also essential to the ideology of Pakistan, as its founder, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, to a crowd in Chittagong on 26 March 1948 declared that "you are only voicing my sentiments and the sentiments of millions of Musalmans when you say that Pakistan should be based on sure foundations of social justice and Islamic socialism which emphasizes equality and brotherhood of man",[19] while Pakistan's first Prime Minister, Liaquat Ali Khan, on 25 August 1949, said in the same vein that:
There are a number of 'isms' being talked about now-a-days, but we are convinced that for us there is only one 'ism', namely Islamic Socialism, which in a nutshell, means that every person in this land has equal rights to be provided with food, shelter, clothing, education and medical facilities. Countries which cannot ensure these for their people can never progress. The economic programme drawn up some 1,350 years back is still the best economic programme for us. In fact, whatever systems people may try out they all ultimately return to Islamic Socialism by whatever name they may choose to call it.[20]
Jinnah's Muslim League, which was the first ruling party in Pakistan, contained a number of Islamic socialists, although they were relatively marginal in the party. Also influential in Pakistan was Ghulam Ahmed Perwez, an Islamic scholar who advocated Qur'anism and a focus on the study of modern sciences. Although he was criticised by more conservative scholars, he became aligned with Jinnah and Muhammad Iqbal, the former of whom appointed him as the editor of the magazine Talu-e-Islam, where he wrote and published articles espousing a socialistic interpretation of the Qur'an, arguing that "socialism best enforces Qur'anic dictums on property, justice and distribution of wealth", and advocating a progressive, non-theocratic government and the application of science and agrarian reform to further economic development.[10] Perwez, as a part of his application of qur'anic thought to political ideology, stated that hell was a "... society in which men, dominated by its evil socio-economic system, struggle to accumulate wealth."[21] During the presidency of
Afghanistan
Although it was Marxist, the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan (which took power after the country's Saur Revolution) started utilising rhetoric stressing similarities between socialism and Islam after its reforms provoked opposition from religious conservatives and landowners.[10]
Indonesia
In Indonesia, former Communist Tan Malaka was an influential Islamic socialist thinker during the country's independence struggle, arguing that communism and Islam were compatible and that they should form the foundation for Indonesia's national revolution, and believing that Islam could be used to unify the working classes across the Muslim world. Although Malaka died in 1949, the same year that Indonesia achieved independence, the nation's first president Sukarno drew upon his ideas: he espoused ideological concepts which incorporated both religious and socialistic ideas, such as Pancasila and Nasakom.[10]
Ideas and concepts
Zakat
One of the Five Pillars of Islam, zakāt is the practice of imposition (not charity) giving based on accumulated wealth (approximately 2.5% of all financial assets owned over the course of one lunar year). It is obligatory for all financially able Muslim adults and is considered to be an act of piety through which one expresses concern for the well-being of fellow Muslims as well as preserving social harmony between the wealthy and the poor.[23] The zakat promotes a more equitable redistribution of wealth and fosters a sense of solidarity amongst members of the ummah (meaning "community").[24]
Zakat is meant to discourage the hoarding of capital and stimulate investment. Because the individual must pay zakat on the net wealth, wealthy Muslims are compelled to invest in profitable ventures, or otherwise see their wealth slowly erode. Furthermore, means of production such as equipment, factories and tools are exempt from zakat, which further provides the incentive to invest wealth in productive businesses.[25] Personal assets such as clothing, household furniture and one residence are not considered zakatable assets.
According to the Qur'an, there are eight categories of people (asnaf) who qualify to receive zakat funds:[26][27]
- Those living in absolute poverty(Al-Fuqarā').
- Those restrained because they cannot meet their basic needs (Al-Masākīn).
- The zakat collectors themselves (Al-Āmilīna 'Alaihā).
- Non-Muslims who are sympathetic to Islam or wish to convert to Islam (Al-Mu'allafatu Qulūbuhum).
- People whom one is attempting to free from slavery or bondage. Also includes paying ransom or blood money, i.e. diya (Fir-Riqāb).
- Those who have incurred overwhelming debts while attempting to satisfy their basic needs (Al-Ghārimīn).
- Those fighting for a religious cause or a cause of God (Fī Sabīlillāh)[27] or for the jihad in the way of Allah[28] or those not a part of salaried soldiers.[29][30]
- Children of the street, or travellers (Ibnus-Sabīl).
According to the Hadith, the family of Muhammad should not consume any zakat. Zakat should not be given to one's own parents, grandparents, children, grandchildren, or spouses. Also it is forbidden to disburse zakat funds into investments instead of being directly given to those who are in need.[31] Some scholars disagree whether the poor who qualify should include non-Muslims. Some state that zakat may be paid to non-Muslims, but only after the needs of Muslims have been met.[31] Fi Sabillillah is the most prominent asnaf in Southeast Asian Muslim societies, where it broadly construed to include funding missionary work, Qur'anic schools, and anything else that serves the community in general.[32] Zakat can be used to finance a jihad effort in the path of Allah. Zakat money should be used, provided the effort is to raise the banner of Islam.[33][34] Additionally, the zakat funds may be spent on the administration of a centralized zakat collection system.
Historically, Abul A'la Maududi championed the concept of Zakat.[35] According to Maududi, Zakat should be primarily in the form of taxation from a position called the exchequer, who would manage the Zakat collected and make sure that it was distributed correctly.[35] Should someone die with no family to pass on their wealth, then this wealth would be given to the exchequer for management.[35]
In the United Kingdom and according to a self-reported poll of 4000 people conducted by Zarine Kharas, Muslims today give more to charity than people of other religions.[36] Today, conservative estimates of annual zakat are estimated to be 15 times global humanitarian aid contributions.[37]
Welfare state
The concepts of
During the Rashidun Caliphate, various welfare programs were introduced by Caliph Umar. Under his rule, equality was extended to all citizens, even to the caliph himself, as Umar believed that "no one, no matter how important, should live in a way that would distinguish him from the rest of the people." Umar himself lived "a simple life and detached himself from any of the worldly luxuries," like how he often wore "worn-out shoes and was usually clad in patched-up garments," or how he would sleep "on the bare floor of the mosque." Limitations on wealth were also set for governors and officials, who would often be "dismissed if they showed any outward signs of pride or wealth which might distinguish them from the people." This was an early attempt at erasing "class distinctions which might inevitably lead to conflict." Umar also made sure that the public treasury was not wasted on "unnecessary luxuries" as he believed that "the money would be better spent if it went towards the welfare of the people rather than towards lifeless bricks."[39]
Umar's innovative welfare reforms during the Rashidun Caliphate included the introduction of
During the great famine of 18 AH (638 CE), Umar introduced further reforms such as the introduction of food rationing using coupons, which were given to those in need and could be exchanged for wheat and flour. Another innovative concept that was introduced was that of a poverty threshold, with efforts made to ensure a minimum standard of living. This made sure that no citizen across the empire would suffer from hunger. In order to determine the poverty line, Umar ordered an experiment to test how many seers of flour would be required to feed a person for a month. He found that 25 seers of flour could feed 30 people and so he concluded that 50 seers of flour would be sufficient to feed a person for a month. As a result, he ordered that the poor each receive a food ration of 50 seers of flour per month. In addition, the poor and disabled were guaranteed cash stipends. However, in order to avoid some citizens taking advantage of government services "begging and laziness were not tolerated" and "those who received government benefits were expected to be contributing members in the community."[39]
Further reforms later took place under the
When communities were stricken by famine, rulers would often support them though measures such as the remission of taxes, importation of food and charitable payments, ensuring that everyone had enough to eat. However, private charity through the
Guaranteed minimum income
A guaranteed minimum income is a system
Islamic socialist ideologies
Muslim socialists believe that socialism is compatible with Islamic teachings and usually embrace secular forms of socialism. However, some Muslim socialists believe that socialism should be applied within an Islamic framework and numerous Islamic socialist ideologies exist.[citation needed]
In the modern era, Islamic socialism can be divided into two: a
Gaddafism
The Green Book rejects modern
A paragraph in the book about abolishing money is similar to a paragraph in
In practical terms, although Gaddafi opposed Islamist movements, he pursued socially conservative policies such as banning the sale and consumption of alcohol, closing nightclubs and suppressing Marxist activity in universities and colleges.[10]
According to Raymond D. Gastil, the RUF was influenced by Gaddafi's Islamic Socialist philosophy.[52]
Anatolian Socialism (Kuva-yi Seyyare)
Anatolian Islamic Socialism was initially supported by
The Kuvâ-yi Seyyâre was established a force of Circassian and Abkhazian volunteers led by Çerkes Ethem. The group saw themselves as a police force to fight against those who cause disturbance to the greater good of Anatolia.[56][57] In time, as Ethem's Islamic Socialist views grew more prevalent, it distanced itself from Kemal Atatürk's Turkish National movement and eventually opposed it.[57][58][59]
Ba'athism
Islamic economy
Wäisi movement
Founded by Bahawetdin Wäisev, the Wäisi movement was a religious, social, and political movement that took place in late-nineteenth and early-twentieth-century Tatarstan and other Tatar-populated parts of Russia. Wäisi doctrines promoted disobedience to civil law and authority in favor of following the Qur'an and Sharia. Supporters of the movement evaded military service and refused to pay imposition or carry a Russian passport. The movement also incorporated elements of class struggle and nationalism. The Wäisi movement united Tatar farmers, craftsmen and petty bourgeoisie and enjoyed widespread popularity across the region.
Despite going underground in the aftermath of Bahawetdin Wäisev's arrest in 1884, the movement continued to maintain a strong following. Bahawetdin Wäisev's son Ğaynan Wäisev led the movement after his death in 1893. An estimated 100 members were arrested and exiled in 1897 after encouraging people not to participate in the population census. The Wäisi movement increased in size after the first Russian revolution in 1905–1907 and by 1908 there were nearly 15,000 followers in the
Islamic Marxism
Islamic Marxism attempts to apply
As a term, it has been used to describe Ali Shariati (in Shariati and Marx: A Critique of an "Islamic" Critique of Marxism by Asef Bayat). It is also sometimes used in discussions of the 1979 Iranian Revolution.
Somali revolutionary socialism
The Somali Revolutionary Socialist Party (SRSP) was created by the
Yemeni socialism
In June 1969 a radical
The major
Notable Muslim socialists
- Gamal Abdel Nasser
- Ethem Dipsheu
- Bagautdin Vaisov
- Abd al-Rahman al-Kawakibi (did not describe himself as a socialist, but has been interpreted as such by some authors)[67]
- Oemar Said Tjokroaminoto (Indonesian nationalist and trade unionist, co-founder of Sarekat Islam, did not call himself a socialist)
- Haji Misbach
- Mullanur Waxitov
- Mirsaid Sultan-Galiev
- Tan Malaka
- Agus Salim
- Rafi Ahmed Kidwai
- Mustafa al-Siba'i
- Mahmud Shaltut[citation needed]
- Jalal Al-e-Ahmad
- Mohammad Nakhshab[citation needed]
- Ali Shariati
- Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani
- Mohammad Natsir[68]
- Siad Barre
- Maslah Mohammed Siad Barre[citation needed]
- Muammar Gaddafi
- Kazem Sami
- Habibollah Peyman
- Yasser Arafat
- Ibrahim Shoukry
- Mohammad Najibullah
- Babrak Karmal
- Hasrat Mohani
- Muhammad Ali Jinnah (Founder of Pakistan, although he never called himself a socialist but used the term "Islamic Socialism" in some of his speeches)
- Zulfikar Ali Bhutto (Pakistani politician)
- Faiz Ahmed Faiz(Pakistani poet)
- Hanif Ramay
- Raja Nasir Abbas Jafri
Islamic socialist or leftist organisations
Sunni socialist groups
Current
- Egyptian Arab Socialist Party
- Egyptian Islamic Labour Party
- National Liberation Front
- Social Justice Party
- Umma Party
- Young Egypt Party
- Islamic Socialist Party
- Anti-capitalist Muslims
- Yemeni Socialist Party
- Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal
Historical
- Homeland Party
- Sarekat Islam
- Pakistan People's Party
- Muslim Socialist Committee of Kazan
- Somali Revolutionary Socialist Party
- Socialist Cooperation Party
- Kuva-yi Seyyare
- Green Army Organisation
- Young Bukharians
Shia socialist groups
Current
- Mojahedin of the Islamic Revolution of Iran Organization[69]
- Movement of Militant Muslims
- Majlis Wahdat-e-Muslimeen[70]
Historical
- Muslim Social Democratic Party
- Islamic Nations Party
- Liberation Movement of People of Iran
- Movement of God-Worshipping Socialists
- Office for the Cooperation of the People with the President
- Party of the Iranian People
See also
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Quote: Zakat literally means that which purifies. It is a form of sacrifice which purifies worldly goods from their worldly and sometimes impure means of acquisition, and which, according to God's wish, must be channelled towards the community.
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Finally, when all capital, all production, all exchange have been brought together in the hands of the nation, private property will disappear of its own accord, money will become superfluous, and production will so expand and man so change that society will be able to slough off whatever of its old economic habits may remain.
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A third topic which was addressed in the literature about Kawakibi was socialism, in particular since the early 1960s when Arab socialism became a state-sponsored ideology in Egypt, Syria and Iraq. The social critique of Kawakibi and his calls for social justice were interpreted by most writers as being socialist in nature with Abd al-Rahman Burj avoiding anachronism and noting that what Kawakibi had in mind was 'what we call today socialism'. Muhammad Sa'd al-'Uryan went further in his analysis to explain the differences between Arab socialism, presumably pioneered by Kawakibi, and Communism. This explanation, a common practice among Arab intellectuals at the time, focused on the attitude to religion as a core differentiating element of the two ideologies.
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