Banat Republic
Banat Republic | |||||||||||
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1918–1919 | |||||||||||
Flag used during the Republic's proclamation | |||||||||||
Anthem: Himnusz La Marseillaise | |||||||||||
Status | Unrecognized state Client state of the Hungarian Republic (1918) Client state of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (1918–1919) | ||||||||||
Capital | Timișoara | ||||||||||
Common languages | Customary: Austrian German, Hungarian, Swabian German Also spoken: Romanian, Serbian, Slovak, Rusyn, Croatian, French, Banat Bulgarian | ||||||||||
Demonym(s) | Banatian | ||||||||||
Government | Republic | ||||||||||
Commissioner-in-Chief | |||||||||||
• 1918–1919 | Otto Roth | ||||||||||
Legislature | People's Council | ||||||||||
Historical era | Revolutions and interventions in Hungary (1918–20) | ||||||||||
• Proclaimed | 31 October – 2 November 1918 | ||||||||||
• Government disbanded | 20 February 1919 | ||||||||||
Population | |||||||||||
• 1918 | 1,580,000 | ||||||||||
Currency | Austro-Hungarian Krone | ||||||||||
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Today part of | Romania Serbia Hungary |
The Banat Republic (German: Banater Republik, Hungarian: Bánáti Köztársaság or Bánsági Köztársaság, Romanian: Republica bănățeană or Republica Banatului, Serbian: Банатска република, Banatska republika) was a short-lived state proclaimed in Timișoara c. 31 October 1918, during the dissolution of Austria-Hungary. The Republic claimed as its own the multi-ethnic territory of the Banat, in a bid to prevent its partition among competing nationalisms. Openly endorsed by the local communities of Hungarians, Swabians and Jews, the German-speaking socialist of Jewish origin Otto Roth served as its nominal leader. This project was openly rejected from within by communities of Romanians and Serbs, who were centered in the eastern and western halves of the region, respectively. The short-lived entity was recognized only by the neighboring Hungarian Republic, with which it sought a merger. Its military structures were inherited from the Common Army, and placed under the command of a Hungarian officer, Albert Bartha.
The Republic advocated the establishment of a
In late November 1918, the entire region was occupied by the
Banat separatist and federalist schemes continued to be drafted during the early interwar period, being especially popular with Swabians. Before 1921, the idea of an independent Banat was taken up by the
Precedents
The Banat is a natural geographical region located on the left bank of the
From 1552, most areas now regarded as the Banat were absorbed into a single Ottoman administrative unit, named
This Banat was abolished in 1778, when its components were merged into the
Between 1849 and 1860, the Banat, together with the Bačka and Syrmia, was part of a new Habsburg–Serb province, the Voivodeship of Serbia and Banat of Temeschwar; the shared capital of all these entities was Timișoara. Seen as a "hybrid", this arrangement was not generally welcomed by Romanians.[11] However, a second experiment in Banatian autonomy was carried out after 1850, when the Austrians appointed Čarnojević's Aromanian son-in-law, Andrei Mocioni, as governor over the eastern half of the Voivodeship. This change was largely advantageous for the Romanian population, which controlled the administration, but ended in 1852, when Mocioni resigned over his conflicts with central government.[12] In November 1860, Mocioni organized a popular assembly, reissuing demands for a "Romanian Captaincy", but under Austrian supervision.[13] This action was not supported, and in December the region and the Voivodeship were folded back into the Kingdom of Hungary (or Lands of the Crown of Saint Stephen). The Romanian focus shifted toward forming a separate crown land for the community, unifying the Banat with Transylvania and Bukovina.[14]
The "Captaincy" project was revived in part by a coalition of Serb and Romanian deputies in the Hungarian Diet, including Svetozar Miletić, Vincențiu Babeș, and Sigismund Popoviciu. During 1866, they proposed laws to redefine Hungary on the basis of ethnic federalism and corporatism.[15] However, the Austro-Hungarian Compromise of 1867 cemented the Banat's annexation to the Lands of the Hungarian Crown, and kept the region under a unified government. This setback prompted Mocioni to withdraw from politics altogether.[16] Ethnic federalism was again redrawn in the 1900s by Aurel Popovici. However, his project, the "United States of Greater Austria", suggested the Banat's partitioning between a Romanian Transylvania and a rump Hungary, with a special status for Swabian-settled areas.[17]
History
Creation
The Banat issue was revisited during the final stage of World War I, with the collapse of Austro-Hungarian rule: the
Other accounts credit initiative to Otto Roth, a member of the Hungarian Social Democratic Party (MSZDP).[18][22] As reported by these, Roth, who had already served as Timișoara councilor, met with his party colleagues on 30 October, and afterward approached Bartha.[18] The process also involved local Freemasons, including two members of the Losonczy Lodge—Kálmán Jakobi and István Tőkés.[23]
Roth acknowledged that he spoke on that night at the Military Casino, where he did not proclaim the republic, but rather expressed his support for the concept. Instead, he announced that Bartha was in charge of the city's military command, and asked for a People's Council to be formed.[18][24] Romanian attendees opposed this move: their nominal leader, Aurel Cosma, also spoke on the occasion, and informed the other attendees that he and his peers would form national institutions of their own. Years later, Roth recalled being amazed that no Hungarian present moved to assassinate either him, for being a republican, or Cosma, for being a Romanian nationalist.[18][25]
The MSZDP local chapter organized the effort to create both the People's Council and subsequent Republican government, beginning with the large rally that had previously been announced in Timișoara's Liberty Square. The participants flew socialist red flags.[26] Eventually, an assembly of local politicians elected Roth "President of the Republic" and made Bartha, who was already head of the Military Council, commander of the Banat's military forces.[18][27] Accounts converge on noting that the Republic was proclaimed from the balcony of Timișoara City Hall.[18][28] The rally ended with renditions of Hungary's Himnusz and La Marseillaise.[29]
Also designated as Commissioner-in-Chief, Roth appointed sub-Commissioners in charge of the three
Though anti-Habsburg, Hungary's own republican regime, headed by
Croat scholar Ladislav Heka sees the Republic as resulting from an alliance between Hungarians and Swabians; he also notes that the Bunjevci, a Slavic Catholic community in neighboring Bačka, also preferred Hungarian rule to some extent.[40] Several Romanian and Serb historians agree that Hungarian designs were the main drivers behind the establishment of a Banat Republic, which they see as a proxy for Hungarian rule: "Mihály Károly's government desired a 'Banat autonomous republic' within a Magyar state [...], earning intense propaganda support from the Timișoara lawyer Otto Roth and from other Magyar, German and Jewish intellectuals."[41] Ion D. Suciu proposes that the republic was a "parody" and a "final diversion" in Károly's attempts to maintain control over the area.[42] According to Ljubivoje Cerović, "the leaders of the Banat Republic aimed primarily at ensuring Hungarian [territorial] integrity".[43] As noted by researcher Carmen Albert, the "so called 'Banatian republic'" remains a mysterious detail in regional history, but could be regarded as "essentially anti-union", in that it opposed Greater Romania.[44]
Internal conflicts
History of Banat |
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Historical Banat |
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Modern Romanian Banat |
Modern Serbian Banat |
Modern Hungarian Banat |
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According to estimates by Sándor Kókai, the Republic sought to cover "one of Europe's most complex areas".[45] The region was home to 1.58 million people; of them, 592,049 (37.42%) were Romanian, 387,545 (24.50%) were Swabian or other German, 284,329 (17.97%) were Serbs, and 242,152 (15.31%) Hungarian, with 4.8% belonging to "fourteen smaller ethnic groups". 855,852 (54.10%) belonged to the Eastern Orthodox churches, while 591,447 (37.38%) were Catholics.[46] Relying on similar data, historian Mircea Rusnac argues that the Republic could claim to represent some 47% of the population, namely those to whom the Serbs and Romanians afforded no say regarding the region's future.[18] Roth himself belonged to a minority: he was of Jewish origins, but did not practice Judaism.[18][47] His government was primarily backed by Hungarian and German workers, and found core support among the Swabian Catholic intellectuals.[31]
Roth's policies were contested from within the Republic's nominal territory by Cosma and the Romanian National Party (PNR), who proceeded to organize for Banat's merger into Greater Romania.[48] This caucus held its own rally in Liberty Square, demonstrating the numerical strength of its following and performing the Romanian nationalist anthem. Its importance was acknowledged by Roth, who recalled that "the streets trembled with the lockstep of [Cosma's] powerful guards".[49] The core events of Romanian resistance to the Republic closely followed the developments in Timișoara. After a meeting of the Romanians in Reșița on 31 October, a "National Council" and a self-defense force were created, co-opting some Romanian members of the MSZDP. This was later transformed into a "Workers' Council", presided upon by Petru Bârnau.[50] Meanwhile, Reșița's mostly German and Hungarian workers celebrated the Republic at a public rally on 1 November.[18]
On 3 November, Valeriu Braniște hosted at Lugoj a large assembly of Romanians, who validated Cosma's efforts and also voted for the creation of Romanian military units. These issues were again raised and endorsed at another assembly, held at Caransebeș on 7 November.[51] The city hall here was topped by the Romanian tricolor.[52] Hungarian presence disintegrated in eastern Banat, with leftover authorities complaining that Romanians had read the "People's Government policy" as authorizing secession in majority-Romanian localities.[53] However, Caransebeș continued to host two parallel Councils: a Republican one, created by Zsolt Réthy, and a Romanian one, under Remus Dobo.[54]
A Serb National Council had already been set up in Timișoara during the earliest days of the Republic. Presided upon by Svetozar Davidov and Georgije Letić, this assembly largely refused cooperation with Roth's Commissioners, only recognizing them as an ad hoc city government; it demanded that Allied Powers occupy the Banat "as soon as possible".[55] On 5 November, Banat Serbs created another dissident National Council, at Pančevo.[31] On 10 November, the two Councils, alongside other Serb bodies, sent delegates to the Popular Assembly which voted for the Banat's immediate union with the Kingdom of Serbia.[56] However, Roth was able to create disunity between the Bunjevci and other Slavs: on 7 November, a "Bunjevac People's Republic" was proclaimed at Sombor as a close ally of the Banat Republic.[40]
According to his own recollections, Bartha began separate negotiations with the French, falsely claiming that he had 40,000 soldiers prepared to resist them. In reality, he acknowledged, there were less than 4,000.[57] His rivals Cosma and Lucian Georgevici had set themselves the goal of creating Romanian military units in each small locality; they reported 60,000 recruits in Temes alone.[58] However, all competing sides had limited control over rural areas: peasants and returnees from the Common Army took over control over the villages and established over 40 independent councils.[59] Already in October, the Timișoara Citizens' Guard, comprising paramilitaries of all nationalities, fought and defeated groups of liberated prisoners, restoring legitimate control over the Central Post Office.[60] Many Serbs who had been prisoners of war in Russia returned home with military training, social grievances, and communist beliefs. Known as "Octobrists", they joined up with deserters and outlaws ("Green Cadres") and began raiding in Clisura area.[61] Coriolan Băran, who took charge of the Romanian guards in Sânnicolau Mare, made note of a conflict opposing Romanians to the Banat Bulgarians of Stár Bišnov.[62]
A social revolt was sparked on 1 November, when the sugar mill of
In that context, Roth's Republic resorted to applying martial law.[43] Its National Guard attempted to repress the peasant movement, notably at Jebel, where 17 were killed in the confrontation.[68] Government remained largely powerless, but its task was taken up by loyalist troops from Timișoara. At Margina, they reportedly relied on 33 mercenaries employed by the sugar industry, who resorted to terrorizing the population.[69] On 4 November, loyalist units stormed into Denta and Cărpiniș, executing some tens of looters.[70] The same day, a Hungarian Guard intervened against anti-Jewish rioters in Făget, killing as many as 16 Romanians.[71] According to Romanian priest Traian Birăescu, the 3rd Honvéd Regiment, serving the Republic, committed wanton atrocities in Făget, Racovița, and Topolovățu Mare. He counts 160 victims of such incidents, between 3 and 17 November.[72]
During that same interval, the Republic's National Guard grew to incorporate the new arrivals, numbering at some 500 per district.[70] There were open clashes between these units and their Romanian counterparts: the occupation of Făget was only relieved when Axente Iancu and Dinu Popescu established and armed a Romanian Guard which ordered Republican troops to leave town.[73] Another enduring rebellion was that of Serb villagers in Kusić and Zlatica, who established their own "Soviet republic" with assistance from the "Octobrists".[43]
Serbian incursion
Following the Hungarian armistice, which allowed the Allied Powers to seize portions of Hungary, Bartha resigned in protest.[20] On 12 November,[74] the Royal Serbian Army entered the Banat with endorsements from both Hungary and the Allies. A force led by Colonel Čolović took control of Timișoara on 17 November,[18][72] being acclaimed by all communities as a guarantee of "freedom and democracy". Both Cosma and Roth spoke on the occasion, saluting the intervention; Roth greeted Čolović with the slogan "Long live internationalism!"[75] On 16–17 November, the National Guard of the Republic was disbanded,[18][70] and, according to Birăescu, "hundreds of Romanian peasants" were set free from Republican jails.[72] Roth was technically confirmed as civilian governor, and the People's Council remained in place as a regional legislature.[18][76] Government instructed the Banat's citizens to remain calm when interacting with the intruders, and from 16 November "existed only on paper".[77]
By 20 November, Serbian forces had camped along the
The general purpose of this offensive was to secure as much of the region as possible before the
Some Romanians were by then driven out by the Serbian intervention. They include Băran, who began organizing Banatian guards from Transylvania,
During November, together with the other Council delegates and a number of sympathetic Swabians, Banat Romanians participated in negotiations with Károly's representative, Oszkár Jászi. The CNRC issued demands for the whole territory of the Banat Republic to be annexed by Romania, alongside the counties of Csanád and Békés; Jászi replied with promises of cantonal federalism within a "new democratic country".[87] Talks were suspended without a resolution, prompting the CNRC to call for a Romanian national assembly at Alba Iulia, Transylvania, on 1 December.[88] To avoid antagonizing the Serbian administration, elections for the assembly were not held in the Banat, which was advised to send only informal representatives "from all social classes".[89] Some 182 of these were present for the vote, despite the Serbian Army's attempts to block access.[90] Another 200, however, were arrested before departure, then deported to Serbia[91] or to occupied Albania.[92] The delegates held coordination meetings which voted against autonomy for the Banat and also called for French or English troops to take over administration.[93]
On 1 December, now remembered as the "Great Union Day", the Great National Assembly of Alba Iulia proclaimed the Transylvanian–Banatian merger with Romania; at the same time Serbia merged into a Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (commonly known as Yugoslavia). This polarization also divided the Swabian voters, between those who favored the Romanian option and those who acted in favor of a Yugoslavian project. The pro-Romanian lobby was enforced by Transylvanian Saxons, in particular the writer Viktor Orendi-Hommenau.[94] The latter had established a Swabian cultural and political club, Kultur der Schwaben.[95] In parallel, Kaspar Muth continued to press for an autonomous republic, and, in January 1919, set up the Autonomous Swabian Party.[96]
Clampdown
A small French presence in the Banat had been established in parallel with the Serbian occupation: French and African patrols, coordinated by
Berthelot was finally persuaded by the Romanians to demand that most Yugoslav troops withdraw from the central and eastern portions of the Banat.[101] On 25 January, Léon Gaston Jean-Baptiste Farret and the 11th Colonial Infantry Division were in charge of Krassó-Szörény.[102] By 27 January, French soldiers had full control over the eastern Banat, establishing a buffer zone centered on Timișoara. Roth preserved power, having been reconfirmed by Jouinot-Gambetta.[103] The city was not entirely relinquished by the Yugoslav side. In parallel to the French advance, the new Royal Yugoslav Army, under General Grujić, consolidated a presence in Timișoara.[104]
By then, the rump Republic and the Serb Council had become foes. The Council's newspaper, Srpski Glasnik, commented that Roth was a "chameleon" in politics, bringing up evidence that he was plotting a pro-Hungarian coup.[105] On 20 February, the German National Council and the remaining executive institutions of the Republic were dissolved. One version of the events credits the French with having taken this decision.[106] Another account informs that the Yugoslav contingent in Timișoara was behind the move, and mentions that fighting occurred between the Serbs and the Republican National Guard.[107] Timișoara's commander was by then the Swabian Josef Geml, who refused to recognize Yugoslavian rule from Novi Sad, leaving the city exposed to threats of a retaliatory blockade.[103]
On 21 February, in territories they still controlled, Yugoslav commanders began replacing the Republican bureaucracy with their co-nationals.[18][108] From the Yugoslav point of view, Roth's replacement was Martin Filipon, who was both Timișoara's Mayor and the regional Župan.[109] In his sectors, Berthelot allowed Hungarian civilian administrators to resume their work for the duration of French rule, and proceeded to ban all other national councils, as well as displays of nationalist flags.[110] The Károlyi government attempted one final time to reassert control over the region in appointing an Alispán for Krassó-Szörény. Following Romanian protests, this move was vetoed by the French.[111]
Protests and strikes followed soon after Roth's toppling from power.[18][105] Timișoara's German and Hungarian workers asked the French to intervene against the consolidation of a "Serbian empire" and to preserve the armistice agreement.[105] Pursued by the Yugoslavs, Roth found refuge with the French garrison in Arad.[18] The following period restructured Swabian political camps: Muth's initial option for Hungary was widely discredited when, in March, Károlyi fell from power and a Hungarian Soviet Republic was established.[96] Meanwhile, Reinhold Heegen, replacing Filipon as Serbian-appointed Mayor of Timișoara, began campaigning with some success for the Banat to join Yugoslavia, and promised that Swabians would own a university of their own.[112] While Muth himself switched to the Yugoslavian plan, most of his colleagues became supporters of Greater Romania.[96]
Roth allegedly aligned himself with the Hungarian Soviets,[113] although, by his own account, he was their ideological enemy.[114] He also introduced another political solution, presented by him in direct talks with French officials: he proposed an "independent Banat under French protection", and suggested its subsequent inclusion into the French colonial empire.[115] The French Ambassador in Yugoslavia, Louis Gabriel de Fontenay, rejected the plan altogether, and in particular its claim that Romanians also favored independence.[116] However, as recorded by Berthelot himself, the prospect of sustaining Banatian republicanism was still advocated in April 1919 by Paul-Joseph de Lobit, who commanded over the French Army of Hungary.[117] In the meantime, Swabian delegations presented Berthelot with a request for union with Romania; this was formally endorsed on 15 April, when all Swabian group leaders met in Timișoara.[110] On the Romanian side, a new version of Banatian regionalism was reemerging from nationalist groups opposed to the PNR: in mid 1919, a National Union from Banat, led by Avram Imbroane and Petru Groza, rallied support for that cause.[118] Its manifestos demanded decentralization and minority rights, but without full autonomy.[119]
Legacy
Greater Romania
In late May 1919, units of the Romanian Land Forces moved in from Transylvania, and were garrisoned alongside the French in Lugoj. That city was allowed to fly the Romanian tricolor.[120] As reported by Émile Henriot, Timișoara Swabians were generally in favor of this development, though a minority supported independence for the Banat and Bačka as a federal state. Their faction preferred incorporation into Hungary, but viewed emancipation as a next-best solution. Such groups also referenced the Swiss model, but did not want French tutelage; they preferred an American occupation.[91] During the remaining months of French occupation, however, various Republican officials were again employed by the administration. In autumn 1919, Tőkés of the Losonczy Lodge became Alispán of Temes.[121]
The project of making the Banat into an independent buffer state was aired in early 1919 by
The Banat frontier was largely settled under the
On 10 August 1920, one week after a Romanian takeover in Timișoara,[130] thirty-three Swabian communes voted to support the annexation.[131] A final delegation, chaired by Frecôt and claiming to represent 68% of the whole Banat population,[132] petitioned the Allies with a more ambitious project. It wanted the entire region merged into Romania, but this proposal was not followed through.[133] In parallel, the DSVP and the Autonomist Party dissolved into the German Party, which had reconciled with Romanian centralism and was acting as a shared caucus for all Germans of Romania; the German National Council was renamed Community of the German Swabians, and survived as such to 1943.[134]
Roth was arrested by the Romanian authorities and released in 1920, reportedly promising to keep out of politics. He focused on his photographic studio and his contribution to the Timișoara Chamber of Labor.
More mainstream support for regionalism was promoted from within the
Later echoes
During World War II,
At the height of Antonescu's dictatorship, Groza was placed under arrest for his involvement with the antifascist
Around November, Roth himself made a brief return to the Banat administration, representing the
Soviet presence peaked with the establishment of a
Writing in
During the Ceaușescu era, the Swabian exodus had been accelerated, as the regime had agreed to provide exit visas for tens of thousands of Romanian Germans in exchange for hard currency.
Notes
- ^ Ștefan Pascu, "O impresionantă lume a obștii românești (IV)", in Magazin Istoric, August 1986, pp. 31–32
- ISBN 973-683-131-0
- ^ a b Radonitch, p. 2
- ^ Cerović, p. 51
- ^ a b c Kókai, p. 74
- ^ Radonitch, pp. 1, 3
- ^ Cerović, pp. 75–79. See also Radonitch, p. 7
- ^ Kakucs (2016), p. 476
- ^ Cerović, pp. 86–87
- ^ Albert, p. 450; Gh. Cotoșman, "Eftimie Murgu și Banatul la 15/27 Iunie 1848.—Aniversarea a 99 de ani de la istorica Adunare Națională din Lugoj", in Foaia Diecezană, Vol. LXII, Issues 28–29, July 1947, pp. 1–5. See also Cerović, pp. 87–91
- ^ Albert, p. 450
- ^ Adrian Dehleanu, "Familia Mocioni. Istoria uneia dintre cele mai vechi familii nobiliare din istoria românilor", in Țara Bârsei, Vol. XIV, Issue 14, 2015, p. 220
- ^ Milin, p. 21; Tiron, p. 30
- ^ Vicențiu Bugariu, "Andrei Mocsonyi de Foeni", in Societatea de Mâine, Nr. 20/1931, pp. 399–400
- ^ Milin, pp. 21–28
- ^ Tiron, pp. 30–31
- OCLC 28742413
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s (in Romanian) Ștefan Both, "Povestea Republicii Bănățene, forma statală care a supraviețuit patru luni. A fost proclamată de un avocat evreu la sfârșitul Primului Război Mondial", in Adevărul (Timișoara edition), 5 November 2017
- ^ Kókai, pp. 67–68
- ^ a b Kókai, p. 67
- ^ Dudaș & Grunețeanu, p. 137
- ^ Dudaș & Grunețeanu, pp. 137–139; Kókai, pp. 67–68
- ^ Kakucs (2016), pp. 483, 484
- ^ Dudaș & Grunețeanu, p. 137. See also Birăescu, p. 184
- ^ Dudaș & Grunețeanu, pp. 137–138
- ^ Dudaș & Grunețeanu, pp. 139–140
- ^ Kókai, pp. 67–68. See also Dudaș & Grunețeanu, p. 139
- ^ Dudaș & Grunețeanu, p. 139; Kókai, pp. 67–68
- ^ Dudaș & Grunețeanu, p. 139
- ^ Suciu, pp. 1092, 1102. See also Dudaș, p. 359
- ^ a b c Kókai, p. 68
- ^ Buruleanu & Păun, pp. 48–49
- ^ Kókai, pp. 63, 68
- ^ a b Iancu, p. 62
- ^ "Republica bănățeană", in Glasul Cerbiciei, Vol. III, Issue 4, 2009, p. 9
- ^ Cerović, p. 151; Minahan, p. 64
- ^ Heka, pp. 114–115, 126; Kókai, p. 68
- ^ Heka, pp. 114–115
- ^ Buruleanu & Păun, p. 48; Iancu, p. 62; Kakucs (2014), p. 365
- ^ a b Heka, p. 126
- ^ Buruleanu & Păun, p. 48
- ^ Suciu, pp. 1091–1092, 1102
- ^ a b c d Cerović, p. 151
- ^ Albert, p. 449
- ^ Kókai, p. 64
- ^ Kókai, pp. 64–66
- ^ Brînzeu, pp. 69, 229
- ^ Buruleanu & Păun, p. 48; Dudaș & Grunețeanu, pp. 137–141; Suciu, p. 1092
- ^ Dudaș & Grunețeanu, p. 141
- ^ Suciu, p. 1096
- ^ Dudaș & Grunețeanu, pp. 135–136, 143–145; Suciu, pp. 1092–1095
- ^ Dudaș & Grunețeanu, pp. 135–136
- ^ Tomoni, p. 292
- ^ Kakucs (2014), p. 352
- ^ Cerović, pp. 152–153
- ^ Cerović, p. 153; Heka, p. 115
- ^ Kókai, p. 67. See also Heka, pp. 125–126
- ^ Dudaș & Grunețeanu, pp. 140–147
- ^ Kakucs (2014), p. 352; Suciu, p. 1097
- ^ Kakucs (2014), p. 365
- ^ Cerović, pp. 150–151
- ^ a b Dudaș & Grunețeanu, p. 143
- ^ Suciu, pp. 1097–1098. See also Tomoni, pp. 291, 293, 297–299
- ^ Büchl, pp. 252, 253
- ^ Tomoni, p. 291
- ^ Suciu, p. 1097
- ^ a b Moscovici, p. 243
- ^ a b Büchl, p. 252
- ^ Tomoni, pp. 293, 297–299
- ^ a b c Büchl, p. 253
- ^ Tomoni, pp. 291–292
- ^ a b c Birăescu, p. 185
- ^ Tomoni, pp. 293, 294
- ^ Buruleanu & Păun, p. 48; Dudaș, p. 359; Suciu, p. 1101. See also Kókai, p. 68
- ^ Cerović, pp. 154–155
- ^ Moscovici, pp. 242–243
- ^ Kókai, pp. 68, 69
- ^ Dudaș, p. 359; Kókai, pp. 68–69; Moscovici, p. 242; Suciu, p. 1101
- ^ Moscovici, p. 242
- ^ Kakucs (2014), pp. 352, 357, 365. See also Dudaș & Grunețeanu, pp. 143, 146–147
- ^ Buruleanu & Păun, p. 49; Kókai, pp. 69–71; Moscovici, p. 242
- ^ Cerović, pp. 155–156, 157–158
- ^ Heka, p. 116
- ^ Moscovici, p. 245; Suciu, p. 1101
- ^ Albert, pp. 451–456
- ^ Suciu, pp. 1095–1097
- ^ Kókai, pp. 70–71. See also Heka, pp. 126–127
- ^ Buruleanu & Păun, p. 49
- ^ Suciu, p. 1099
- ^ Buruleanu & Păun, pp. 51–52. See also Albert, p. 452; Dudaș, p. 359; Moscovici, pp. 242–243, 245; Suciu, pp. 1099–1101; Tomoni, pp. 294–296
- ^ a b Émile Henriot, "Dans le Banat. Le vœu des nationalités et la querelle serbo–roumaine", in Le Temps, 30 May 1919, p. 2
- ^ Albert, p. 452; Birăescu, p. 185
- ^ Moscovici, p. 245; Suciu, p. 1099–1100
- ^ Moscovici, p. 245; Suciu, p. 1103
- ^ Moscovici, p. 245
- ^ a b c Buruleanu & Păun, p. 51
- ^ Kókai, pp. 69, 72
- ^ Kakucs (2014), pp. 347–348
- ^ Moscovici, pp. 245–246
- ^ Moscovici, pp. 243–244
- ^ Moscovici, pp. 246–249
- ^ Moscovici, p. 248
- ^ a b Pițigoi, p. 11
- ^ Moscovici, p. 249
- ^ a b c Cerović, p. 157
- ^ Suciu, pp. 1101–1102
- ^ Kókai, p. 72. See also Iancu, p. 62; Moscovici, p. 249
- ^ Cerović, pp. 151, 155–157; Iancu, pp. 62–63; Moscovici, p. 249
- ^ Cerović, pp. 156–157
- ^ a b Suciu, p. 1103
- ^ Suciu, p. 1102
- ^ Kókai, p. 72
- ^ Kókai, p. 73
- ^ Brînzeu, p. 76
- ^ Suciu, p. 1102. See also Kókai, p. 73
- ^ Suciu, pp. 1102–1103
- ^ Laurențiu-Ștefan Szemkovics, "Note zilnice ale generalului Berthelot privitoare la Consiliul Național Român de la Arad, la Transilvania, la Banat și la transilvăneni (26 noiembrie 1918–5 mai 1919)", in Analele Aradului, Vol. V, Issue 5 (Supplement: Asociația Națională Arădeană pentru cultura poporului român), 2019, p. 393
- ISBN 978-963-315-153-2
- ^ (in Romanian) Florin Bengean, "Preotul Avram Imbroane, un cleric luptător pentru unitatea națională a poporului român", in Cuvântul Liber, 26 June 2015
- ^ Suciu, p. 1104
- ^ Kakucs (2016), p. 484
- ^ Pițigoi, p. 14
- ^ Vultur, p. 19
- ^ Panu, p. 124. See also Narai (2008), pp. 311–312
- ^ Alexandru Porțeanu, "The Higher Raison D'Etat and the Supreme Imperative of World Peace, as Decisive Factors for All Signatories of the Treaty of Trianon (1920–1921) in Its Final Stages. The Treaty Ratification by Romania", in HyperCultura. Biannual Journal of the Department of Letters and Foreign Languages, Hyperion University, Vol. 3, Issue 2, 2014, pp. 4–5
- ^ Buruleanu & Păun, p. 51; Cerović, pp. 159–160
- ^ Heka, p. 130
- ^ Heka, p. 128
- ^ Heka, pp. 128–137
- ^ Cerović, p. 159; Iancu, p. 66
- ^ Buruleanu & Păun, p. 51. See also Dudaș, pp. 360–361
- ^ Dudaș, pp. 360–361
- ^ Buruleanu & Păun, p. 51; Dudaș, pp. 360–361; Vultur, pp. 45–48
- ^ Panu, pp. 119, 124–125. See also Narai (2008), pp. 312–314
- ^ Brînzeu, pp. 68–69, 126
- ^ Brînzeu, pp. 64, 67–69, 94, 137, 140–143, 229, 391
- ^ Cioroianu, pp. 21, 35, 39–41; Cojoc, passim
- ^ Cojoc, p. 52
- ^ "Știrile săptămânii. Un bloc al deputaților bănățeni", in Lumina Satelor, Issue 28, July 1926, p. 5
- ^ Colta et al., pp. 74–75
- ^ (in Romanian) Dragoș Sdrobiș, "Trecutul ne este o țară vecină", in Cultura, Issue 332, July 2011
- ^ Colta et al., pp. 75, 222–223
- ^ Florin Grecu, "Centralizare versus 'descentralizare'. 'Reforma administrativă' de la 1938", in Polis. Revistă de Științe Politice, Vol. II, Issue 1, December 2013–February 2014, pp. 15–34. See also Colta et al., pp. 222–223
- ^ Dudaș, pp. 361–363; Vultur, pp. 15–16, 19, 45–52
- ^ Dudaș, p. 362; Narai (2008), pp. 314–315; Vultur, p. 19
- ^ Dușan Baiski, "Război în Banat", in Morisena. Revistă Trimestrială de Istorie, Vol. II, Issue 3, 2017, pp. 33–34, 40; Narai (2008), pp. 314–315
- ^ Ottomar Trașcă, "Relațiile româno–ungare în rapoartele lui Raoul Bossy", in Magazin Istoric, October 2020, pp. 25–29
- ^ Brînzeu, 501–502, 505
- ^ Brînzeu, 291, 307
- ^ Cerović, p. 163
- ^ Radu Păiușan, "Activitatea Uniunii Patrioților în Banat în anul 1944", in Analele Banatului. Arheologie—Istorie, Vol. XVIII, 2010, p. 298
- ^ ISBN 978-963-315-153-2
- ^ Narai (2008), pp. 327–329
- ^ Vultur, pp. 12–14, 17–18
- ^ Narai (2008), p. 318
- ^ Colta et al., p. 76
- ^ Cioroianu, pp. 217–218
- ^ Colta et al., pp. 76–77
- ^ Buruleanu & Păun, p. 73; Colta et al., p. 77
- ^ Ion Zainea, "Aspecte din activitatea cenzurii comuniste: controlul producției de carte social-politică. Tendințe și fenomene semnalate în cursul anului 1972", in Crisia, Vol. 41, Issue 1, 2011, p. 339
- ISBN 973-683-131-0
- ^ a b c (in Romanian) Ștefan Both, "Separatismul bănățean: de la teama lui Ceaușescu și frica lui Ion Iliescu la agitatorii lui Victor Ponta", in Adevărul (Timișoara edition), 10 November 2014
- ^ (in Romanian) Ruxandra Cesereanu, "Proclamația de la Timișoara si legea lustrației", in Revista 22, Issue 782, March 2005
- ^ (in Romanian) Ștefan Both, "Mărturiile șvabilor vânduți de Ceaușescu Germaniei. Cât era șpaga cerută de securiști și ce a făcut fostul dictator cu miliardele de mărci", in Adevărul (Timișoara edition), 12 June 2014; Cioroianu, pp. 473–474
- ^ Minahan, pp. 63–64
- ^ Minahan, p. 64
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